Female Manners—Lord Rivers—Popular History—Popular Science—Popular Fables1—Popular Translations—The Canterbury Tales—Statutes3—Books of Chivalry4—Caxton's last days.
In the library belonging to the Archbishops of Canterbury, at Lambeth, is a beautiful manuscript, on vellum, of a French work, 'Les Dicts Moraux des Philosophes,' which contains the illumination of which the above is a copy. In lines written under the illumination the book is stated to be translated by "Antony erle," by which Lord Rivers is meant. {126} This book was printed by Caxton in 1477; and it is held that the man kneeling by the side of the earl in the illumination is the printer of the book. We have already mentioned the confidential6 intercourse7 which subsisted8 between Lord Rivers and his printer, with regard to the revision of this work. (See page 82.) The passages which we there quote are given in a sort of appendix, in which Caxton. professes10 to have himself translated a chapter upon women, which Lord Rivers did not think fit to meddle11 with, and which he prints with a real or affected12 apprehension13. The printer's statement is altogether such a piece of sly humour, that we willingly transcribe14 it, trusting that our readers will see the drollery15 through the quaintness:—
"I find that my said lord hath left out certain and divers16 conclusions touching17 women. Whereof I marvelled18 that my said lord hath not writ5 on them, nor what hath moved him so to do, nor what cause he had at that time. But I suppose that some fair lady hath desired him to leave it out of his book; or else he was amorous19 on some noble lady, for whose love he would not set it in his book; or else for the very affection, love, and good will that he hath unto all ladies and gentlewomen, he thought that Socrates spared the sooth, and wrote of women more than truth; which I cannot think that so true a man and so noble a philosopher as Socrates was, should write otherwise than truth. For if he had made fault in writing of women, he ought not nor should not be believed in his other {127} Dictes and Sayings. But I perceive that my said lord knoweth verily that such defaults be not had nor found in the women born and dwelling20 in these parts nor regions of the world. Socrates was a Greek, born in a far country from hence, which country is all of other conditions than this is, and men and women of other nature than they be here in this country; for I wot well, of whatsoever21 condition women be in Greece, the women of this country be right good, wise, pleasant, humble22, discreet23, sober, chaste24, obedient to their husbands, true, secret, stedfast, ever busy, and never idle, attemperate in speaking, and virtuous25 in all their works; or at least should be so. For which causes so evident, my said lord, as I suppose, thought it was not of necessity to set in his book the sayings of his author Socrates touching women."
There is a book translated by Caxton from the French, and printed by him in 1484, which we may incidentally here notice, as illustrating26 the female manners of that century. It is called 'The Knight27 of the Tower;' and really would seem to justify28 the sarcasm29 of Caxton where he says, "The women of this country be right good, &c., or at least should be so." The preface implies that the work, though written by a Frenchman, applies to the contemporary state of society in England; and it may be well to see how our ladies were employed about four centuries ago. It appears from this curious performance that the ladies, although well accomplished30 in needlework, confectionary, church {128} music, and even taught something of the rude surgery of those days, were not great proficients31 in reading, and the art of writing was thought to be better let alone by them. The Knight of the Tower complains of the levity32 of the ladies. Their extravagance in dress, the husband's standing33 complaint, is thus put by the Knight of the Tower: "The wives say to their husbands every day, 'Sir, such a wife and such hath such goodly array that beseemeth her well, and I pray you I may have of the same.' And if her husband say, 'Wife, if such have such array, such that are wiser than they have it not,' she will say, 'No force it is [that is of no consequence], for they cannot wear it; and if I have it, ye shall see how well it will become me, for I can wear it.' And thus with her words her husband must needs ordain34 her that which she desireth, or he shall never have peace with her, for they will find so many reasons that they will not be warned [put off]." The women of lower estate come in for the same censure35, the complaint being that they fur their draperies and fur their heels. It appears to have been the practice for ladies to go very freely to feasts and assemblies, to joustings and tournaments, without what we now call the protection of a husband or a male relation. A contemporary writer says, they lavished36 their wealth and corrupted37 their virtue38 by these freedoms. If we may judge from the warnings which the Knight of the Tower gives his daughters of the discipline they would receive at the hands of their husbands {129} for any act of disobedience,—the discipline not only of hard words, but of harder blows,—it is not to be wondered at that they sought abroad for some relief to the gloom and severity of their home lives. It is pleasant, amidst these illustrations of barbarous and profligate39 manners, to find a picture of that real goodness which has distinguished40 the female character in all ages, and which, especially in the times of feudal42 oppression of which we are speaking, mitigated43 the lot of those who were dependent upon the benevolence44 of the great possessors of property. The good Lady Cecile of Balleville is thus described by the Knight of the Tower: "Her daily ordinance45 was, that she rose early enough, and had ever friars and two or three chaplains, which said matins before her within the oratory47. And after, she heard a high mass and two low, and said her service full devoutly48. And after this she went and arrayed herself, and walked in her garden or else about her place, saying her other devotions and prayers. And as time was she went to dinner. And after dinner, if she wist and knew any sick folk or women in their childbed, she went to see and visited them, and made to be brought to them her best meat. And there as she might not go herself, she had a servant proper therefore, which rode upon a little horse, and bare with him great plenty of good meat and drink, for to give to the poor and sick folk there as they were. Also, she was of such custom, that, if she knew any poor gentlewoman that should be wedded49, she arrayed her {130} with her jewels. Also she went to the obsequies of poor gentlewomen, and gave there torches, and such other luminary50 as it needed thereto. And after she had heard evensong she went to her supper if she fasted not, and timely she went to bed, and made her steward51 to come to her to wit [know] what meat should be had the next day. She made great abstinence, and wore the hair upon the Wednesday and upon the Friday." This is a true character of the middle ages;—goodness based upon sincere piety52, but that degenerating53 into penances54 and mortifications, which our Reformed faith teaches us to believe are unnecessary for spiritual elevation55.
Caxton's early friend and patron, Lord Rivers, appears, as far as we can judge from the books which remain, to have been the only one of the first English printer's contemporaries who rendered him any literary assistance. He contributed three works to Caxton's press; namely, the 'Dictes and Sayings of the Philosophers,' 'The Moral Proverbs of Christine de Pisa,' and the book named 'Cordial.'
The book named 'Cordial' is clearly described in a prologue56 by Caxton. It was delivered to him, he says, by Lord Rivers, "for to be imprinted57 and so multiplied to go abroad among the people, that thereby58 more surely might be remembered the four last things undoubtedly59 coming." Caxton, in an elaborate commendation of his patron, of whose former "great tribulation60 and adversity" he speaks, {131} says, "It seemeth that he conceiveth well the mutability and the unstableness61 of this present life, and that he desireth, with a great zeal62 and spiritual love, our ghostly help and perpetual salvation63." Lord Rivers had indeed borne tribulation since the time when, the flower of Edward's court, he jousted64 with the Bastard65 of Burgundy in Smithfield, in 1468. In the following year his father and brother were murdered by a desperate faction66 at Northampton. When Lord Rivers, conceiving the mutability and unstableness of life, wrote the book called 'Cordial,' he was only six-and-thirty years of age. Three years after Caxton printed the book, the translator was himself murdered at Pomfret by the Protector Richard. Shakspere did not do injustice67 to the noble character of this peer when he makes him exclaim, when he was led to the block,
"Sir Richard Ratcliff, let me tell thee this,—
Richard III., Act iii., Scene 2.
There is left to us a remarkable70 fragment which indicates to us something higher than the ability and literary attainment71 of this unfortunate nobleman. It has been preserved by John Rouse, a contemporary historian, who lived in the pleasant solitude72 of Guy's Cliff, near Warwick, and died there in 1491. He says (we translate from his Latin), "In the time of his imprisonment73 at Pomfret he wrote a balet in English, which has been shown to me, having these words—Sum what musyng," &c.; and then Rouse transcribes74 the ballad75, of which {132} the second stanza76 is imperfect, but has been supplied from another ancient copy. Percy, who prints the ballad in his 'Reliques,' says, "If we consider that it was written during his cruel confinement77 in Pomfret Castle, a short time before his execution in 1483, it gives us a fine picture of the composure and steadiness with which this stout78 earl beheld79 his approaching fate." We subjoin the ballad, modernising the orthography80:—
In remembering the unstedfastness,
This world being of such wheeling,
Me contrarying what may I guess.
I fear doubtless, remediless
Is now to seize my woful chance;
For unkindness withouten less
And no surance of remedy:
Lo in this trance, now in substance
Such is my dance, willing to die.
Methinks truly bounden am I,
And that greatly, to be content,
All contrary from mine intent.
My life was lent me to one intent;
It is nigh spent. Welcome, fortune!
But I ne went thus to be shent,
But she it meant—such is her won [wont].
Turn we to one of the more important works of Caxton, in which he sought to inform his countrymen generally with a knowledge of history. 'The Chronicles of England,' printed in 1480, begins at the fabulous85 period before the Romans, and ends at the commencement of the reign86 of Edward IV. {133} The early legends of English History, which even Milton did not disdain87 to touch upon, are founded upon the 'History' of Nennius, which was composed in the ninth century, and which was copied by Geoffrey of Monmouth and other of the early chroniclers. Caxton took the thing as he found it, and continued the narrative88 to his own time. He deals prudently89 with contemporary events. Caxton followed up these chronicles in the same year with another book, called 'The Description of Britain,' in which he tells of the extent of the island, its marvels90 and wonders, its highways, rivers, cities, and towns, provinces, laws, bishoprics, and languages. He describes also Scotland and Ireland. Some of his marvels and wonders are a little astounding91; but others are as precise in their description, and as forcible (brevity being an essential quality), as we could well desire. Thus of Stonehenge: "At Stonehinge beside Salisbury there be great stones and wondrous92 huge; and be reared on high, as it were gates set upon other gates; nevertheless it is not known cleanly nor aperceived how and wherefore they be so areared and so wonderful hanged."
From the chronicles of his own country Caxton sought to lead his readers forward to a knowledge of the history of other countries. He published in 1482 'The Polychronicon, containing the bearings and deeds of many times.' This book was originally composed by Higden, a Benedictine monk93 of Chester; and was translated from Latin into English {134} by John de Trevisa, who lived in the times of Edward III. and Richard II. Caxton in his title-page, says, "Imprinted by William Caxton, after having somewhat changed the rude and old English, that is to wit certain words which in these days be neither used nor understanden." In another place he says, "And now at this time simply imprinted and set in form by me, William Caxton, and a little embellished94 from the old making." Caxton was here doing what every person who desires to advance the knowledge of his time, by extending that knowledge beyond the narrow circle of scholars and antiquarians, must always do. He popularised an old book; he made it intelligible95. He did not do,—as some verbal pedants96 amongst us still persist in doing,—present our old writers, and especially our poets, in all the capriciousness of their original orthography. He was the first great diffuser of knowledge amongst us; and surely we think he took a judicious97 course. He says of the 'Polychronicon,' "The book is general, touching shortly many notable matters." But, general as the book was, and extensively as he desired to circulate it according to his limited means, he does not approach his task without a due sense of the importance of the knowledge he was seeking to impart. The praise of history in his proem is truly eloquent98: "History is a perpetual conservatrice of those things that have been before this present time; and also a quotidian99 witness of benefits, of malfaits [evil deeds], great acts, and triumphal {135} victories of all manner of people. And also, if the terrible feigned100 fables of poets have much stirred and moved men to right and conserving101 of justice, how much more is to be supposed that history, assertrice of virtue and a mother of all philosophy, moving our manners to virtue, reformeth and reconcileth near hand all those men which through the infirmity of our moral nature hath led the most part of their life in otiosity [idleness], and misspended their time, passed right soon out of remembrance: of which life and death is equal oblivion." Again, "Other monuments distributed in divers changes endure but for a short time or season; but the virtue of history, diffused102 and spread by the universal world hath time, which consumeth all other things, as conservatrice and keeper of her work."
'The Image or Mirror of the World' is one of the popular books which Caxton translated from the French. It treats of a vast variety of subjects, after the imperfect natural philosophy of those days. We have an account of the seven liberal arts; of nature, how she worketh; and how the earth holdeth him right in the middle of the world. We have also much geographical103 information, amongst which the wonders of Inde occupy a considerable space. Meteorology and astronomy take up another large portion. The work concludes with an account of the celestial104 paradise. This book seems specially41 addressed to high and courtly readers, for Caxton says, "The hearts of nobles, in eschewing105 of idleness {136} at such time as they have none other virtuous occupations on hand, ought to exercise them in reading, studying, and visiting the noble feats106 and deeds of the sage9 and wise men, sometime travelling in profitable virtues107; of whom it happeneth oft that some be inclined to visit the books treating of sciences particular; and other to read and visit books speaking of feats of arms, of love, or of other marvellous histories; and among all other, this present book, which is called the 'Image or Mirror of the World,' ought to be visited, read, and known, by cause it treateth of the world, and of the wonderful division thereof." But the translator tells us, "I have endeavoured me therein, at the request and desire, cost and dispense108, of the honourable109 and worshipful man, Hugh Brice, citizen and alderman of London." We may therefore believe that Caxton intended this book for a wider circulation than that of the nobles whom he addresses; especially as he says, "I have made it so plain that every man reasonable may understand it, if he advisedly and attentively110 read it, or hear it." The good old printer rendered the book intelligible to all classes, under the condition that all who read it should give their attention. This is one of the books into which Caxton has introduced woodcuts, giving twenty-seven figures, "without which it may not lightly [easily] be understood." These twenty-seven figures are diagrams, explanatory of some of the scientific principles laid down in this book; but there are eleven other cuts illustrative {137} of other subjects treated in the work. An idea maybe formed of the manner in which those cuts are engraved111 from the following fac-simile of 'Music.'
music
One of the most popular books of Caxton's translation must unquestionably have been the 'History of Reynard the Fox.' It is held that this work was composed in the twelfth century; and surely the author must have been a man of high genius to have constructed a fable2 which has been ever since popular in all countries, and delights us even to this hour. Caxton has no woodcuts to his edition, to which the book subsequently owed a portion of its attractions.
{138}
'The Subtil Histories and Fables of Esop,' translated by Caxton from the French, were printed by him in 1483, "The first year of the reign of King Richard the Third." In the first leaf there is a supposed portrait of Esop, a large rough woodcut, exhibiting him as he is described, with a great head, large visage, long jaws112, sharp eyes, a short neck, curb-backed, and so forth113. There is a controversy114 whether Richard the Third was a deformed115 man or not. It is held by many that it was one of the scandals put forth under his triumphant116 successor (which scandal Shakspere has for ever made current), that Richard was
"Cheated of feature by dissembling nature,
Deform'd, unfinish'd."
It strikes us that Caxton would scarcely have ventured, in the first year of King Richard III., to exhibit a print of a hump-backed Esop (for any print was then a rare thing), if his dread117 sovereign had been remarkable amongst the people for a similar defect. The conclusion of these fables of Esop has a story told by Caxton as from himself, which is a remarkable specimen118 of a plain narrative style, with a good deal of sly humour:—
"Now then I will finish all these fables with this tale that followeth, which a worshipful priest and a parson told me late: he said that there were dwelling at Oxenford two priests, both Masters of Arts—of whom that one was quick and could put himself forth; and that other was a good simple priest. And so it happened that the master {139} that was pert and quick was anon promoted to a benefice or twain, and after to prebends, and for to be a dean of a great prince's chapel119, supposing and weening that his fellow, the simple priest, should never be promoted, but be always an annual, or, at the most, a parish priest. So after a long time that this worshipful man, this dean, came running into a good parish with five or seven horses, like a prelate, and came into the church of the said parish, and found there this good simple man, sometime his fellow, which came and welcomed him lowly. And that other bade him 'Good morrow, Master John,' and took him slightly by the hand, and axed him where he dwelt.—And the good man said, 'In this parish.' 'How,' said he, 'are ye here a sole priest, or a parish priest?' 'Nay120, Sir,' said he, 'for lack of a better, though I be not able nor worthy121, I am parson and curate of this parish.' And then that other vailed [lowered] his bonnet122, and said, 'Master Parson, I pray you to be not displeased123; I had supposed ye had not been beneficed. But, master,' said he, 'I pray you what is this benefice worth to you a year?' 'Forsooth,' said the good simple man, 'I wot never; for I make never accompts thereof, how well I have had it four or five years.' 'And know ye not,' said he, 'what it is worth?—it should seem a good benefice.' 'No, forsooth,' said he, 'but I wot well what it shall be worth to me.' 'Why,' said he, 'what shall it be worth?' Forsooth,' said he, 'if I do my true dealing124 in the {140} cure of my parishes in preaching and teaching, and do my part belonging to my cure, I shall have heaven therefore. And if their souls be lost, or any of them, by my default, I shall be punished therefore. And hereof I am sure.' And with that word the rich dean was abashed125: and thought he should be the better, and take more heed126 to his cures and benefices than he had done. This was a good answer of a good priest and an honest. And herewith I finish this book, translated and imprinted by me, William Caxton." The moral of the fable is not obsolete127.
One of Caxton's most splendid books, of which he seems to have printed three editions, was 'The Golden Legend.' This is, indeed, an important work, printed in double columns, and containing between four and five hundred pages, which are largely illustrated128 with woodcuts. It was not without great caution, as we have already mentioned (page 107), that Caxton proceeded with this heavy and expensive undertaking129. Happy would it have been for all printers if puissant130 and virtuous earls, and others in high places, had thought it a duty to encourage knowledge by taking a "reasonable quantity" of a great work; but happier are we now, when, such assistance being grudgingly131 bestowed132 or honestly despised, the makers133 of books can depend upon something more satisfying than the rich man's purse, which was generally associated with "the proud man's contumely."
{141}
In the prologue to the 'Golden Legend' Caxton recites several of the works which he had previously134 "translated out of French into English at the request of certain lords, ladies, and gentlemen." Those recited are the 'Recueil of Troy,' the 'Book of the Chess,' 'Jason,' the 'Mirror of the World,' Ovid's 'Metamorphoses,' and 'Godfrey of Boulogne.' It is remarkable that no printed copy exists of Ovid's 'Metamorphoses;' but in the library of Magdalen College, Cambridge, there is a manuscript containing five books of the 'Metamorphoses,' which purport135 to be translated by Caxton. It was evidently a part of his plan for the encouragement of liberal education, to present a portion of the people with translations of the classics through the ready means that were open to him of re-translation from the French. Many translators in later times have availed themselves of such aids, without the honesty to indicate the immediate136 sources of their versions. Caxton printed 'The Book of Tully of Old Age,' and 'Tullius his Book of Friendship.' He seems to have had great difficulty in obtaining a copy of an old translation of 'Tullius de Senectute.' The Book 'De Amicitia' was translated by John, Earl of Worcester, the celebrated137 adherent138 of the house of York, who was beheaded in 1470. Caxton, we think somewhat unnecessarily, limits the perusal139 of the treatise140 on Old Age. "This book is not requisite141 nor eke142 convenient for every rude and simple man, which understandeth not of science {142} nor cunning, and for such as have not heard of the noble policy and prudence143 of the Romans; but for noble, wise, and great lords, gentlemen, and merchants, that have been and daily be occupied in matter touching the public weal: and in especial unto them that been passed their green age, and eke their middle age, called virility144, and been approached unto senectute, called old and ancient age. Wherein they may see how to suffer and bear the same patiently; and what surety and virtue been in the same, and have also cause to be joyous145 and glad that they have escaped and passed the manifold perils146 and doubteous adventures that been in juvente and youth, as in this said book here following ye may more plainly see."
'The Book of Eneydos,' compiled from Virgil, is not a translation of Virgil's great epic147, but a sort of historical narrative formed upon the course of the poet's great story. The most remarkable passage of this book is that of Caxton's preface, in which he complains of the unstedfastness of our language, and the difficulty that he found between plain, rude, and curious terms. (See page 5.) In this translation he again limits his work to a particular class of persons; as if he felt, which was probably a prejudice of his time, that the inferior members of the laity148 ought not to touch anything that pertained149 to scholastic150 learning. He says, "Forasmuch as this present book is not for a rude uplandish man to labour therein, nor read it, but only for a clerk and a noble gentleman that feeleth {143} and understandeth in faits of arms, in love, and in noble chivalry: therefore, in mean between both, I have reduced and translated this said book into our English, not over rude nor curious, but in such terms as shall be understanden, by God's grace, according to my copy."
'The book called Cathon' (Cato's Morals) was destined151 by Caxton for a wider circulation:—"In my judgment152 it is the best book for to be taught to young children in schools, and also to people of every age it is full convenient if it be well understanden."
Dr. Dibdin, in his 'Typographical Antiquities,' says of Caxton, "Exclusively of the labours attached to the working of his press as a new art, our typographer contrived153, though well stricken in years, to translate not fewer than five thousand closely printed folio pages. As a translator, therefore, he ranks among the most laborious155, and, I would hope, not the least successful, of his tribe. The foregoing conclusion is the result of a careful enumeration156 of all the books translated as well as printed by him; which [the translated books], if published in the modern fashion, would extend to nearly twenty-five octavo volumes!" The exact nature of his labours seems, as might well be imagined, to have been often determined157 by very accidental circumstances. One noble lord requests him to produce this book, and one worshipful gentleman urges him to translate that. He says himself of his Virgil, "After divers works made, translated, {144} and achieved, having no work in hand, I, sitting in my study whereas lay many divers pamphlets and books, happened that to my hand came a little book in French, which late was translated out of Latin by some noble clerk of France, which book is named Eneydos, made in Latin by that noble poet and great clerk Virgil." Some books, indeed, he would be determined to print by their existing popularity. Such were his two editions of Chaucer's 'Canterbury Tales' which we may be sure, from his sound criticism, he felt the necessity of promulgating158 to a much wider circle than had been reached by the transcribers. (See page 31.) Caxton was especially the devoted159 printer of Chaucer. His truly honourable conduct in venturing upon a new edition of the 'Canterbury Tales,' when he found his first was incorrect, exhibits an example in the first printer and the first publisher which the printers and publishers of all subsequent times ought to reverence160 and imitate. The early printers, English and foreign, were indeed a high and noble race. They did not set themselves up to be the patrons of letters; they did not dispense their dole161 to scholars grudgingly and thanklessly; they worked with them; they encountered with them the risks of profit and of fame; they were scholars themselves; they felt the deep responsibility of their office; they carried on the highest of all commerce in an elevated temper; they were not mere162 hucksters and chafferers. It was in no spirit of pride, it was {145} in the spirit of duty, that Caxton raised a table of verses to Chaucer in Westminster Abbey. In his edition of Boetius, which he gives us to understand was translated by Master Geoffrey Chaucer, he says, "And furthermore I desire and require you, that of your charity ye would pray for the soul of the said worshipful man Geoffrey Chaucer, first translator of this said book into English, and embellisher163 in making the said language ornate and fair, which shall endure perpetually, and therefore he ought eternally to be remembered; of whom the body and corps164 lieth buried in the Abbey of Westminster, beside London, to fore46 the chapel of Saint Benet, by whose sepulture is written on a table, hanging on a pillar, his epitaph made by a poet-laureate, whereof the copy followeth." The writer of the Life of Chaucer, in the 'Biographia Britannica,' says, "It is very probable he lay beneath a large stone of gray marble in the pavement where the monument to Mr. Dryden now stands, which is in the front of that chapel [St. Benet's], upon the erecting165 of which [Dryden's monument] this stone was taken up, and sawed in pieces to made good the pavement. At least this seems best to answer the description of the place given by Caxton." There appears, according to the ancient editors of Chaucer's works, to have been two Latin lines upon his tombstone previous to the epitaph set up upon a pillar by Caxton. That epitaph was written by Stephanus Suriganius, poet-laureate of Milan. The monument of Chaucer, which still {146} remains166 in the Abbey, around which the ashes of Spenser, and Beaumont, and Drayton, and Jonson, and Cowley, and Dryden, have clustered, was erected167 by an Oxford168 student in 1555. There might have been worse things preserved, and yet to be looked upon, in that Abbey, than honest old Caxton's epitaph upon him whom he calls "the worshipful father and first founder169 and embellisher of ornate eloquence170 in our English."
As the popularity of Chaucer demanded various impressions of his works from Caxton's press, so did he print an apparently171 cheap edition of Gower's 'Confessio Amantis,' in small type. Two of Lydgate's works were also printed by him. The more fugitive172 poetry which issued from his press has probably all perished. In one of the volumes of Old Ballads173 in the British Museum is a fragment of a poem, of which nothing further is known, telling the story of some heroine that lived a life of unvaried solitude:—
"From her childhood I find that she fled
Office of woman, and to wood she went,
And many a wild harte's blood she shed
With arrows broad that she to them sent."
One of the most important uses of early printing in England is to be found in fragments of the Statutes of the Realm, made in the first parliament of Richard III., and in the first, second, and third parliaments of Henry VII., some leaves of which exist. That the promulgation174 of the laws would soon follow the introduction of the art of printing {147} was a natural consequence. Early in the next century the publication of Acts of Parliament became an important branch of trade; and a King's Printer was formally appointed. Up to our own times all the cheapening processes of the art of printing had been withheld175, at least in their results, from that branch of printing which was to instruct the people in their new laws. The Statutes were the dearest of books, and kept dear for no other purpose but to preserve one relic176 of the monopolies of the days of the Stuarts. The abuse has been partially177 remedied.
We have purposely reserved to the conclusion of this account of the productions of Caxton's press, some notice of those works to the undertaking of which he seems to have been moved by his familiarity with the frequenters of the court,—those whose talk was of tournaments and battles, of gallant178 knights179 and noble dames180; and whose heads, like that of the worthy Knight of La Mancha, were "full of nothing but enchantments181, quarrels, battles, challenges, wounds, complaints, amours, torments182." It is quite marvellous to look upon the enthusiasm with which Master Caxton deals with these matters in the days when he had achieved
"The silver livery of advised age."
It offers us one of the many proofs of the energy and youthfulness of his character. We have already quoted his address to the knights of England {148} (see page 66), given in his 'Book of the Order of Chivalry,' supposed to have been printed in 1484. After this address he proposes a question which shows that he considers he has fallen upon degenerate183 days. "How many knights be there now in England that have the use and the exercise of a knight? that is to wit, that he knoweth his horse, and his horse him; that is to say, he being ready at a point to have all thing that belongeth to a knight, an horse that is according and broken after his hand, his armour184 and harness suit, and so forth, et cetera. I suppose, an a due search should be made, there should be many founden that lack: the more pity is! I would it pleased our sovereign Lord, that twice or thrice a year, or at the least once, he would cry jousts185 of peace, to the end that every knight should have horse and harness, and also the use and craft of a knight, and also to tourney one against one, or two against two; and the best to have a prize, a diamond or jewel, such as should please the prince. This should cause gentlemen to resort to the ancient customs of chivalry to great fame and renown186: and also to be alway ready to serve their prince when he shall call them, or have need." There is always some compensating187 principle arising in the world to prevent its too rapid degeneracy; and thus, although the tournament has long ceased, except as a farce188, there is many a noble who may still say, "That he knoweth his horse, and his horse him," through the attractions of Melton Mowbray and Epsom. {149} Hunting and horse-racing have done much to keep up our pristine189 civilization. In 'The Fait of Arms and Chivalry,' 1489, Caxton undertakes a higher strain. He translates this book, "to the end that every gentleman born to arms and all manner men of war, captains, soldiers, victuallers, and all other, should have knowledge how they ought to behave them in the faits of war and of battles." And yet, strange to relate, this belligerent190 book was written by a fair lady, Christina of Pisa. The 'Histories of King Arthur,' printed in 1485, lands us at once into all the legendary191 hero-worship of the middle ages. Caxton, in his preface to this translation by Sir Thomas Mallory, gives us a pretty full account of the Nine Worthies192, "the best that ever were;" and then he goes on to expound193 his reasons for once doubting whether the Histories of Arthur were anything but fables, and how he was convinced that he was a real man. But surely in these chivalrous194 books Caxton had an honest purpose. He exhorts195 noble lords and ladies, with all other estates, to read this said book, "wherein they shall well find many joyous and pleasant histories, and noble and renowned196 acts of humanity, gentleness, and chivalries; for herein may be seen noble chivalry, courtesy, humanity, friendliness197, hardiness198, love, friendship, cowardice199, murder, hate, virtue, and sin. Do after the good, and leave the evil, and it shall bring you to good fame and renown." 'The Life of Charles the Great' succeeded the 'Histories of King Arthur;' for, according to {150} Caxton, Charlemagne was the second of the three worthy. It is in the preface to this book that Caxton says that his father and mother in his youth sent him to school, by which, by the sufferance of God, he gets his living.
We may conclude this imperfect description of Caxton's labours in the literature of romance and chivalry, so characteristic of the age in which he lived, with the following extract from the 'History of King Blanchardine and Queen Eglantine his wife,' which he translated from the French, at the command of the Duchess of Somerset, mother of King Henry VII. The passage shows us that the old printers were dealers200 in foreign books as well as in their own productions: "Which book I had long to fore sold to my said lady, and knew well that the story of it was honest and joyful201 to all virtuous young noble gentlemen and women, for to read therein, as for their pastime. For under correction, in my judgment, histories of noble feats and valiant202 acts of arms and war, which have been achieved in old time of many noble princes, lords, and knights, are as well for to see and know their valiantness for to stand in the special grace and love of their ladies, and in like wise for gentle young ladies and demoiselles for to learn to be stedfast and constant in their part to them, that they once have promised and agreed to, such as have put their lives oft in jeopardy203 for to please them to stand in grace, as it is to occupy the ken154 and study overmuch in books of contemplation." {151} This is a defence of novel-reading which we could scarcely have expected at so early a period of our literature.
In 1490 Caxton was approaching, according to all his biographers, to the great age of fourscore. About this period he appears to have consigned204 some relation to the grave, perhaps his wife. In the first year of the churchwardens' accounts of the parish of St. Margaret's, Westminster, from May 17, 1490, to June 3, 1492, there is the following entry:—
"Item; atte bureynge of Mawde Caxton
On the 15th June, 1490, Caxton finished translating out of French into English 'The Art and Craft to know well to die.' The commencement of the book is an abrupt206 one: "When it is so, that what a man maketh or doeth it is made to come to some end, and if the thing be good and well made it must needs come to good end; then by better and greater reason every man ought to intend in such wise to live in this world, in keeping the commandments of God, that he may come to a good end. And then out of this world, full of wretchedness and tribulations207, he may go to heaven unto God and his saints, unto joy perdurable."
That the end of Caxton was a good end we have little doubt. We have a testimony208, which we shall presently see, that he worked to the end. He {152} worked upon a book of pious209 instruction to the last day of his life. He was not slumbering210 when his call came. He was still labouring at the work for which he was born.
There is the following entry in the churchwardens' accounts of the parish of St. Margaret, in the second year of the period we have above mentioned:—
"Item; atte bureyng of William Caxton
for iiij torches ... vj? viii?
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1
fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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transcribe
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| v.抄写，誉写；改编(乐曲)；复制，转录 | |
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drollery
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| n.开玩笑，说笑话；滑稽可笑的图画（或故事、小戏等） | |
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divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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marvelled
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| v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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amorous
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| adj.多情的；有关爱情的 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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illustrating
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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proficients
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| 精通的，熟练的( proficient的名词复数 ) | |
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levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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ordain
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| vi.颁发命令；vt.命令，授以圣职，注定，任命 | |
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censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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fore
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| adv.在前面；adj.先前的；在前部的；n.前部 | |
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47
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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50
luminary
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| n.名人，天体 | |
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51
steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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52
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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53
degenerating
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的现在分词 ) | |
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54
penances
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| n.（赎罪的）苦行，苦修( penance的名词复数 ) | |
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55
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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56
prologue
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| n.开场白，序言；开端，序幕 | |
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57
imprinted
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| v.盖印（imprint的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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58
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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tribulation
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| n.苦难，灾难 | |
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unstableness
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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jousted
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| （骑士）骑马用长矛比武( joust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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transcribes
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| （用不同的录音手段）转录( transcribe的第三人称单数 )； 改编（乐曲）（以适应他种乐器或声部）； 抄写； 用音标标出（声音） | |
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ballad
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| n.歌谣，民谣，流行爱情歌曲 | |
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stanza
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| n.（诗）节，段 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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orthography
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| n.拼字法，拼字式 | |
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81
musing
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| n. 沉思，冥想 adj. 沉思的, 冥想的 动词muse的现在分词形式 | |
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82
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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83
grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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84
wry
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| adj.讽刺的；扭曲的 | |
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fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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embellished
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| v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 )；装饰；修饰；润色 | |
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intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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pedants
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| n.卖弄学问的人，学究，书呆子( pedant的名词复数 ) | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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quotidian
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| adj.每日的，平凡的 | |
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feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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conserving
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| v.保护，保藏，保存( conserve的现在分词 ) | |
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diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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103
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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104
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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105
eschewing
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| v.（尤指为道德或实际理由而）习惯性避开，回避( eschew的现在分词 ) | |
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106
feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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107
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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108
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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109
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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110
attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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111
engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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112
jaws
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| n.口部；嘴 | |
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113
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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114
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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115
deformed
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| adj.畸形的；变形的；丑的，破相了的 | |
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116
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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117
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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118
specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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119
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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120
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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121
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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122
bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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123
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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124
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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125
abashed
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| adj.窘迫的，尴尬的v.使羞愧，使局促，使窘迫( abash的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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127
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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128
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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129
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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130
puissant
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| adj.强有力的 | |
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131
grudgingly
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132
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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134
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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135
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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136
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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137
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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138
adherent
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| n.信徒，追随者，拥护者 | |
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139
perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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140
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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141
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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142
eke
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| v.勉强度日，节约使用 | |
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143
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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144
virility
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| n.雄劲，丈夫气 | |
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145
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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146
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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147
epic
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| n.史诗，叙事诗；adj.史诗般的，壮丽的 | |
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148
laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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149
pertained
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| 关于( pertain的过去式和过去分词 )； 有关； 存在； 适用 | |
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150
scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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151
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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152
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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153
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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154
ken
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| n.视野，知识领域 | |
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155
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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156
enumeration
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| n.计数，列举；细目；详表；点查 | |
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157
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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158
promulgating
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的现在分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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159
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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160
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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161
dole
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| n.救济，（失业）救济金；vt.（out）发放，发给 | |
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162
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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163
embellisher
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| 装饰 | |
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164
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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165
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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166
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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167
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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168
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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169
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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170
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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171
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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172
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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173
ballads
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| 民歌，民谣，特别指叙述故事的歌( ballad的名词复数 )； 讴 | |
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174
promulgation
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| n.颁布 | |
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175
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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176
relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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177
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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178
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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179
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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180
dames
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| n.（在英国）夫人（一种封号），夫人（爵士妻子的称号）( dame的名词复数 )；女人 | |
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181
enchantments
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| n.魅力( enchantment的名词复数 )；迷人之处；施魔法；着魔 | |
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182
torments
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| （肉体或精神上的）折磨，痛苦( torment的名词复数 )； 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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183
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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184
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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185
jousts
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| （骑士）骑着马用长矛打斗( joust的名词复数 )； 格斗，竞争 | |
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186
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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187
compensating
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| 补偿，补助，修正 | |
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188
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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189
pristine
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| adj.原来的，古时的，原始的，纯净的，无垢的 | |
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190
belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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191
legendary
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| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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192
worthies
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| 应得某事物( worthy的名词复数 )； 值得做某事； 可尊敬的； 有（某人或事物）的典型特征 | |
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193
expound
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| v.详述；解释；阐述 | |
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194
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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195
exhorts
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| n.劝勉者，告诫者，提倡者( exhort的名词复数 )v.劝告，劝说( exhort的第三人称单数 ) | |
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196
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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197
friendliness
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| n.友谊，亲切，亲密 | |
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198
hardiness
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| n.耐劳性，强壮；勇气，胆子 | |
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199
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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200
dealers
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| n.商人( dealer的名词复数 )；贩毒者；毒品贩子；发牌者 | |
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201
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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202
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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203
jeopardy
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| n.危险；危难 | |
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204
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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205
tapers
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| （长形物体的）逐渐变窄( taper的名词复数 )； 微弱的光； 极细的蜡烛 | |
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206
abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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207
tribulations
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| n.苦难( tribulation的名词复数 )；艰难；苦难的缘由；痛苦 | |
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208
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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209
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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210
slumbering
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| 微睡，睡眠（slumber的现在分词形式） | |
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211
belle
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| n.靓女 | |
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