How determined14 the whole unscrupulous and desperate clique15 were to carry their defence of injustice16 to the last ditch was displayed when M. Brisson, the President of the Republic, himself a man credited with austere17 probity18 and cool courage, was forced by them to authorise proceedings19 against Colonel Picquart, because he had offered the highest personage in France to help him to discover the truth. Picquart was therefore to be victimised still further: likewise for the honour of the army! He was duly incarcerated20 and degraded. France herself was being found guilty and cashiered by the persecution22 of this high-minded and courageous23 colonel. Esterhazy runs[163] away when his treachery and forgeries24 are finally exposed. Clemenceau and the Dreyfusards are willing that he should have a safe-conduct back again, if his coming will help to manifest the truth. A very different attitude towards a culprit convicted, not by a secret Court Martial, but by his own public actions and admissions. Yet General Gonse and the General Staff were ready at first to aid and support Colonel Picquart in exposing Major Esterhazy, as only a German spy, in constant communication and collusion with Colonel Schwartzkopfen, acting26 on behalf of the German Army and the German Government. Esterhazy was no direct agent of the French Staff! When, however, it was discovered that Colonel Picquart’s investigations27 went far to clear Captain Dreyfus altogether, and proved that he had at any rate been condemned on a forged document, then Picquart himself was to be treated as a criminal, unless he suppressed the truth at once, and held his tongue for ever.
And so this extraordinary case was now being tried in the open street before the public of France and of the world—for every civilised nation followed the changes and chances of Dreyfus’s martyrdom—and so day after day, week after week, month after month, year after year, Clemenceau, Scheurer-Kestner, Jaurès and the Socialists28 fought on for a re-trial. The highest Court of judicature in France, worthy30 of its history, accorded the right of appeal. A sense of doubt was beginning to creep through the community. Thereupon, the Generals, their Church, their Press, their Mob, their Army, began afresh a very devil dance of organised forgery31, calumny32, perjury33, vituperation, attempted murder and concomitant infamies34.
Looking back at that period of desperate antagonism35, it seems strange that open conflict should have been averted36. It was no fault of the General Staff and its myrmidons that it did not break out. That such a result of their campaign of injustice and provocation37 would have been welcomed by many of the chiefs of the French Army is beyond question. At more[164] than one juncture38 the outlook was so threatening that two, if not three, pretenders to the throne of France were in the country at the same time. Things did not take the turn they expected, and they went off again. All this was known, of course, to Clemenceau, who was also well aware that a great deal more lay behind the Dreyfus affair than the guilt21 or innocence39 of Dreyfus. Nor did the fact by any means escape him that those semi-occult ecclesiastical influences which had been against him all his life, not for personal reasons, but because he was a Radical40, a free-thinker and a champion of free speech, a free press, secular41 and gratuitous42 education, and separation of Church and State—that those hidden powers were at work behind the General Staff in the Dreyfus case in the hope of gaining ground on a side issue which they were losing steadily43 on the main field of battle.
This it was which made the collision between the two opposing forces so critical an event for France. This, too, accounted for the desperation of the losing party.
The Jesuits of the Dreyfus affair had none of the diabolical44 far-seeing coolness of the type represented by the Père Rodin in Eugène Sue’s Wandering Jew. They were infuriated fanatics45 whose unreasoning anxiety to torture and burn their heretic opponents was reflected in the blundering mendacity and undisguised hatred46 of their tools of the military Staff. Hence, in the long run, they delivered themselves into the hands of the Frenchmen of the future—Zola, Jaurès, Picquart and Clemenceau. Clemenceau’s daily articles, which constituted the most formidable barrage47 on behalf of Dreyfus, make up five closely printed volumes. They are full of life and fire; but they are full also of crushing argument enforced with irony48 and sarcasm49 and illustrated50 by telling references to recent history. Abuse and misrepresentation could not permanently51 hold their own in a discussion thus conducted. Forgery and perjury when brought home to the real criminals necessarily made their case worse. Nothing is more surprising than the lack of dexterity52 and acumen53 on the part of the[165] reactionary54 forces. They forgot that a bludgeon is a poor weapon against a rapier in the hand of an expert.
Thus it came about that after a long contest, whose interest, even for outsiders, was maintained throughout by tragical55 incidents such as the suicide of Colonel Henry—the forger25 for esprit de corps56 as Esterhazy was the forger for money and power—the attempted poisoning of Picquart and the attack upon Labori, a re-trial was forced from the Government of the day. The names of the chief opponents are already forgotten, such minor57 actors and apologists of injustice, forgers and spies on the “right side” were never remembered. Who now cares whether the petit bleu was written by Schwartzkopfen or not? Who can recall what Major Lauth did or bore witness to? The trail of the serpent is over them all. That is what the world bears in mind to-day. The broad features of the drama are recorded on the cinema film of history. The faces and characters of the villains58 of the piece are already blotted59 out. Only the heroes of the conflict remain. And of these heroes Clemenceau might fairly claim to be the chief. The re-trial at Rennes was, when all is said, mainly his work.
What a re-trial it was! The Court was still a Court Martial. The president of the court, Colonel Jouaust, was still a violently prejudiced officer. The judges behind him were all inspired by that fatal esprit de corps which accepts and acts upon the Jesuit motto that the end justifies60 the means, where the interests of a particular set of men are concerned. In fact, the combination in favour of military injustice remained what it had been throughout: a body resolved that, come what might, the victim of the forged document and other criminal acts should not be formally acquitted, even if monstrous61 illegality at the first trial forced a revision.
Nearly five years had now elapsed from the date of Dreyfus’s original condemnation63, when, released from his imprisonment64, he stood at the Bar after that long period of physical and moral torture. Clemenceau is not a man of sentiment: he had long doubted whether Dreyfus was really innocent: even the[166] outrageous65 proceedings at the first Court Martial had failed to convince him that there might not be something behind the forged bordereau, concealed66 from the prisoner, which could in a degree justify67 his judges: not until the close of the case against Zola and l’Aurore was his mind made up that, “consciously or unconsciously,” a terrible crime had been committed. But now, with Dreyfus himself present, with all the old witnesses contradicting, more directly than ever, one another’s testimony, yet allowed incredible licence of exposition and explanation by the Court; with the evidence of General Gonse, General Mercier, Roget, Cinquet, Gribelin, Lauth and Junck cut to ribands by the questions of Dreyfus’s advocates; with Colonel Picquart brought up short by Colonel Jouaust, who had allowed all sorts of long-winded and irreconcilable68 accounts to be given by his favourites subject to no interruption—with all this almost inconceivable unfairness going on all day and every day through the Rennes Court Martial, Clemenceau seems to have been really affected69, not only by the injustice done, but by the personal sufferings which the prisoner on trial had undergone and was undergoing.
Colonel Jouaust’s interruption of Colonel Picquart’s closely knit but passionless statement by the exclamation70 “Encore!“ was destined71 to become famous. It summed up in one word the whole tone of the prosecuting72 judges on the Bench. Yet as the case proceeded and the criticisms of Clemenceau and his coadjutors became still more scathing73 than they had been before, it was difficult to see how even a suborned court could avoid a verdict of acquittal. But this Court dared not be just. There was too much at stake. The whole of the chiefs of the army had taken sides against the prisoner. They were there to secure condemnation of Dreyfus again at all costs. The Court, headed by Colonel Jouaust, was forced to do the same. It was the “Honour of the Army” backed by Esterhazy, Henry and Sandherr against the character of one miserable74 Jew. There could be no hesitation75 under such conditions. Dreyfus was found “Guilty, with extenuating76 circumstances.”[167] Extenuating circumstances in the dealings of a spy and a traitor77 who, not being in any pressing pecuniary78 need whatever, had deliberately79 and infamously80 sold France to the enemy! Not one of the five judges who rendered this verdict could really have believed Dreyfus to be guilty. France was more dishonoured81 by this decision than if the Court had definitely declared against the whole weight of the evidence that Dreyfus was a traitor.
Dreyfus was thereafter “pardoned” and released. That special plot of the anti-Republican clerico-military syndicate of Father du Lac, to use Clemenceau’s phraseology, had after all miscarried. As the result of incredible efforts Dreyfus was at last a free man. The world could judge of the character of his accusers and of his champions. It did judge, and that verdict has never been revised. A gross injustice had been partly remedied but could never be fully82 obliterated83. That Dreyfus was innocent the world at large had no doubt.
Yet, strange to say, there are still men, who certainly had no feeling against Dreyfus but quite the contrary, who were not convinced. I have heard this view expressed from several quarters, but the opinions of two personal friends of the most different character and career made a considerable impression upon me at the time. The first was my friend, the late George Henty, well known as a special correspondent and author of exceedingly successful books for boys. Henty was a thorough-going Tory, but he had no doubt that Dreyfus was a terribly ill-used man and the victim of a foul84 plot—until he went over to France to watch the re-trial by court martial at Rennes. He returned in quite a different frame of mind. He knew I was entirely85 favourable86 to Dreyfus, as he himself had been when he crossed the Channel. Meeting him by accident, I asked him his opinion: “All I can tell you, Hyndman, is that I watched the man carefully throughout and he made a very bad impression upon me indeed. The longer I looked at him the worse I felt about him. I don’t deny for a moment that his first trial was abominably87 conducted and that[168] he was entitled to fair play. I daresay I may be all wrong, the weight of the evidence might have overborne me as a juryman. But, as it was, I felt that if I myself had been one of the jury I should have given a verdict against him. The man looked and spoke88 like a spy, and if he isn’t a spy,” Henty went on in his impulsive89 way, “I’ll be damned if he oughtn’t to be one.” That, of course, is simply the statement of an impressionable Englishman, who, however, understood what was going on.
The other anti-Dreyfusard was a very different personality. It was the famous German Social-Democrat Wilhelm Liebknecht. I knew him well. A man of a cooler temper or a more judicial90 mind I never met. As I have mentioned elsewhere, he and Jaurès, the great French Socialist29 leader and orator91, were staying with me together in Queen Anne’s Gate, just after the Rennes Court Martial. Jaurès had done immense service in the Dreyfus matter, second only to that of Clemenceau. He had studied the evidence thoroughly92 on both sides. Like Clemenceau, he had been forced to the conclusion that such methods of defence would never have been used, unless they had been necessary to cover up the unjust condemnation of an innocent man, who was known to his judges to be innocent shortly after he had been shipped off to his place of punishment. Jaurès’s articles in La Petite République had helped Dreyfus greatly in one way, though in another they told against him, as the Socialists themselves were unfairly charged with being anti-patriots and even in German pay. There seemed no possibility that he could be mistaken. Liebknecht was just as strong on the other side. He was confident that Dreyfus was a traitor. One of his main contentions93 rested on the statement that there existed an honourable94 understanding, never broken under any circumstances, between civilised Governments that, should a man be wrongfully accused of being a spy and be brought to trial for that offence, the foreign Government which he was supposed to be serving should notify the other Government concerned that it had got hold of the[169] wrong man. Now the German Government had never done this in any way, at any period of the Dreyfus affair. Of this Liebknecht affirmed he was absolutely certain. Statements as to Dreyfus’s innocence had been made by German military officers; but the German Government itself, which knew everything, had never moved. Therefore, urged Liebknecht, Dreyfus was a spy. But the German Socialist leader gave his own view too. “Have either of you,” he asked Jaurès and myself, “read carefully through the verbatim report of the re-trial at Rennes?” I admitted I had not. Jaurès said he had. “Well,” Liebknecht went on, “I was where I was in a position to read the whole of the pleading and the evidence day by day and word by word. For I was in prison the whole of the time, and the study of the verbatim report was my daily avocation95. I am as certain as I can be of anything of the kind that Dreyfus had disclosed secrets to our Government. He may have done so in order to secure more important information in return. That is possible. But communicate French secrets to Germany, in my opinion, he unquestionably did.”
We debated the matter fully several times. Nothing Jaurès or I could say shook Liebknecht’s conviction. Nor was it shaken to the day of his death. I have heard since, on good authority, that more than one of those who had risked much for Dreyfus never spoke to him again after the Rennes re-trial. That may easily have arisen from personal causes, for Dreyfus was not an agreeable man. But I have no ground for believing that Clemenceau ever saw reason to waver in his opinion in the slightest degree.
I recall this now, when the lapse62 of years has calmed down all excitement and many of the chief actors are dead, to show how, apart from the mass of sheer prejudice and unscrupulous rascality96 which had to be faced and overcome, there was also an element of honest intellectual doubt among the anti-Dreyfusards. The presence of this element in the background made Clemenceau’s task more difficult than it would otherwise have been. Even at the present time there may be found[170] capable observers who lived through the whole conflict, certainly not sympathetic to militarism, Catholicism or anti-Semitism, who are still ready to argue that Dreyfus may have been ill-used but that he deserved the fate to which he was originally condemned! This, however, may be said with perfect truth, that the victory of his opponents over Clemenceau, Jaurès, Zola and all they represented would have been a disaster to France, whatever view may be taken of Dreyfus himself.
In 1906 the first report of the Committee appointed to examine into the whole of the Dreyfus case was presented. It exonerated97 Dreyfus from all blame, declared him to have been the victim of a conspiracy98 based upon perjury and forgery. This report secured the complete annulment99 of the condemnation at Rennes and restored him to his position in the army, after years of martyrdom.
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1
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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truculent
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| adj.野蛮的，粗野的 | |
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vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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defendants
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| 被告( defendant的名词复数 ) | |
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overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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clique
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| n.朋党派系，小集团 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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incarcerated
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| 钳闭的 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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forgeries
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| 伪造( forgery的名词复数 )； 伪造的文件、签名等 | |
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forger
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| v.伪造；n.（钱、文件等的）伪造者 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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investigations
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| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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perjury
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| n.伪证；伪证罪 | |
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infamies
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| n.声名狼藉( infamy的名词复数 )；臭名；丑恶；恶行 | |
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antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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barrage
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| n.火力网，弹幕 | |
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irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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52
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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53
acumen
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| n.敏锐，聪明 | |
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54
reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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tragical
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| adj. 悲剧的, 悲剧性的 | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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villains
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| n.恶棍( villain的名词复数 )；罪犯；（小说、戏剧等中的）反面人物；淘气鬼 | |
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blotted
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| 涂污( blot的过去式和过去分词 )； （用吸墨纸）吸干 | |
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justifies
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| 证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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exclamation
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| n.感叹号，惊呼，惊叹词 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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73
scathing
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| adj.（言词、文章）严厉的，尖刻的；不留情的adv.严厉地，尖刻地v.伤害，损害（尤指使之枯萎）( scathe的现在分词) | |
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74
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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extenuating
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| adj.使减轻的，情有可原的v.（用偏袒的辩解或借口）减轻( extenuate的现在分词 )；低估，藐视 | |
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77
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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78
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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79
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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80
infamously
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| 不名誉地 | |
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81
dishonoured
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| a.不光彩的，不名誉的 | |
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82
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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83
obliterated
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| v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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84
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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85
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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86
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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abominably
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| adv. 可恶地，可恨地，恶劣地 | |
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88
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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90
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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92
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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93
contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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95
avocation
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| n.副业，业余爱好 | |
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96
rascality
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| 流氓性，流氓集团 | |
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97
exonerated
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| v.使免罪，免除( exonerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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99
annulment
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| n.废除，取消，（法院对婚姻等）判决无效 | |
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