A country may be greatly prosperous and the mass of its people be miserable27 in the extreme. Mexico is an example in point. Cuba is another.
Throughout the hardships and hazards of the war of independence the insurrectos were supported by the belief that American enlistment28 in their cause, upon which they counted for success, would be followed by an era of permanent prosperity for the masses. The man who bore the brunt of the fighting, buoyed29 by these high hopes, realizes now that he was exploited{150} by a handful of his own countrymen and deserted30 by his expected saviour31. The desertion was repeated after the need for protection had been emphasized and the exploitation continues in an aggravated32 form.
On the guajiro falls most heavily the burden of supporting the most expensive and extravagant33 government in the world. This because that government dare not bear too hardly with taxation34 upon the great corporations and wealthy property owners. An important part of the game of finesse35 which is necessary to the life of any administration in Cuba consists in keeping in the good graces of the money interests, for it is in the power of these to stop the fat grazing in the political pastures by forcing American reoccupation, and even perhaps annexation36.
So we have one of the most striking of the many anomalies in the Cuban system of administration,—the customs duties. Here, in a country with no industries to protect, the tariff37 exaction38 is at the rate of $12 per head. In the United States it is no more than $3.50, while in other countries it is considerably39 less. At first hand the importer pays this tax, but, of course, it ultimately falls upon the consumer. And, as
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more than half the importations of the Island are foodstuffs41 or articles of clothing, it necessarily follows that the masses discharge the great bulk of the customs duties. At the same time large tracts42 of land that are held by their wealthy owners at high figures are exempted43 from taxation entirely44.
Is it any wonder that the peasant groans45 under the load? It is true that he works intermittently46 and loafs unnecessarily, but that is no good reason why his last dollar should be squeezed out of him, and, if he earned more, he would probably invite heavier taxation. He has no encouragement to exert himself beyond the needs of the present hour. He is probably occupying land that he may be required to vacate to-morrow. He can find no better market for his produce than the precarious47 one of the adjacent village. Enterprise is an invitation to the spoilers of the capital and the petty officials of his locality. If you should ask his candid48 opinion, it would be that conditions are no better than they were under Spain, and perhaps not quite as good. You may attempt to relieve his depression by a reminder49 of his splendid independence. He will not understand what you are talking about, although he is far from{152} being a dullard. He fought in the wars of independence because he was assured that success would mean a full stomach and perchance the ownership of a scrap50 of land. It resulted in neither and, unless restrained by scepticism, he would fight again, under any banner, for the same promise. Independence per se is of no more value to him than a cocoanut husk. He can not eat it and it will not buy calico for his woman.
The only class of Cubans that is waxing fat and living in contentment is that composed of the office-holders,—the professional politicians. They toil51 not, but they reap with prodigious52 assiduity. They fill easy jobs on extravagant salaries and try to persuade the country that they are performing extremely difficult and important tasks. Their sole interest and concern is to fill their pockets with as little exertion53 as need be. The welfare of the people is a matter of no consideration to them. The only fly in their ointment54 is the fact that they can not all be in office at the same time, and so the “ins” are disturbed by the uncomfortable knowledge that the “outs” are constantly scheming to oust55 them.
The peasant has entirely lost whatever faith{153} he may have had in the politician. The man who pulled the chestnuts56 out of the fire is growing impatient of supporting a lot of unnecessary office-holders. The peasant is supine to a shameful57 degree, but there is a limit to his forbearance, and it has almost been reached. He is ripe to serve the purposes of any agitators—any one who will offer a fair prospect of changed conditions.
But, be it well understood, this unrest and dissatisfaction are the outcome of basic causes. They can only be remedied by radical58 reformation of the economic and political state of the country. And such reformation is not to be expected from any native source. Cuba’s salvation59 depends upon guidance and aid from without, or, if not that, from the foreign element within her borders. This fact has become so obvious that even the organs of the politicians admit it. All classes, save the numerically smallest, are weary and disgusted with the condition of things. They can find no remedy at the polls. If the present administration is ejected, it is sure to be followed by another as bad, or worse.
When it comes to a consideration of the best means to relieve Cuba’s distress60, the factors{154} in the matter are found to be so complex, and the opinions on the subject so diverse, that it is extremely difficult to arrive at any definite conclusion. One point, at least, almost all students of the situation are agreed upon, and that is that the United States fell very short of affording the Cubans the assistance in rehabilitating61 themselves that they had a right to expect, and that the hasty manner in which they were left to their own resources is mainly responsible for the confusion that has existed ever since.
If the Cuban has not an actual ineptitude62 for exercising the functions of government, he must be disqualified by utter inexperience. The brief period of autonomy is hardly worth considering in this respect. Before the present century only a very small proportion of the population had ever exercised the elementary political function of voting. Under Spain the affairs of the country were regulated to the smallest detail by the national authority, which extended its paternal64 supervision65 to matters affecting the private life of the individual. For instance, regulations for the conduct of the bull-ring and the cock-pit emanated66 from the captain-general, and under his instructions the petty officers were constituted censors67 of the{155} morals of private citizens, with power to punish offenders68.
Another equally serious disqualification is to be found in the large proportion of illiterates69 in Cuba. These comprise more than half the total population. The great majority of them are campesinos, rustics70. Nevertheless, it is to the country districts that we must look for the best thought and the greatest influence in future political movements. City dwellers71 are prone72 to act and think in mass, to be led by the crowd and to be unduly73 influenced by the press. The guajiro, who owns a little patch of ground, but is utterly74 lacking in education, is a safer and more valuable political unit than the average citizen of Habana.
Order was established and a workable form of government framed in Cuba by the United States, but its action in leaving this machinery75 entirely under the control of an inexperienced and immature76 people was like placing a razor in the hands of a child. The needs of the Island were sacrificed to the political exigencies77 of its protector. This is a fact that will hardly admit of dispute. The leading Cuban papers and the most representative citizens of the country declared unequivocally that the people were not{156} prepared nor qualified63 to assume the responsibility of self-government. Governor Magoon, in a report which was suppressed, made similar representations to his superiors in Washington. Nevertheless, thirteen months after the transfer of the Island from Spain to the United States, President Roosevelt ordered that withdrawal78 should take place one year later and “under no circumstances and for no reason” should our occupancy be extended beyond the date set, which happened to be just before the assembling of the presidential conventions. We committed our first injustice79 to the country and made our first mistake in the treatment of it by that hasty and premature80 abandonment. We have already paid a heavy price for the blunder and Cuba has suffered severely81 from the effects of it. But our responsibility still exists and the task remains82 to be performed. There is no possibility of avoidance. Sooner or later we must take the work of Cuba’s regeneration in hand seriously and carry it out thoroughly83. How this shall be done is difficult of conjecture84.
A small number of men in this country, whose opinions on any subject command respect, believe that the best course will be found{157} in leaving Cuba to work out her own difficulties without interference. The advocates of this laissez faire policy point to Mexico, the Argentine, and other Latin-American republics as shining examples of peoples who have independently worked out similar problems and have brought their countries through long periods of misery85 and disturbance11 to peaceful prosperity. But there are two strong objections to this policy. In the first place, the United States is pledged to the Cubans and the world at large to maintain order in the Island. No one who is familiar with conditions can believe that the Cubans are capable of carrying on a government for a period of five years without revolutionary eruptions86. Is it conceivable that the people of the United States would allow their government to step in periodically to suppress disturbances and to step out promptly87 as soon as peace should be restored? It is safe to say, that the next occupation of Cuba by the United States, which can not be delayed many years, will last for a considerably longer period than did either of the preceding occupations. Then again, the situation in Cuba contains a very important element which destroys the applicability to it of the examples cited. During{158} their formative stages Mexico, Argentina, and the other Latin-American countries contemplated88 were undeveloped and comparatively little foreign capital was invested in them. Cuba, on the contrary, is the scene of an advanced economic development. Almost the entire country belongs to aliens, who have billions of their money sunk in it. Is it at all probable that these persons and corporations would submit to the loss or deterioration89 of their property that would assuredly be involved in an independent government of Cuba by the Cubans? The monied interests form at present the most determined90 of the classes that look for a radical change in conditions. They know that trouble is constantly in the air and may take definite form at any moment.
What is the prospect of the Cubans working out an orderly and efficient government unaided? Up to the present, notwithstanding ample opportunity, there is not even the nucleus91 of a stable and rational political party in the country. The best men stand aloof92, or find themselves hopelessly excluded from participation93 in public affairs. They complain, but their plaints are vague and indeterminate. All classes of Cubans, but one, are clamoring for a
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GENERAL VIEW OF JIGUANI.
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change, but no class has put its hopes and wishes into definite utterance94. The press is hardly more explicit95 in its demands and denunciations. The following quotation96 from the Unión Espa?ola, of Habana, affords a typical illustration:
“Political anarchy97, by which the country is at present confronted, is daily growing greater. It would seem as though all the political elements had made an agreement to perturb98, or rather to dissolve, the nation, for the tendency on all sides is to dissolution. It is time the true patriots99 sounded the alarm, and that politicians pause in their work of destruction, curbing100 bits, that the Cuban people may continue the ministering of its destinies and in the possession of self-government. It would be shameful, worse than shameful, criminal, that Cubans, drunk with sordid101 ambition and in petty strife102 for self-aggrandisement, should again wreck103 the republic, turning over this island to the covetous104 stranger to exploit it and lord over it.”
It is hardly possible to avoid the conviction that Cuba’s ultimate fate will be annexation to the United States, or some very similar state. The United States has on five different occasions emphatically and distinctly declared its{160} intention to preserve the independence of Cuba. These formal and public announcements would make it difficult for any administration to countenance105, and much more to take the initiative in, any movement tending to annexation. But several contingencies106 are conceivable which might make it possible for the United States to take Cuba into the federation107 with a good grace.
The result may be brought about by one of several causes, or by combination of them.
It is highly probable that abuse of political power, or revolution, will make American intervention108 again necessary before long. If the next occupation is not permanent, the one succeeding it is likely to be so. The people of America will tire of the trouble and expense of periodical correction of conditions in Cuba.
The property owning class in Cuba, native as well as foreign, is almost unanimously in favor of the annexation of the Island to the United States, and a majority of the resident Spaniards entertain the same sentiment. If this class should unite in action it would be irresistible109. Should it form a political party, with annexation as its chief platform, it could overcome the professional politicians and control{161} Congress. A majority of the peasantry would undoubtedly110 support such a party. The Island might thus pass in a legal manner by vote of the people.
The same result might be brought about by the monied interests deciding to buy the Congressional vote without going to the trouble and expense of creating a genuine majority in the Legislature.
If none of the suggested contingencies should come about, it is highly probable that Cuba will eventually come into the union by a process somewhat similar to that which brought Hawaii under the flag. American interests and American citizens are constantly increasing in the Island. It is not difficult to imagine a coup111 d’état, resulting in a government in the hands of Americans.
If the desire of a majority of the Cubans were all that was necessary to bring about annexation, the matter might be accomplished112 without serious difficulty. There are, however, many obstacles in the way when the question is viewed from the standpoint of the other party to the transaction. The United States would derive113 important advantages from the possession of Cuba, but in several respects the{162} American people would suffer by the arrangement.
At the outset a difficulty would arise as to the terms of admission. The most enthusiastic advocates of annexation among intelligent Cubans would not be willing to come under the American flag with anything less than the status and rights of a state. This attitude is easy to appreciate. Cuba’s population, wealth, resources, commerce, industries, and strategic position would fully114 justify115 her aspirations116 to the highest rank among America’s possessions. She would not be content with a territorial117 position, and the proposition, which has been advanced, that she should accept the indefinite status of Puerto Rico and the Philippines, is not worth a moment’s consideration.
Despite official figures to the contrary, it is the conviction of many who have had the best possible opportunities for judging, that a large majority of the native population of Cuba have negro blood in their veins118. Practically one hundred per cent. of the people profess13 the Roman Catholic faith and Spanish is the mother tongue of the same proportion. Would the American nation agree to the construction of a sister state out of such material?{163}
The admission to the United States of Cuba’s products free of duty would constitute a serious menace to Louisiana’s chief industry and to the growing beet119 sugar industry of our northwestern territory. The fruit growers of California and Florida would suffer from competition with products raised by cheaper labor120, and to a less extent the tobacco growers of Virginia and Kentucky would feel the same pressure.
As to the advantages that Cuba would enjoy from annexation, there can be no question. The most obvious and pronounced would be the assurance of good government, perpetual peace within her borders, an incalculably better administration than the present at one-third of its cost, free trade with the United States, and a market there for all her products and purchases.
Perhaps Cuba might approximate closely to the enjoyment121 of these benefits under an arrangement which could be effected with much less difficulty than annexation. A permanent protectorate, if introduced with the usual methods of soothing122 and placating the protected, would probably solve Cuba’s difficulties more effectually than any other plan at present prac{164}ticable. Out of such a state, Cuba might at some future date become a member of the union by a gradual process of evolution. There is, of course, the objection to such an arrangement that it would impair123 the independence which we have promised to maintain, but when both parties to an agreement are willing to waive124 its terms there should be no obstruction125 to cancelling it. Furthermore, if such a protectorate should be established it will no doubt grow out of a presumptively temporary occupation. The process would be something like that which has resulted in England’s established control over Egypt. When the British occupation of that country occurred the administration under Gladstone declared positively126 that Great Britain would retire as soon as her work should be done. She has now, however, no thought of ever doing so. Her control of the country is undoubtedly a great benefit to the people, and the world at large would regret her relinquishment127 of it. Our Government is acting128 in a similar manner in its treatment of the Filipinos. No statesman in the country now contemplates129 the independence of those people as within the bounds of probability.
Under a protectorate it would be possible for{165} the United States to insure to the Cubans a considerable measure of the benefits that would accrue130 to them from annexation, without entailing131 upon this country the disadvantages which would follow the latter measure.
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1
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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3
ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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4
tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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8
hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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9
administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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10
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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13
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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14
cliques
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| n.小集团，小圈子，派系( clique的名词复数 ) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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subversive
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| adj.颠覆性的，破坏性的；n.破坏份子，危险份子 | |
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knell
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| n.丧钟声；v.敲丧钟 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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placating
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| v.安抚，抚慰，使平静( placate的现在分词 ) | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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sops
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| n.用以慰藉或讨好某人的事物( sop的名词复数 )；泡湿的面包片等v.将（面包等）在液体中蘸或浸泡( sop的第三人称单数 )；用海绵、布等吸起（液体等） | |
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27
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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enlistment
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| n.应征入伍，获得，取得 | |
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29
buoyed
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| v.使浮起( buoy的过去式和过去分词 )；支持；为…设浮标；振奋…的精神 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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finesse
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| n.精密技巧，灵巧，手腕 | |
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annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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exaction
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| n.强求，强征；杂税 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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shack
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| adj.简陋的小屋，窝棚 | |
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foodstuffs
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| 食物，食品( foodstuff的名词复数 ) | |
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42
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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45
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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intermittently
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| adv.间歇地；断断续续 | |
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precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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49
reminder
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| n.提醒物，纪念品；暗示，提示 | |
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50
scrap
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| n.碎片；废料；v.废弃，报废 | |
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51
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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53
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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54
ointment
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| n.药膏，油膏，软膏 | |
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55
oust
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| vt.剥夺，取代，驱逐 | |
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56
chestnuts
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| n.栗子( chestnut的名词复数 )；栗色；栗树；栗色马 | |
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shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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rehabilitating
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| 改造（罪犯等）( rehabilitate的现在分词 )； 使恢复正常生活； 使恢复原状； 修复 | |
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ineptitude
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| n.不适当；愚笨，愚昧的言行 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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64
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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65
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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66
emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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67
censors
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| 删剪（书籍、电影等中被认为犯忌、违反道德或政治上危险的内容）( censor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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68
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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69
illiterates
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| 目不识丁者( illiterate的名词复数 )； 无知 | |
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70
rustics
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| n.有农村或村民特色的( rustic的名词复数 )；粗野的；不雅的；用粗糙的木材或树枝制作的 | |
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71
dwellers
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| n.居民，居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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72
prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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73
unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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74
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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75
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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76
immature
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| adj.未成熟的，发育未全的，未充分发展的 | |
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exigencies
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| n.急切需要 | |
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78
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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82
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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83
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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84
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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86
eruptions
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| n.喷发，爆发( eruption的名词复数 ) | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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88
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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deterioration
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| n.退化；恶化；变坏 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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utterance
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| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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perturb
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| v.使不安，烦扰，扰乱，使紊乱 | |
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99
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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100
curbing
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| n.边石，边石的材料v.限制，克制，抑制( curb的现在分词 ) | |
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101
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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103
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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104
covetous
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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105
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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106
contingencies
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| n.偶然发生的事故，意外事故( contingency的名词复数 )；以备万一 | |
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107
federation
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| n.同盟，联邦，联合，联盟，联合会 | |
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108
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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109
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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111
coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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112
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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113
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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114
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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115
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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116
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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118
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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119
beet
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| n.甜菜；甜菜根 | |
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120
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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121
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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122
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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123
impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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124
waive
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| vt.放弃，不坚持(规定、要求、权力等) | |
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125
obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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126
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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127
relinquishment
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| n.放弃；撤回；停止 | |
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128
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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129
contemplates
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的第三人称单数 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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130
accrue
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| v.(利息等)增大，增多 | |
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131
entailing
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| 使…成为必要( entail的现在分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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