Since Mr. Farmer is a member of the committee appointed by the agricultural society of his State to investigate the subject of Land Credit Banks, I presume he is loaded to the guards and can tell us all about it, and convince us, too, that he is right in his contention2. I suggest that we let him lead off tonight.
Mr. Farmer: Well, gentlemen, I can assure you of my confidence of my ability to convince you of the importance of recognizing my contention; but I shall have to ask you all to be patient and agree to assist me in working out the plan that is best adapted to our needs and conditions. In studying this aspect of the banking3 problem, I think it will be well to follow the steps of development up to date, just as we have in considering other phases of this question, because experience is our surest guide to tell us what not to do as well as what we ought to do.
In the outset, however, I want to call your attention to the fact, that there is no subject of broader interest and more world-wide discussion than the productivity of the soil. You are all aware, no doubt, that there has been established at Rome the International Institute of Agriculture, and that last summer fifty different governments were represented there. Hon. David Lubin, of California, represented this government. The President[Pg 249] of the United States became intensely interested and with the help of our foreign representatives, particularly Hon. Myron T. Herrick, Ambassador to France, a vast amount of most valuable information has been gathered, studied, digested and classified. I think that we are now ready to take the matter up and legislate5 upon it. Our interest ought to be greater and more intense than that of any other nation on account of the number of our people engaged in agriculture and the staggering interest rates they are paying. Think of it.
The 12,000,000 farmers of the United States are adding over $8,400,000,000 to the national wealth each year. They are doing this on a borrowed capital of $6,040,000,000, on which $510,000,000 of interest is annually6 paid. Counting commissions and renewal7 charges, the rate averages at 8? per cent for this country as against 3? or 4? per cent for Germany. If the American farmers had a thoroughly8 organized system of co?perative associations they would not only save this difference of $200,000,000 or $250,000,000 to themselves individually, but in the course of time the entire debt would be transferred to the societies, the interest paid to them, an economic waste stopped, and this stupendous sum restored to agriculture. The assertion is neither fanciful nor extravagant9. It is below the actual ratio obtained by a comparison with the German figures.
There is practically no limit to the amount of capital that could be advantageously employed for rehabilitating10 worn-out and abandoned farms, opening up new areas, and introducing modern methods of cultivation11; and it is of vital importance that this capital be obtainable at once in sufficient volume and on easy terms. The world-wide problem caused by the pressure of population upon the means of subsistence now confronts the United States in the very face of its matchless natural resources and vast acreage of arable12 lands still remaining untouched by the plow13. The $385,000,000 of foodstuffs14 exported[Pg 250] last year barely equaled 76 per cent of the annual interest charges on the debts the farmers owe.
The cause of the trouble is the lack of capital, and the remedy lies in financing the farmer and the landowner. This is the indisputable conclusion logically reached from examination into the actual conditions and from comparisons furnished by recent European history. The solution of the problem concerns the general welfare as much as does the currency and monetary15 reform, and it is gratifying to note that it seems destined16 to go side by side along with this undertaking17. For as soon as the alarm was sounded the best talent of the nation became enlisted18, and now bankers, merchants, professional men, legislators, and private individuals in town and country, many impelled19 purely20 by patriotic21 and disinterested22 motives23, have combined their efforts to better the situation before it pass to the acute and critical stage.
The only instrument by which land-mortgage banks can finance themselves, draw money from the public for investment in loans, are the debenture24 bonds, but these bonds will not circulate freely nor far from the place of issue unless they are known to have the same underlying25 values and give the same rights to the holder26, regardless of whether they be secured by mortgages in Texas, Massachusetts, or in any other State. But possessed27 of these characteristics as guaranties of law, there is no reason why debentures28 of large mortgage banks should not be listed in stock markets and sold, negotiated, and exchanged as readily as railway and municipal securities, and thus equalize and reduce interest rates for farmers throughout the country.
For our guidance that we may escape all cost of experience that has been paid for by others, I am going to give you the benefit of my study of the Government report upon this important subject and quote it extensively as the best authority we have.
You must all realize that this almost complete organization of land and rural credit in advanced European[Pg 251] nations was not a haphazard29 and spontaneous growth. It was brought about by the insistence30 of public and private individuals, philanthropists, scholars, bankers, legislators, agricultural societies, government commissions, and national assemblies, all studying and working in a common cause. The history of their efforts in the middle of the past century reads much like an account of the agitation31 which has been started in the United States by the American Bankers' Association, the Southern Commercial Congress, the Federal authorities at Washington, and other bodies and individuals, for financing the farmer, improving agricultural conditions, and encouraging the movement back to the soil. In Europe the agricultural banks and credit facilities were created before agricultural or even general education was attempted. The United States began at the opposite end. The American colleges and systems for teaching agriculture are among the oldest and best in the world, and millions of dollars have been appropriated by the Federal and State Legislatures since the passage of the Morrill Act in Lincoln's administration to aid this science in one way or another. Incalculable good has come therefrom, but the results would have been far greater if financial education had gone hand in hand with this work. It would have led to the study and introduction of the rural banking methods of Europe generations ago, and so familiarized the American farmers with the uses of credit that the lack of capital and excessive interest rates would not now be interfering32 with the agricultural development of the country.
The development and history of Land Credit banks in Germany is most interesting and is as follows:
The land-mortgage banks are either joint-stock corporations or societies of borrowers. These latter are typified by the well-known German Landschaften, and are the originals of all land banks. Before them the private money lender reigned33 supreme34. The organization of land credit, in fact, began with them. They undoubtedly35[Pg 252] also suggested the co?perative idea to Herr Schulze, because five, with nearly $60,000,000 of mortgage loans, were in existence in 1848, when he was trying to start his personal-credit society at Delitzsche. These peculiar36 institutions are associations of landowners, and have no shares and pay no dividends38, the profits, if any, going to reduce the loans; and since they and their borrowers are identical, and managerial services gratuitous39, they have been able to lend money at lower rates than any other kind of companies.
The establishment of the old Landschaften was the outcome of the indebtedness and distress40 of the nobility, and their membership in Germany is still composed mainly of that class and large landed proprietors41. After the Seven Years' War the nobles, who owned nearly all the land, lacked the working capital necessary to repair and cultivate their damaged estates, and so were unable to pay their creditors44. Frederick the Great ordered the suspension of interest on all estate debts for three years. The period was subsequently extended. The result was the withdrawal45 of the money lenders from agriculture, the rise of interest to ruinous rates, and a financial stringency46 that involved the public welfare. In order to relieve the situation this autocratic King decided47 to adopt plans that had been submitted by Herr Bühring, a Berlin business man. Accordingly, in 1769, by a royal fiat48, he forced the nobles of Silesia to join an association whether they wished to borrow or not, and their lands were made jointly49 liable without limit for all loans granted by the association. Loans were granted only upon the consent of the directorate elected by the members themselves. Great care was naturally exercised, so no losses occurred, while immense credit came to the association.
This was the first Landschaft. Others were formed in the same fashion. Nine more were formed by the Provinces and one voluntarily. Then two companies were organized on the co?perative principle, so that there are now twenty-five Landschaften. The mortgages held[Pg 253] by them, all on farm lands, exceed $500,000,000, and the interest rate runs as low as 4 per cent and 3.5 per cent per annum. The bonds by which the money for these loans were obtained are secured by the mass of underlying mortgages and general assets of the issuing association, and ultimately by the unlimited50 liability of all its members. The collective guaranty and the fact that loans are made only to members constitute the characterizing features of a true Landschaft; but there is a growing tendency to limit this liability and substitute reserves in place of it.
Originally a Landschaft did not give cash to a member in exchange for his mortgage. It gave him a bond which simply contained a promise to pay in the event the interest and principal could not be collected from the debtor52. The bond was of the exact size of the mortgage, primarily secured by it, and made payable53 to bearer on a few months' notice. In case of default the holder had to resort to foreclosure proceedings54, so the bonds had only a limited circulation, and were often sold below par4. This was but a slight advance on private money lending. Later the associations undertook to collect the interest and principal. Finally they assumed direct responsibility, and began to give cash to members for their mortgages, raising funds for this purpose by issuing and selling bonds of even denominations56 for large and small amounts. The practice of requiring mortgages to be paid in lump was abolished, and in place thereof the loans were made repayable by annual installments58 running through a long period of years, and the installments were set aside for redeeming59 the bonds. These steps brought about a complete revolution in land credit and marked the beginning of the land-mortgage business as it is known today. The whole theory of the organization of land credit is based upon this debenture bond and system of amortization60 and sinking funds devised and introduced by the Landschaften. One without the other two is useless. The three must be combined, and also[Pg 254] coupled with strong management under wise laws in order to attract a steady flow of cheap money to agriculture. It is remarkable61 that this truth has never been realized nor applied62 in the United States to farm-mortgage loans. In spite of the example of practically every nation in Europe for generations, the lending of money on mortgage in America still remains63 largely a mere64 brokerage business unrestricted by proper governing laws, either by individuals or corporations, while mortgages continue to be drawn65 up for three or five years, when experience shows that the average life of a loan is far in excess of that period and needs to be renewed time and again, with added expense to the debtor and trouble for the creditor43. Had the European amortization system been employed the companies dealing66 in western farm mortgages between 1890 and 1894 probably would have escaped the misfortunes that brought them down to ruin.
Amortization is simply a method of paying off a loan by returning a little of the capital each year. These payments are called annuities67 and are composed of the interest and contributions to the sinking fund and the cost of conducting business. They are calculated for periods of ten to seventy-five years, and at the end of the period the mortgaged debt becomes extinguished and the property returns to the owner free and clear of all encumbrances69. The prevailing70 interest rate on amortizable mortgages in France at present is 4.3 per cent. But by adding a little over 3.2 per cent to this, and paying 7.5 per cent a year, a French farmer can extinguish his debt within twenty years and obtain a satisfaction piece in full from his creditor. Thus, suppose he borrowed $10,000. He pays $750 annually twenty times for the interest, sinking fund and expenses. This makes a total of $15,000, interest included, and his debt is paid off. A farmer in the Southwestern States would pay this much for interest alone, and his debt would still be unsatisfied. Amortization has a two-fold value. It lessens71 the debtor's burden year by year and increases in an equal ratio the[Pg 255] security of the lender, provided, of course, the sinking fund created by the accumulated annuities be properly and honestly kept for the redemption of the debentures. The Landschaften were very particular in this respect. Hence, their debentures obtained the confidence of the public, and through their means they were able to draw capital from all parts of the country for distribution among their members at the lowest rates on record. If a holder of a bond wished his money back he had merely to sell his bond in the open market. In this way fluidity was given to real estate securities for the first time in history and the dream of "mobilizing the soil" accomplished72 at last. For these reasons the Landschaften hold the most prominent place in the literature on land credit, and everybody who studies that subject must begin with them.
The old Landschaften, however, have many characteristics peculiar to their own localities and dates of their foundation. They are in fact governmental institutions, and their head officers are public functionaries73 clothed with summary executive and judiciary powers over the property, and, to some extent, over the actions of their associate members. These powers were simply an enlargement of the feudal74 and manorial75 rights possessed by princes in early times, and so, in many respects, are contrary to modern ideas. But the new Landschaften, which have adopted the best principles, present points worthy76 of careful study. A description of these latter institutions is taken from the excellent report of Sir F.A. Nicholson to the Madras Presidency77 in India.
These new institutions are of different patterns. Several are annexes78 to the older societies, but most are independent and resemble ordinary mortgage banks, except in the essential point that they have no share capital, earning dividends. They are, as the old societies, simply syndicates of borrowers formed to supply proprietors with capital on the lowest possible terms and repayable in the easiest manner. They are gratuitous[Pg 256] intermediaries between the outside capitalists and the borrowers, and while performing services of the highest importance in testing the security offered by the borrowers and in guaranteeing to the public the safety of the capital lent by them, they charge absolutely nothing for their services beyond a small commission, perhaps one-fourth of 1 per cent, or even one-tenth of 1 per cent, to cover actual expenses. It is usual for each association to be restricted to a particular area of operations within which every proprietor42, whether noble or peasant, may obtain a loan if he can offer sufficient security. There is always a minimum limit either to loans or to the value of property on which loans will be given. This is usually low. In the new Brandenburg Landschaft, affiliated79 to the old Kur-und-Neumark Landschaft, loans may be granted on property having a net income of only $25. The minimum limit is seldom even approached.
Members are those who borrow from the bank. They are generally responsible in all their property, not merely for their own borrowings, but for the debts of the society to the outside public. But in some cases only the property pledged to the society is responsible; in others they are bound, in case of need, to pay a sum proportionate to the amount of their own borrowing. There are no shares to be paid up except in two societies. These two resemble co?perative societies, for the shares are personal and nontransferable, are of unlimited number, varying with the number of members, and their value is claimable by a withdrawing member. The share seems to be demanded simply to provide a first working capital and the nucleus80 of a reserve. The amount of the share is frequently a certain percentage of the amount of the loan required. Some societies demand an entrance fee of a few cents, which goes to the reserve. This reserve will be dealt with below.
The societies in general, having no share capital, do not lend their own funds. The candidate for a loan asks that debentures may be issued against a mortgage of his[Pg 257] property. This is then examined. If the security is approved the candidate executes a mortgage deed to the society, which thereupon issues debentures which are placed on the market and, being sold, provide the funds for the loan. In the old banks the debentures are simply handed to the borrower, who sells them for himself. In the new land banks either this is done or the bank sells them and pays the borrower the value if below par, or if they sell above par then the face value, the surplus going to the reserve; or they simply issue debentures on the market and pay the borrower the amount of the loan as settled. It will be seen, then, that the banks have no capital and no need for it.
The debentures are for the usual class, secured not by the particular mortgage on which they are issued, but by the whole mass of mortgages held by the bank and by all its proper forms of security, viz., the property of the members, the reserve or guaranty fund, and even the sinking funds. In some banks a debenture holder has the right (never needed, however) of requiring a court to assign a particular mortgage against his debenture as a specific security in case the bank should fail to pay him his interest or capital due. A debenture holder cannot demand payment of his debenture, except when it is drawn for payment. But the bank can call in any at six months' notice, besides withdrawing them by lot in the usual way. These debentures enjoy an excellent position, the 4 per cents selling usually at or above par. Since cheapness of loans is the sole object of the bank, it is customary to call in debentures selling at a premium81 and issue a fresh series at a lower rate.
Loans are usually applied for to the district committee which each bank has, with a statement of the property, the amount required, and all documents necessary to prove title and freedom from encumbrance68. Properties may be valued by a special valuation, or a multiple of the net income as assessed to the land tax may be taken. In both cases, however, an inspection82 of the property is[Pg 258] necessary unless under a special rule. Half to two-thirds of the estimated value is allowable as a loan. The interest paid by the borrower on the loans is that paid by the bank on the debentures, the bank being merely an intermediary between the borrower and the actual lending public. But where the bank pays the loan in cash it charges such interest as it thinks proper, in order to make up any loss should the debentures sell below par. Loans are repayable almost entirely83 by amortization, usually in about fifty-three years. Some short-term loans are granted, with corresponding debentures. The bank cannot demand repayment84 of a loan except in case of waste, deterioration85, or the like. On the other hand, the borrower is at liberty to repay in whole or in part whenever he pleases, but must pay the entire interest for the half year in which he repays. The loan is repaid by an annuity86 consisting of the interest, sinking fund (usually beginning at one-half of 1 per cent), with a contribution to the reserve or guaranty fund, and another for the expenses of administration. The annuities have totaled 6 per cent, but they now average around 4 per cent or lower; e.g., interest being 3 per cent, sinking fund one-half of 1 per cent, guaranty fund one-fourth of 1 per cent, and expenses one-fourth of 1 per cent. Some of the banks also require a lump payment on the grant of the loan of 1 or 2 per cent, to be credited either to the working or to the guaranty fund. The working fund is formed by the contribution made for the expenses of management and any special sources.
Hungary is the only nation outside of Germany that has a true Landschaft of the original type. But modified forms exist in Russia, Austria, Switzerland, Denmark and Roumania, where they have been useful in supplying agriculture with cheap capital. There is no older principle in land credit than the Landschaften idea. It has been tested and proved by over one hundred and thirty years of success, and could undoubtedly be employed to advantage by water users' associations in the[Pg 259] irrigated87 regions of the West and in other parts of the United States where landowners might unite to raise funds for drainage or other improvements for their common good. Some of the banks of Switzerland and the credit associations of Denmark, with the laws governing them, perhaps furnish the best models, as appears from the reports of the American ministers to those countries that have been forwarded to the Secretary of State.
The most noticeable fact revealed by the investigation88 of the European land-credit institution is the all-pervading presence of the state in every nation. Most of the older joint-stock corporations have a public character equal to that of the German Landschaften. Every one that dates back to 1850 or 1860 was directly organized by the state or brought into existence by a Government fiat or favoring legislation, subsidized in some way or other and granted special privileges. The supervision89 now exercised over them all is most stringent90, going into the minutest details and varying from direct control to surveillance by state officials, usually by special laws that impose heavy penalties for malfeasance or even neglect of regulations. Continental92 Europe is accustomed to state intervention93. Commercial credit was organized by means of central banks connected with the Government, and so this régime was naturally followed in organizing the land credit. For this reason the results obtained, at least in some instances, cannot be used by way of comparison to illustrate94 the possibilities of organization along the lines of private and independent endeavor.
But whatever may be the opinion entertained for the State intervention in the land-credit system of the Continent, there can be no doubt that the working principles and business methods of the European land-mortgage banks are the best ever devised, and that they will have to be introduced into the United States if it be hoped to make the farm mortgage a fluid and popular form of investment and direct a flow of capital in sufficient[Pg 260] volume to agriculture to enable it to keep pace with the progress of the Nation. The main features of this system are the limitation of the interest rate that can be charged, the amortization of the debt, and wise and equitable95 regulations and restrictions96 relative to loans and the issuance of debentures which protect the farmer from extortion and thriftless borrowing, and at the same time bring safety and a feeling of confidence to the investing public. These features, with modifications98 and additions, appear in all European land banks, whether they be semipublic, as they are in France, Spain and Russia, or of a private character, as with some cases in Germany, or of the mixed type of Switzerland and Italy, but are best exemplified in the great Crédit Foncier of France—the largest and most successful land bank in the world.
But Germany has progressed very decidedly beyond the so-called Landschaften as exemplified by her great mortgage banks which, though of comparatively recent operation, largely exceed in business that of the Landschaften type, and it is here that we find many vital suggestions for our guidance. Germany has general laws under which these mortgage banks operate, but the rules of operation and supervision are of the strictest kind. The mortgage banks of Europe may be classified generally as public or semipublic, and as strictly99 private institutions. The first have just been described. The latter are all those which, whether they consist of lenders or only of borrowers, operate under general laws and have absolutely no privileges. The State, however, does not leave these companies entirely to their own devices. They are limited in the conduct of their business by strict rules and regulations, and are subject to the most scrutinous supervision. The best law of this kind is that enacted100 in Germany in 1899. It is the last word in legislation for private joint-stock mortgage banks, and with slight modifications could be easily adapted to the United States, as it was framed to overcome the troubles occa[Pg 261]sioned by the conflict of authority between the sovereign Provinces of which the Empire is composed. Remarkable as it may seem, these companies in Germany have outstripped101 the old established and specially102 privileged public banks. They now have $2,618,000,000 loaned out on mortgage, or over five times more than the Landschaften. The capital is $170,563,000, the smallest being $238,000 and the largest $14,000,000. The bonds in circulation amount to $2,548,009,000, with interest at 3? or 4 per cent per annum, while the average returns on mortgage loans are 4.22 to 4.33 per cent per annum. As 6 per cent and even 14 per cent dividends are yearly declared, the figures again furnish a favorable comparison with the Landschaften and Crédit Foncier. The provincial103 head, however, selects the president of one of these newer German banks, while the Imperial Government watches over them all. The supervision is carried out by royal commissioners105 and extends to the minutest detail. These inspecting officials have the right to verify the securities and cash on hand, and demand information regarding every separate transaction. They may also send a representative to general meetings of stockholders and to sittings of boards of directors and take all measures that may seem fit to enforce the proper conduct of business. They also approve the appointment of the auditor107 and assistant auditor, who are charged in each bank with the duty of seeing that debentures are issued only upon the conditions and within the limits legally prescribed.
It will be observed that the mortgage business in Germany, as carried on today, is an evolution. The same fact is evident in the changes that have taken place in the Crédit Foncier, the greatest mortgage bank in the world. The history of this great institution is as follows:
It was formed in 1852 under the law enacted that year for organizing land credit and improving agricultural credit facilities. It was immediately placed under Government control, given a subsidy109, and granted a monopoly for twenty-five years. The monopoly was not[Pg 262] renewed, but all its original special privileges remain, which perhaps accounts for its being the only land bank in France. Its relation with the State is very close, and many of its most important features were taken bodily from the Landschaften. Inasmuch as the institution has been the model for all Europe and is now being widely discussed in the American press, I will describe it at length.
The governor and two subgovernors of the Crédit Foncier are appointed for life by the President of the Republic. It is subject to the surveillance of the Treasury110 Department of the Government, and three of its directors must be high officers of the department. It may use the Government treasuries111 for the receipt of its dues and the deposit of its surplus funds and enjoys a reduction in stamp and registration112 duties.
Its debentures are registered or payable to bearer, and the claim of a third party to them cannot be made in court except in case of theft or loss. Trust and public funds may be invested in them. Its mortgages are exempt113 from the decennial registration and consequent charges required of other mortgages. It has a cheap and speedy method of "purging114" the title of real estate in case of disputes. In the event of default the courts cannot grant the debtor any delay and payments due it upon loans cannot be garnished115 or attached. It is allowed summary proceedings for attaching mortgage property in case of violation116 of contracts. If dues are not paid or if the property deteriorates117 it may attach and sell the property simply upon notice and publication. During attachment118 proceedings it has a right to all returns from the estate. The sale may be by auction119 in a civil court or at a notary120 public's office, if the court permits, and no adverse121 claim to the proceeds of the sale can be allowed until its claims are fully122 satisfied.
The regulations under which the Crédit Foncier transacts123 its business are very strict. The mortgage loans must be first liens124. The property must have a clear and[Pg 263] unencumbered title and yield a certain and durable125 income. Loans and theaters, mines, and quarries126 are not accepted. The amount loaned on any property must not exceed half its value, or one-third the value for vine-yards, woods, orchards127, and plantations129. Factory buildings are estimated without regard to their value for particular purposes. A borrower cannot bind130 himself to pay a greater annuity than the total annual income of the property mortgaged, while on the other hand the society is not allowed to charge borrowers 0.6 per cent over the rate at which it obtains money on its debentures issued at the time of the loans. An excess of only 0.45 per cent is allowed on loans to municipalities. The outstanding loans and debentures issued must exactly correspond in amounts.
After paying a 5 per cent dividend37 the Crédit Foncier must set aside between 5 and 20 per cent of the balance of the profits each year for the obligatory132 reserve, and continue to do so as long as the same does not equal one-half of the capital stock. The investment of this reserve is left to the board of directors. The capital stock of the society must be always maintained at the ratio of one-twentieth or more of the debentures in circulation and is the primary guaranty of its obligations, especially the debentures. The capital at present is $40,000,000, divided into 400,000 shares of $100 each; but authority has been obtained to increase the same to $50,000,000, represented by 500,000 shares, which will be done before the debentures in circulation pass the legal limit. One-fourth of the capital must be invested in French rentes or other treasury bonds; one-fourth in office buildings of the society, or by loans to French colonies, or in securities deposited with the Bank of France as a guaranty for advances. Shares cannot be issued at a price below par. They are nonassessable. The surplus may be loaned on mortgages or to municipalities or may be used in other mortgage business allowed by the statutes133; and for buying its own debentures, making advances to bor[Pg 264]rowers in arrears134, or purchasing mortgaged property in foreclosure; and for acquiring commercial paper acceptable by the Bank of France or securities to be deposited with that bank.
The governor of the Crédit Foncier most be the owner of at least two hundred shares of stock of the society. He receives a salary of $8,000. The subgovernors must hold one hundred shares each. Their salaries are $4,000. They perform such functions as are delegated to them by the governor, and in order of their nomination57 fulfill135 his duties during his absence on account of illness or other causes. The governor appoints and dismisses all agents of the society and superintends the organization of the service in Paris and elsewhere. He countersigns136 the debentures and signs the share certificates and all other papers and documents and must strive to promote the interests of the society in every way. The governor is the head of the board of directors, which is composed of himself, the two subgovernors, the auditors137, and twenty to twenty-three directors. This body possesses the administrative138 powers of the society and is beholden only to the laws and the general assembly of the stockholders for the proper exercise of the same. The three auditors are the guardians139 of the society. Their duties are to watch, investigate, and make reports. The only power they have is to call extraordinary general meetings of the shareholders141.
The general assembly of the stockholders meets regularly once a year. It consists only of the two hundred largest stockholders, of whom forty make a quorum142 if they hold one-tenth of the stock of the society. Each member has one vote for every forty shares of stock held, but cannot cast more than five votes in his own name, nor more than ten in his own name or by proxy143. He has, however, a right to one vote even though his shares be less than forty in number. The general assembly receives the report of the governor, and also of the auditors, if any. It elects the directors and auditors and de[Pg 265]cides on all resolutions or proposals for the increase of capital, the amendment144 of the by-laws and constitution, and generally on all matters not otherwise specifically provided for.
The only places outside of France where the Crédit Foncier can do business are Algiers and Tunis. Under a clause in its charter which allows it, with the sanction of the Government, to enter into projects for improving the soil, developing agriculture, and to extinguish existing debts on real estate, etc., the society has been authorized145 to finance drainage projects and to advance money on the paper of the Sous-Comptoir des Entrepreneurs, an incorporated association of builders. It may also receive deposits up to $20,000,000, one-fourth of which must be kept in the Government treasury and the balance invested in Government paper, treasury bonds, or high-class bankable commercial notes and securities. In connection with its banking house it has large deposit vaults146.
The Crédit Foncier is permitted to take short-term mortgages and does a big business in that line. But the true purpose of its existence and the greatest part of its operations are the granting of long time loans. These are made on mortgages to individuals and without mortgage to municipalities and public establishments. The periods run from ten to seventy-five years. The annuities required to be paid for amortizing147 the loan for the average period used are so small as to appear insignificant148. The success achieved by the Crédit Foncier in popularizing the amortization principle for real estate loans is the chief cause of its great renown149. At present its interest rate for mortgage loans is 4.3 per cent per annum, for public establishments 4.1 per cent, and 3.85 per cent for municipalities. The total annuity, including both interest and amortization sum, for a twenty-five year mortgage loan is a little over 6.5 per cent. With this small annual payment the debt is gradually wiped out, and nothing is left to be paid at the end of the term. The longer the term the smaller the annuity, and vice[Pg 266] versa. The loans now exceed $870,000,000. Here is an amortization table of the Crédit Foncier:
Annuity of a capital of $100, interest at 4.3 per cent, payable semiannually.
Duration. Annuities.
5 years $22.440405
10 years 12.409111
15 years 9.115217
20 years 7.504843
25 years 6.566976
30 years 5.964436
35 years 5.552593
40 years 5.259040
45 years 5.043495
50 years 4.881753
55 years 4.758395
60 years 4.663140
65 years 4.588881
70 years 4.530558
75 years 4.484483
The Crédit Foncier is obliged to keep the interest and amortization payments in separate accounts, the latter going to create a sinking fund for the retirement150 of outstanding debentures. As stated above, the amounts of the loans and debentures must balance each other; consequently, as loans are paid up debentures must be paid off. Borrowers have the right to pay in advance, which they frequently exercise, so the proper adjustment of the balance is beyond the control of the society. It is for this reason that the debentures, although calculated to be redeemed151 synchronously152 with the loans they represent, have no fixed153 time for maturity154 and are recallable at option. In each issue a certain number are repayable by lots, with prizes for the lucky holders106. A bond last year drew a prize of $40,000. The right to give prizes at[Pg 267] the lottery155 drawings is one of the special privileges of the society. The debentures are of two kinds—those representing the mortgages are called "foncières" and those representing the loans to municipalities and public establishments are called "communales." They are issued in series. The smallest denomination55 is $20. They may be bought by installments and are the most popular form of investment in France, being held largely by farmers and poor people in the cities. The issue of 1912 for $100,000,000 at 3 per cent, payable within seventy years, was oversubscribed eighteen times. The total land mortgages and municipal indebtedness in France is figured at $2,800,000,000. Nearly one-third of this is represented by the loans of the society.
Such is the Crédit Foncier of France. The control exercised over it by the State through the appointment of its head officers, the simplified foreclosure proceedings, and the other judicial156, administrative, and fiscal157 privileges accorded to it are common practices in continental Europe. As mentioned above, all the older banks are specially privileged, and consequently have a practical monopoly of the mortgage-bond business in some of the nations.
Now, gentlemen, I have gone into these details not to be slavishly copied, because I think we would make a very great mistake to load down our legislation with so much detail. It will be far better to allow the managers to work out a system of operation that will he suited to our conditions. In this way we will not be handicapped by red tape that is ill adapted to our situation. The same penal91 laws that are in force with respect to our national banks with any additions that the peculiarities158 of this business call for ought, it seems to me, to suffice.
My suggestion would be a comparatively simple organization with broad powers to the board of directors. In this way we will soon have an American system of Land Credit Banks superior to any in the world, even[Pg 268] though we do start after all others have begun. Indeed, if we are wise, this is the very reason why we should surpass all others.
Now, if you will recall with me the points of change and progress made, you will find that the tendency is away from unlimited liability, as originally provided, and now toward a dependence159 upon capital and reserves solely160 for protection to the debenture holders.
First: We should confine the business to loans upon improved agricultural lands.
Second: We should make the institution strictly co?perative, but with a limited liability to the amount of the paid-up capital.
Third: Every local association, or primary unit, should be an association of men within a restricted locality and the business should also be confined to the immediate108 vicinity of the association.
Fourth: I do not believe that the membership of a primary unit should be less than twenty-five, nor more than fifty.
Fifth: I think that the capital of a primary unit should not exceed $25,000, and that the shares should be $100 each. No person should own more than two hundred and fifty shares, or 10 per cent of the capital.
Sixth: All loans made should be recommended by the local association. In case of a loss by the sale of property taken over, one-quarter of such loss should be borne by the primary unit, of local association, making or recommending the loan upon which the loss was made.
Seventh: All expenses connected with the examination and recommendation of a loan shall be paid by the primary unit, or local association.
Eighth: The application for a loan should then go to a state organization, which should be created by a union of all the local associations. I suggest a central organization in each state for the purpose of lessening162 the[Pg 269] expenses over the entire state, as the laws affecting real estate in the several states have some peculiarities to those states.
Ninth: Each state organization should have charge of all the business done in that particular state; the examination and final approval of the security; the examination and approval of the title; the collection of all interest; the payment of all taxes and insurance, and the final repayment of the loan.
Tenth: The state organization should be a union of all the local associations in any particular state, and should hold one-quarter of the capital of all the local associations as its own for the purpose of carrying on the business of that state.
Eleventh: All property upon which loans are made should be conveyed absolutely to the state institution where located with a waiver of all rights of foreclosure; but, providing for the advertisement and sale of the property, as if a judgment had been rendered. This is essential to save the cost of foreclosure.
Twelfth: In case of a loss, as the result of the sale of any real estate taken over, one-quarter of it shall be borne by the state organization.
I make this provision because no local association could carry all its losses, and yet it should be responsible for a sufficient amount of loss to impose a serious obligation upon the local association recommending the loan, and also a serious obligation upon the state institution for having finally approved and completed the loan.
Thirteenth: All the expenses of the state institution incurred163 by way of caring for the business of all the local associations should be paid by a percentage charge on all the business done in the state. This is desirable so that the mortgages shall go to the national organization, free and clear from any charges and obligations whatever.
Fourteenth: I would have a national organization which should fix the rate of interest to be paid by the[Pg 270] borrowers, and the rate of interest of all the bonds and debentures sold. All bonds and debentures should be sold by the national organization, which should be under national supervision for the purpose of giving to the debentures the highest possible credit wherever they may be offered for sale.
Fifteenth: I think that one-half of all the capital of all the local associations in the United States should be transferred to the national organization, and be held and treated by it as if it were its own capital. And such capital shall be holden to the debenture holders as a guarantee, and for the purpose of securing the best possible credit for the national organization.
Sixteenth: The national organization, and all state associations, and all local associations, shall be under the supervision, and be examined by an auditor appointed by the President of the United States.
Seventeenth: To secure unqualified success for a Land Credit Bank in the United States, no business should be attempted until the capital paid in shall amount to at least $25,000,000; that is, until the national organization shall have a cash capital of its own of $12,500,000 in order that its debentures may bear the lowest possible rate of interest that a large capital with a national organization under national supervision will insure.
Eighteenth: The debentures of a national organization should be free of all taxes, local or national.
In general these are my recommendations, which I hope will be incorporated in the measure we are to prepare.
Mr. Merchant: Mr. Farmer, I notice that you propose to confine the loans to agricultural land. Don't you think that a good and equally helpful business could be carried on by loaning money on city and urban property?
Mr. Farmer: Possibly that is so, but I do not think so, and in any event, I never would combine these two classes of loans. If we are to have national Land Credit Banks doing a country and city or urban business, let them be kept entirely separate. The general business permitted[Pg 271] and carried on by the Crédit Foncier is a just ground for severe criticism. It is permitted to take deposits. An American Land Credit Bank should have no such power. It should be confined, in my judgment, with extreme strictness to loaning money upon improved agricultural land. Mind you, I do not say that there should be no other Land Credit Bank to do some other kind of business. That is a matter for future and separate consideration.
Mr. Laboringman: Mr. Farmer, in all that you have said you have not once even mentioned Credit unions or Mutual164 Credit societies. I had been betting on you to help me out in my fight for a recognition of the principle of co?peration, but it looks as if you had deserted165 me.
Mr. Farmer: No, Mr. Laboringman, on the contrary, I will do anything in my power to help you or anyone work out the great saving principle of co?peration; but since I have been attending these talks two or three things have stuck in my crop and I could not get them out even if I tried, and one thing in particular applies especially to the agricultural societies, called credit unions.
Mutual credit societies or credit unions are organized to furnish capital for production; that is, it is commercial capital, or credit for commercial purposes, not for investment purposes at all. Not a single dollar of a credit union should ever be loaned upon real estate. Not a single dollar! Not a single cent!! Such a practice would literally166 destroy the principle upon which they are founded; mutual aid to assist in production, not investment. Don't you remember how Mr. Banker pounded that into us; and convinced us all, too? But more convincing than anything else as to this great economic truth, that not one single dollar of credit union money should ever be loaned upon land, is the history of them. We must not forget that they were organized to secure personal credit and to depart from that practice[Pg 272] is a perversion167 of their purpose and just to that extent must result in failure.
The co?perative idea for personal credit was originated in Germany by Francis Frederick Schulze, a little before the middle of the nineteenth century. It passed over into Austria and Hungary in 1851, into Italy in 1860, into Belgium in 1864, into France in 1883, into Scotland in 1889, and into Ireland in 1894. These dates are given to show the order of advance and the recentness of the movement in some parts of Europe. The first German association was formed in 1849 by Frederick William Raiffeisen. Herr Schulze did not get his started until the following year.
Herr Raiffeisen was poorly educated but deeply imbued168 with religious feelings. He lived among peasants in a sparsely169 settled and impoverished170 locality, and his object was to help the lowest classes. The associations which grew up under his guiding hand were mutual societies confined to small farming districts. The thought of profit was discarded and they were managed by the gratuitous services of their members. Herr Schulze was a talented writer and speaker, and when he took up his life work was holding a judicial post in his native town of Delitzsche. His philanthropy, although intense, leaned to the practical side. He believed in paid services and fair returns for money. The associations formed under his leadership were located mainly in towns. They were managed by salaried officers, and membership was dependent upon the purchase of shares on which dividends were allowed. But both kinds were founded upon the fundamental principle of combining persons together and using the credit created by their united guaranty for providing funds for members who might wish to borrow.
In the early days the mutual credit associations were formed simply by articles of agreement in the nature of a partnership171 contract, and members were jointly and severally liable without limit for all the loans that were[Pg 273] made. In course of time, when the Government began to take official recognition of the associations, some of the followers172 of Schulze favored a limit to this liability. Hence the mark of distinction became clearly defined between "Raiffeisenism" and the "Schulze-Delitzsche" propaganda. The German law, as it now stands, requires mutual banks to have share capital, but allows them to be organized upon the limited or unlimited liability plan. All true Raiffeisen banks, in order to preserve their character, have shares of only a nominal173 value and devote dividends to educational or charitable purposes. In Germany these local banks are grouped under central banks, which in turn are linked together by two general central banks, and their funds are made to move freely for agriculture throughout the Empire. The centralization of the system has also been inaugurated in France.
Personal credit in agricultural Europe is obtained usually by means of the co?perative credit associations. They are also used by artisans and small tradespeople in the towns and cities. These associations are in fact the only banks which the farmers will patronize for short-time loans in the nations where they abound174 in the greatest numbers. With their aid poverty and usury175 have been banished176, sterile177 fields have been made fertile, production has been increased, and agriculture and agricultural science raised to the highest point. Their educational influence is no less marked. They have taught the farmers the uses of credit as well as of cash, given them a commercial instinct and business knowledge, and stimulated178 them to associated action. They have encouraged thrift97 and saving, created a feeling of independence and self-reliance, and even elevated their moral tone.
The picture can hardly be overdrawn179. Every traveler who visits the places where these little associations exist speaks in glowing phrases of the prosperity and contentment that prevail. They are organized on such simple lines that their management requires only ordinary in[Pg 274]telligence. Failures have rarely occurred. In France and other countries they hold a record of having never lost a cent. The working capital and number of members of individual associations are so small as to be insignificant, yet they do one-third of the banking business of Italy; while the combined amount of their operations in Germany equal that of the commercial banks. But the mutual banks, both in town and country, are looked upon with favor in the financial world because they keep millions of dollars of petty sums in circulation which, except for them, would be idle and hoarded180. They are, in fact, feeders for the commercial banking system.
In 1909 in Belgium 458 banks, with a membership of 25,762, had outstanding (roughly calculated) $4,000,000 of loans; in France ninety-six regional banks did upward of $25,000,000 of business on a capital of $2,983,646, while the 2,983 local banks, with a membership of 133,382 farmers, had $2,622,241 of capital and a record of over $20,500,000 of operations. There were nearly 6,000 banks in Austria. The membership was over 725,666, and the loans ran over $86,500,000. In Italy 690 banks that furnished reports had a working capital of over $170,091,946. In Germany there is one bank for every 1,600 of the population, and the total business done was over $4,888,000,000. In one Province there is a bank for every 3,000 acres of land; and so on for all other nations that have co?perative credit institutions. The rate of interest charged was one or two points lower than in commercial circles, yet these banks, with a few exceptions, made a fair profit on the turnover181 of their capital. In some instances it ran as high as 5 per cent and 7 per cent.
With this striking array of figures to show its stability and usefulness, it is remarkable that the farmers of the United States have been so slow to adopt this system of banking for temporary loans on personal security. It has existed in Canada for twenty-two years. In the Province of Quebec there are a number of mutual banks that[Pg 275] have loaned hundreds of thousands of dollars. But Massachusetts is the only State in our country that has made an attempt to encourage its introduction. It already has a law allowing the incorporation182 of credit unions. It was passed in 1909 after a careful study of European legislation, and furnishes an excellent example for the other States. The first concern to start under this law was the Myrick Credit union at Springfield. In twelve months it had one hundred and five members, a capital of $3,000 and $10,000 of outstanding loans. Interest rates have been low, yet it paid over 6 per cent dividends on its capital. Thirteen new unions were formed in 1911 and have $25,000 of capital. A pamphlet issued by the State bank commissioner104 gives a comprehensive description of the fundamental principles that a mutual association for personal credit must adhere to. I cannot do better than to quote from it. They are as follows:
First: The association shall be organized on co?perative lines. As the members may be either borrowers or lenders, according to circumstances, its affairs must be conducted in such a way as to give fair and equitable treatment to both classes.
Second: The association shall be one of persons and not of shares. To this end each shareholder140 has one vote, irrespective of the number of shares he holds. Furthermore, a limit is set to the number of shares or the amount of deposit which a member may have in the association, in order that no one person may have a too dominating influence or be able to damage the association by suddenly withdrawing large sums.
Third: Loans shall be made only for the purposes which promise to result in a saving or a profit to the borrower. Each applicant183 for a loan must state the object for which he desires to borrow, in order that the credit committee, which passes on all loans, may rigidly184 exclude thriftless and improvident185 borrowing.
Fourth: As loans are made only to members and as[Pg 276] any member may become a borrower, care must be taken to admit to membership only men and women of honesty and industry.
Fifth: As personal knowledge of the character of the members is essential, the membership in an association must be restricted to citizens of a small community, or of a small subdivision of a large city, or to a small group or organization of individuals.
Sixth: Every provision must be made to bring the association within the reach of the humblest citizen. The par value of the shares should be small (it averages about $5), and they should be payable in very small installments. Loans of very small amounts should be made and should be repayable by installments if desired.
Seventh: In making loans it should be recognized that character and industry are the basis of credit, and a loan may be made to a member who has not adequate security to pledge for it, provided he can obtain the guaranty of one or more other members, but no member is obliged to guarantee the loan of another member unless he desires to do so.
Eighth: Borrowers must carry out to the letter the conditions of repayment and agreed upon at the time their loans are made. Prompt payment of obligations is a fundamental requirement of these associations.
It should not be inferred from the great success and good accomplished that the co?perative credit associations could be taken as models in their entirety or that the establishment of such societies would act as an immediate panacea186 for all the troubles that beset187 agriculture in America. They seem to be adapted only for localities where the population is fixed and settled and welded together in close relation by community of interests.
Let me call your attention to what the Government report says in support of this position. The Germans have had their sad experiences and it would be the height of folly188 for us to travel over the same road again, only[Pg 277] to learn by our own experience what we can now know without paying for it.
Too much emphasis cannot be laid on the fact that these small credit societies are not organized for making loans on real estate. The deposits and funds received by them are withdrawable on short notice. This privilege must be allowed in order to attract the capital needed. But as loans to members yield interest considerably189 under the ordinary market rate, the only way they have of paying for the use of this capital is by making quick and numerous turnovers190 with it. In Germany they have taken long-time mortgages, but the practice is strongly denounced by all students who have investigated into the cause of the remarkable success of the Raiffeisen and Schulze-Delitzsche systems as contrary to the theory on which they are founded. Credit is indispensable to every business. It is the means whereby $1 is made to do the work of $50, as the saying goes, but its classifications and limitations cannot be ignored without danger. A loan to acquire something merely for consumption is not tolerated, no matter what may be the security offered. The loan must be strictly for a creative purpose. This is the first cardinal191 principle, and so rigorously is it adhered to in Europe that the credit societies invite to their circle only those who are producers of wealth.
Another principle is that personal and real credit are inherently and irreconcilably192 separate and distinct, and each must have specially adapted institutions for carrying on its operations. This is only a reaffirmation of what we have already decided over and over again.
The recognition and observance of these principles have done much to prevent thriftless debt among farmers, and are undoubtedly the reasons why the land credit is so thoroughly organized on the European Continent. A loan on chattel193 or character security should naturally be for a short time and for temporary purposes, for such security is perishable194 and subject to loss or[Pg 278] change. The long-time loan requires an unchanging and permanent security, and the only thing possessing this quality is mother earth herself. But when capital is once sunk in land it becomes fixed and can never be recovered except from the income created thereby195 or the amortization sums paid in representation of that income. A debtor should not be called upon to pay back the loan in a lump or in advance of his receipts from the land. To do so leads only to further borrowing, usually on more burdensome terms, when the mortgage expires. On the other hand, a private individual cannot be expected to take his money back in driblets or wait long years for its complete return. So private lending on real estate is a theoretical and also a practical wrong. The proof of this lies in vast numbers of foreclosures and the excessive interest rates of farm mortgages in western United States, where they are largely held by persons. The smallness of the annual payments and the length of an ordinary loan in Europe are shown in the tables of the Crédit Foncier, which have been given already. A glance at them makes it apparent that amortization, the basic principle of a land loan, can be brought into full play only by the aid of large corporations or associations with charters perpetual or lasting196 a long time.
Mr. Banker: It does not seem to me, under the circumstances, as though we could treat the Mutual Credit Associations or Credit unions wisely. Indeed, I am of the opinion that legislation by us would interfere197 with and retard198 the progress of such associations.
Uncle Sam: Mr. Laboringman has waited patiently to have his say about co?peration.
Mr. Laboringman: Yes, I have been biding199 my time, for I have something to say that ought to interest all of you, as a possibility at least, and if it is reasonable to do so, I hope that you will include some sympathetic laws by way of encouragement.
England was the birthplace of modern industrialism, as you all know. There, too, was started the great move[Pg 279]ment of modern co?peration. Small and insignificant was the beginning. In 1844 the Rochdale pioneers put all their little savings200 into the pot, and they amounted to only $140. With this they started a store. By 1845 they had seventy-four members and $900 of capital, and did $3,500 worth of business, by keeping their little business open only two evenings a week. They were an object of derision and all sorts of jibes201.
S.P. Orth describes the situation as follows: Last year the British Government made a careful and complete report on co?peration in England, and found more than three million persons in the membership of the various societies, and over three times that number under the immediate sphere of co?perative influence. That means that one person in every five in the United Kingdom is now interested or influenced by this vast association of producers and consumers. During the past ten years, the increase of membership has been 55 per cent and the trade 75 per cent.
The productive and distributive business alone amounts to $640,000,000. The retail202 societies have $200,000,000 of capital. "Last year the sales of these retail societies totaled more than $352,000,000, or about $142.50 per member." It is most significant that the societies, in their own mills and factories, produced nearly 50 per cent of these goods themselves; that is, production and distribution are going hand in hand. They began by making boots and butter; now they make cloth, iron and all sorts of things.
The average profits for the last ten years have been nearly 15 per cent and there is now a serious discussion whether the cost of articles to the customer should not be lowered.
In some of the districts, notably203 some of the mining districts, the co?perative stores have a virtual monopoly, and their system of banking or keeping the surplus credits for the customer is a great boon204. But in other very poor districts, keeping up the prices has worked some[Pg 280] hardship. It is now proposed by some of the stronger societies to open special stores in the poorer districts and cut the prices.
All business, until a few years ago, was done on a strictly cash basis, but recently the insidious205 credit system has crept in, and it may lead to serious consequences.
Last year, out of its surplus, the union of Co?perative Societies, a federation206 of all English co?perativists, voted $230,000 to charity, $450,000 to education, i.e., libraries, lectures, and concerts, and $50,000 to propaganda.
The early retail societies found it hard to get good terms from wholesale207 houses, owing to the enmity of the private merchants. The law did not allow them to amalgamate208 and start a wholesale business of their own. But in 1862 the law was changed, and at once two co?perative wholesale societies were organized, the English and the Scotch209. They are the models for the world. The two societies are virtually one, although maintaining different officers, rules, and stockholders. In fact, the wholesale societies are the federation of the retail and productive societies of England and Scotland. The English society requires the constituent210 societies to hold one $25 share for every five of its membership; the Scotch society one $5 share for every one of its members: i. e., an English co?perative shoe factory of two hundred members wishing to join the English Wholesale Society would take forty $25 shares, or two hundred $5 shares in the Scotch Society.
These Wholesale Societies are the grand Clearing House of nearly all the co?perative shops and factories of the kingdom, and the suppliers of all the co?perative retail stores.
And they are monumental institutions. In 1907 they had a membership of more than 2,615,000, a capital of more than $169,000,000, a surplus of $85,000,000. Their annual sales amount to more than $600,000,000, and their profits more than $60,000,000.
The English Society is the larger. It is a corporation[Pg 281] that not only engages in wholesale trade but is a manufacturer, banker, importer; it packs meat, cures bacon, refines lard, binds211 books, grows tea, blends coffee, founders212 iron; it manufactures flour, butter, biscuit, sugar, pickles214, cocoa, tobacco, candles, glycerine, starch215, saddlery, furniture, clothing, corsets, underwear, brushes, crockery, tinplate, woolens216, carpets and almost everything else that an average British home may need. It deals in coal, apricots, and wheat; has offices in New York, Toronto, Rouen, France; Denia, Spain; Copenhagen and Guthenberg, Sweden; has twenty-seven creameries in Ireland, tallow and oil works in Sydney, Australia; a "bacon factory" in Denmark, a tea plantation128 in Ceylon, and fruit farms in Shropshire and Hereford. Besides, it owns four steamers for the trade between Rouen and Manchester.
Its main offices on Balloon Street, Manchester, are enormous and palatial217. Together with warehouses219 and stores, they cover a number of city blocks. Their offices in London compare favorably with any private establishment, and for efficiency they are second to none. Nearly 20,000 men are employed by this society. Some of its factories are large, e, g., the Leicester Shoe Works employ 1,446 men; the Irlam Soap Works, 702 men; Long Sight Printing Works, 941 men; the Middleton Pickle213 Works, 564, etc.
The chief offices of the Scotch Society are on Morrison Street, Glasgow. They manufacture umbrellas, tweeds, paislies, oatmeal, Aberdeen finnan-haddie, and other characteristic Scotch merchandise. Its capital is about $17,000,000.
Germany and Belgium, too, are furnishing successful co?perative associations. Mr. Orth describes them so well that I want to read what he says.
There are about two thousand of the co?perative supply societies among the farmers, with nearly one hundred and fifty thousand members. There are also about three thousand co?perative dairies, with two hundred and[Pg 282] thirty thousand members, and one hundred and sixty co?perative wine cellars and two hundred and fifty-five co?perative warehouses and grain elevators.
It was natural that retail stores should be established next, on a co?perative basis. For some reason they did not thrive until about ten years ago. At that time a split occurred in the co?perative ranks, due to politics, and two federations220 or unions of Co?perative Societies were organized; the General union or Liberal union, and the Central union or Socialist221 union. The former is remaining stationary222, the latter growing by leaps and bounds.
In every large city the co?perative retail society has a central plant. It usually includes a warehouse218 and bakery. The one located at Berlin is a good type. It is situated224 at Lichtenberg, a suburb. Here you see splendid buildings, in good architectural style, fitted up in the most modern manner; telephones to all departments, electricity, central heating plant, a uniform clock system for keeping time, etc. The whole plant cost $1,750,000. The great warehouse is full of groceries.
Although only a year in the buildings, they are already overtaxed and additions are planned. This central supply house looks after the sixty co?perative grocery stores in Berlin. It has a string of fine delivery autos. Any one can become a member by paying fifty pfennigs (12-1/2c.) admission, and forty marks ($10) a year. This, however, is taken out of his dividends.
The society also owns a fine row of apartment houses, which are leased to members at a low rental225. The goods used are bought in the open market, or are supplied by the German Co?perative Wholesale Society of Hamburg. There is very little productive co?peration in Germany. There are 2,311 retail societies, more than two million members, and more than $5,000,000 in their reserve fund.
The Wholesale Society had a hard time of it until the spurt226 in favor of co?peration began a decade ago. Now it thrives, doing about $12,000,000 business a year.
[Pg 283]
There are a great many local co?perative building societies, with two hundred thousand members, and many other evidences that the spirit of co?peration is abroad in the land. In 1908 there were 4,105,594 persons actively227 interested in one form or another of German co?peration. In 1911 the number had increased to nearly five million.
In the little land of Belgium co?peration is at its best; not at its greatest showiness, nor maximum figures. But here, in this land of congested population, of illiteracy228, of low wages and depressing conditions, the abject229 workingmen have taken hold of their own problems, asking neither sympathy nor favor, and have worked out a scheme of industrial co?peration that is a genuine achievement.
In 1873 bread was very dear in Ghent. Times were very hard. So high was the price of flour that many workingmen went hungry. A few of these workers united to do what they could to supply loaves at cheaper rates. They had $17 capital. They found an old cellar with an old oven in it, hired an old baker223, and peddled230 the bread in baskets. Today there is a fine workingmen's clubhouse in Ghent, called "Vooruit." Across the fa?ade stands the motto, "The Brotherhood231 of Workingmen Means Peace on Earth." This is the outgrowth of the cellar bakeshop. "Vooruit" stands for everything that is superb in co?peration. Here is not only a large lecture hall and café and offices of the unions; here is the studio of Van Biesbroeck, the workman-sculptor; here is a library, and in the neighborhood are stores, ware-rooms and shops. A few years ago it was found that many women were ruining their health by the long hours of service at the looms232. "Vooruit" started a co?perative weaving shed, where the women work eight and three-quarter hours a day.
The bakery now does almost $1,000,000 worth of business a year; it makes 110,000 loaves a week. The eight thousand members of "Vooruit" have six drug stores,[Pg 284] coal yards, many grocery stores and meat shops, a dry goods store, and other industries. All done by workmen in thirty years, workmen who were never highly paid and who trained themselves to do these things.
They meet every year, the eight thousand members, and vote on the price of bread. Sometimes it is one cent higher than the commercial rate, but their dividends more than cover this.
In Brussels is the famous "Maison du Peuple," the House of the People. It, too, began with a small bakery, employing two men and turning out five hundred and fifty-two loaves the first week. Today the "Maison" has twenty-five thousand members, two great bakeries, six warehouses, four butcher shops, twenty-five grocery stores, and numerous shops where various articles are made.
This "House," standing131 on Rue51 Joseph Stephen, cost $375,000 and was paid for by the Brussels workingmen out of their co?perative funds. The café, seating eight hundred people, is an animated233 place; every one seems content. The office of the savings bank is doing a rushing business, women and children bringing in the savings of the family for the week; the committee rooms are full of workmen planning some new enterprise. In the evening the lecture hall or theatre is crowded, the two thousand five hundred seats all taken, to see a play produced by an amateur company, all members of the "Maison."
All this, and more, in the form of co?peration. In 1907-8 the "Maison" made a profit of $134,000; of this about three-quarters was distributed as personal dividends to shareholders. The rest was spent on social benefits and a reserve fund.
In Belgium, then, you find all the co?perative activities united in each city under one general management. It includes groceries and clothing, medical aid, insurance, savings bank, clubhouse privileges, lectures, libraries, entertainments.
[Pg 285]
There are one hundred, and sixty-one distributive societies with 119,581 members; sixteen productive societies with 1,583 members. The Productive Societies include weaving, printing, cabinetmaking, tobacco and cigars, hardware and bakery. The total co?perative business is $6,800,000 a year, a large amount when you consider the diminutive234 size of the country and the poverty of the people.
The fact that in all of these countries co?peration is growing at a rate of increase of 20 per cent to 40 per cent proves that a need for it exists.
Now, Uncle Sam, we are starting these co?perative stores here, and the question with us and the one we are constantly asking, is what protection are we going to have from the trusts and monopolies which can, if permitted to do so, destroy us with low prices at any point, while they rob the people at some other point, to make up the losses, while ruining us. What we must have is legislation, to protect us, and if we can get it into this bill, I want it.
Uncle Sam: I do not see how any phase of what you have said can be governed by a financial and banking bill. It is true, that incidentally you may do a banking business in your co?perative societies. So far as you do, you ought to conform your practices with whatever we may decide upon in the way of banking laws. So far as you buy and sell, or manufacture, you are engaged in production and commerce, and not in the banking business. Under the circumstances, you are entitled to an answer, although a little aside from the subject in hand. Let me tell you, however, right here, and you may set it down as settled. That, if you start any co?perative associations for the production or distribution of goods of any kind, you shall have a square deal. I have been waiting patiently, but getting ready all the while, to put some of the managers of these monopolies in jail. You can take my word for it. You are going to have equal opportunities under the operation of just laws, if there[Pg 286] is any way of giving them to you. And if your Uncle Samuel understands the situation, I think there is. Unfair chances, special privileges and monopolies cannot naturally and properly have any place in a country where all men are born free and equal under the law. The fact is, the law is sufficient now, but there is not a public sentiment strong enough to compel the courts to put men in jail for robbing their fellows through the forms of law; even if it is known that the laws by which they rob their fellows or are permitted or enabled to rob their fellows were passed expressly for that purpose. That is the fault of the times through which we have just passed. The time is now at hand when all this is to be reversed. The people have come to realize and appreciate the fact that it is ethically235, morally, and justly speaking, as wrong to rob a man through the forms of law, as for the bully237 to fell a man in the streets and pick his pockets. The people are forming new ideals, and the judges are getting new ideas. These new ideals, and these new ideas, will soon handcuff and incarcerate238 the business culprits, the business bullies239, just as the ancient ideals of the people, and the old ideas of the judges have, in the past, put the physical bully and the material thief in the dark, dank dungeon240. I have altogether too many men, who are always inquiring how near they can go to the jail door and not get in. You mark my word, I am going to push some of them in very soon now. What I want is a nation of men who are imbued with a sense of justice and fair play in business; and who will regard business relations as moral obligations, and paramount241 to the technical letter of the law. When that day comes, one banker will not want his fellow-bankers to carry his reserves for him. The principle is the same, whatever the relation of men may be; therefore, you can take my word for it, that all those who want to co?perate to secure a greater degree of the profits of their labor1, a greater degree of justice among their fellows, will find Uncle Samuel co?perating with them, in[Pg 287] the preparation and execution of those laws which will make for a juster Government. Since this Government springs from the people, and belongs to the people, no part of the people, certainly no small part of the people, should be able to take unfair advantages and undue242 profits, by any legalized special privileges, or by the power of monopoly. I say to you now, that these should be, and will be destroyed, and that all men shall be equal before and under the law. This is the predestined purpose of this Government, and it will never come into its fulfillment until you learn, my boys, that you are your brother's keepers.
Mr. Merchant: Uncle Sam, that's pretty good preaching; but how are you going to apply it to this banking question?
Uncle Sam: Did not Mr. Laboringman just appeal to me to find out whether co?perative societies were going to have a fair show? I have just told him "Yes," and I intend they shall have it, and I know of no better place to begin than here and now. I am going to construct two or three pieces of machinery—a guillotine for the monopolies, and an electric chair for special privileges, and concoct243 a barrel of anesthetics for stealthy, statutory stealing.
Mr. Lawyer: But all this kind of legislation must come under the sphere of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. I think no one will contend that any aspect of co?peration, as represented by Mr. Laboringman, should be incorporated in our banking bill.
Mr. Banker: I agree with both Mr. Farmer and Mr. Lawyer, that we cannot make any provision for it at this stage of its development in this country; but who shall prophesy244 about a movement that has spread over the world, as this has, and is now growing at such a rapid rate? It is estimated that at least ten million in Great Britain are interested in it; more than five million in Germany, and that the outstanding co?perative investments in Continental Europe must exceed $5,000,000,000[Pg 288] by this time. Of course, these figures mean some banking sooner or later, in this country, when the movement once gets under way.
Mr. Farmer: Yes, I agree to that, but any attempt on our part at this time to legislate in advance, would do more harm than good.
Mr. Laboringman: That is probably true, as it might interfere, as you say, with the movement. All I ask then, is that we have a fair field, so that we can develop along natural lines, and be protected in the exercise of our mutual co?perative rights. I thank you, gentlemen, for giving me, and my particular cause, so much of your time.
Uncle Sam: Mr. Laboringman, your cause is their cause. Your cause is my cause. Your cause is our cause. Your cause is the cause of humanity. The principles upon which your cause rests, pushed to their logical conclusion, will secure social and industrial justice. There are many who have taken millions, yes, hundreds of millions, through the forms of law, but without any ethical236 right whatever. From them these millions will be taken away in time, through the forms of law; through the power of taxation245 by progressive income and inheritance taxes, and the injustice246 of today will be righted by the justice of tomorrow.
Mr. Banker: Uncle Sam, you have suggested a programme outside of banking legislation; but I must confess incidental to the cause presented by Mr. Laboringman.
Mr. Farmer: Gentlemen, we have stayed longer tonight than on any previous night, and I must go now. So, good night.
Uncle Sam: Mr. Farmer has forced an adjournment247.
点击收听单词发音
1 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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2 contention | |
n.争论,争辩,论战;论点,主张 | |
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3 banking | |
n.银行业,银行学,金融业 | |
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4 par | |
n.标准,票面价值,平均数量;adj.票面的,平常的,标准的 | |
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5 legislate | |
vt.制定法律;n.法规,律例;立法 | |
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6 annually | |
adv.一年一次,每年 | |
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7 renewal | |
adj.(契约)延期,续订,更新,复活,重来 | |
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8 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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9 extravagant | |
adj.奢侈的;过分的;(言行等)放肆的 | |
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10 rehabilitating | |
改造(罪犯等)( rehabilitate的现在分词 ); 使恢复正常生活; 使恢复原状; 修复 | |
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11 cultivation | |
n.耕作,培养,栽培(法),养成 | |
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12 arable | |
adj.可耕的,适合种植的 | |
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13 plow | |
n.犁,耕地,犁过的地;v.犁,费力地前进[英]plough | |
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14 foodstuffs | |
食物,食品( foodstuff的名词复数 ) | |
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15 monetary | |
adj.货币的,钱的;通货的;金融的;财政的 | |
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16 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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17 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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18 enlisted | |
adj.应募入伍的v.(使)入伍, (使)参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 );获得(帮助或支持) | |
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19 impelled | |
v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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20 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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21 patriotic | |
adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
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22 disinterested | |
adj.不关心的,不感兴趣的 | |
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23 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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24 debenture | |
n.债券;信用债券;(海关)退税凭单 | |
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25 underlying | |
adj.在下面的,含蓄的,潜在的 | |
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26 holder | |
n.持有者,占有者;(台,架等)支持物 | |
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27 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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28 debentures | |
n.公司债券( debenture的名词复数 ) | |
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29 haphazard | |
adj.无计划的,随意的,杂乱无章的 | |
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30 insistence | |
n.坚持;强调;坚决主张 | |
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31 agitation | |
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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32 interfering | |
adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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33 reigned | |
vi.当政,统治(reign的过去式形式) | |
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34 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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35 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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36 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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37 dividend | |
n.红利,股息;回报,效益 | |
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38 dividends | |
红利( dividend的名词复数 ); 股息; 被除数; (足球彩票的)彩金 | |
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39 gratuitous | |
adj.无偿的,免费的;无缘无故的,不必要的 | |
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40 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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41 proprietors | |
n.所有人,业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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42 proprietor | |
n.所有人;业主;经营者 | |
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43 creditor | |
n.债仅人,债主,贷方 | |
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44 creditors | |
n.债权人,债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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45 withdrawal | |
n.取回,提款;撤退,撤军;收回,撤销 | |
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46 stringency | |
n.严格,紧迫,说服力;严格性;强度 | |
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47 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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48 fiat | |
n.命令,法令,批准;vt.批准,颁布 | |
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49 jointly | |
ad.联合地,共同地 | |
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50 unlimited | |
adj.无限的,不受控制的,无条件的 | |
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51 rue | |
n.懊悔,芸香,后悔;v.后悔,悲伤,懊悔 | |
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52 debtor | |
n.借方,债务人 | |
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53 payable | |
adj.可付的,应付的,有利益的 | |
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54 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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55 denomination | |
n.命名,取名,(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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56 denominations | |
n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 );教派;面额;名称 | |
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57 nomination | |
n.提名,任命,提名权 | |
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58 installments | |
部分( installment的名词复数 ) | |
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59 redeeming | |
补偿的,弥补的 | |
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60 amortization | |
n.摊销,摊还,分期偿付 | |
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61 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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62 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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63 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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64 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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65 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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66 dealing | |
n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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67 annuities | |
n.养老金;年金( annuity的名词复数 );(每年的)养老金;年金保险;年金保险投资 | |
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68 encumbrance | |
n.妨碍物,累赘 | |
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69 encumbrances | |
n.负担( encumbrance的名词复数 );累赘;妨碍;阻碍 | |
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70 prevailing | |
adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
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71 lessens | |
变少( lessen的第三人称单数 ); 减少(某事物) | |
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72 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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73 functionaries | |
n.公职人员,官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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74 feudal | |
adj.封建的,封地的,领地的 | |
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75 manorial | |
adj.庄园的 | |
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76 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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77 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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78 annexes | |
并吞( annex的名词复数 ); 兼并; 强占; 并吞(国家、地区等); 附加物,附属建筑( annexe的名词复数 ) | |
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79 affiliated | |
adj. 附属的, 有关连的 | |
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80 nucleus | |
n.核,核心,原子核 | |
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81 premium | |
n.加付款;赠品;adj.高级的;售价高的 | |
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82 inspection | |
n.检查,审查,检阅 | |
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83 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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84 repayment | |
n.偿还,偿还款;报酬 | |
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85 deterioration | |
n.退化;恶化;变坏 | |
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86 annuity | |
n.年金;养老金 | |
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87 irrigated | |
[医]冲洗的 | |
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88 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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89 supervision | |
n.监督,管理 | |
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90 stringent | |
adj.严厉的;令人信服的;银根紧的 | |
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91 penal | |
adj.刑罚的;刑法上的 | |
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92 continental | |
adj.大陆的,大陆性的,欧洲大陆的 | |
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93 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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94 illustrate | |
v.举例说明,阐明;图解,加插图 | |
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95 equitable | |
adj.公平的;公正的 | |
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96 restrictions | |
约束( restriction的名词复数 ); 管制; 制约因素; 带限制性的条件(或规则) | |
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97 thrift | |
adj.节约,节俭;n.节俭,节约 | |
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98 modifications | |
n.缓和( modification的名词复数 );限制;更改;改变 | |
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99 strictly | |
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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100 enacted | |
制定(法律),通过(法案)( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101 outstripped | |
v.做得比…更好,(在赛跑等中)超过( outstrip的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102 specially | |
adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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103 provincial | |
adj.省的,地方的;n.外省人,乡下人 | |
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104 commissioner | |
n.(政府厅、局、处等部门)专员,长官,委员 | |
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105 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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106 holders | |
支持物( holder的名词复数 ); 持有者; (支票等)持有人; 支托(或握持)…之物 | |
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107 auditor | |
n.审计员,旁听着 | |
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108 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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109 subsidy | |
n.补助金,津贴 | |
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110 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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111 treasuries | |
n.(政府的)财政部( treasury的名词复数 );国库,金库 | |
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112 registration | |
n.登记,注册,挂号 | |
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113 exempt | |
adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
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114 purging | |
清洗; 清除; 净化; 洗炉 | |
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115 garnished | |
v.给(上餐桌的食物)加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116 violation | |
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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117 deteriorates | |
恶化,变坏( deteriorate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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118 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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119 auction | |
n.拍卖;拍卖会;vt.拍卖 | |
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120 notary | |
n.公证人,公证员 | |
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121 adverse | |
adj.不利的;有害的;敌对的,不友好的 | |
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122 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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123 transacts | |
v.办理(业务等)( transact的第三人称单数 );交易,谈判 | |
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124 liens | |
n.留置权,扣押权( lien的名词复数 ) | |
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125 durable | |
adj.持久的,耐久的 | |
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126 quarries | |
n.(采)石场( quarry的名词复数 );猎物(指鸟,兽等);方形石;(格窗等的)方形玻璃v.从采石场采得( quarry的第三人称单数 );从(书本等中)努力发掘(资料等);在采石场采石 | |
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127 orchards | |
(通常指围起来的)果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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128 plantation | |
n.种植园,大农场 | |
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129 plantations | |
n.种植园,大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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130 bind | |
vt.捆,包扎;装订;约束;使凝固;vi.变硬 | |
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131 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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132 obligatory | |
adj.强制性的,义务的,必须的 | |
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133 statutes | |
成文法( statute的名词复数 ); 法令; 法规; 章程 | |
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134 arrears | |
n.到期未付之债,拖欠的款项;待做的工作 | |
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135 fulfill | |
vt.履行,实现,完成;满足,使满意 | |
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136 countersigns | |
v.连署,副署,会签 (文件)( countersign的第三人称单数 ) | |
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137 auditors | |
n.审计员,稽核员( auditor的名词复数 );(大学课程的)旁听生 | |
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138 administrative | |
adj.行政的,管理的 | |
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139 guardians | |
监护人( guardian的名词复数 ); 保护者,维护者 | |
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140 shareholder | |
n.股东,股票持有人 | |
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141 shareholders | |
n.股东( shareholder的名词复数 ) | |
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142 quorum | |
n.法定人数 | |
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143 proxy | |
n.代理权,代表权;(对代理人的)委托书;代理人 | |
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144 amendment | |
n.改正,修正,改善,修正案 | |
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145 authorized | |
a.委任的,许可的 | |
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146 vaults | |
n.拱顶( vault的名词复数 );地下室;撑物跳高;墓穴 | |
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147 amortizing | |
v.分期偿还(债务)( amortize的现在分词 ) | |
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148 insignificant | |
adj.无关紧要的,可忽略的,无意义的 | |
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149 renown | |
n.声誉,名望 | |
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150 retirement | |
n.退休,退职 | |
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151 redeemed | |
adj. 可赎回的,可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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152 synchronously | |
ad.同时地 | |
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153 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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154 maturity | |
n.成熟;完成;(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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155 lottery | |
n.抽彩;碰运气的事,难于算计的事 | |
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156 judicial | |
adj.司法的,法庭的,审判的,明断的,公正的 | |
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157 fiscal | |
adj.财政的,会计的,国库的,国库岁入的 | |
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158 peculiarities | |
n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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159 dependence | |
n.依靠,依赖;信任,信赖;隶属 | |
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160 solely | |
adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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161 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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162 lessening | |
减轻,减少,变小 | |
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163 incurred | |
[医]招致的,遭受的; incur的过去式 | |
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164 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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165 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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166 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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167 perversion | |
n.曲解;堕落;反常 | |
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168 imbued | |
v.使(某人/某事)充满或激起(感情等)( imbue的过去式和过去分词 );使充满;灌输;激发(强烈感情或品质等) | |
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169 sparsely | |
adv.稀疏地;稀少地;不足地;贫乏地 | |
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170 impoverished | |
adj.穷困的,无力的,用尽了的v.使(某人)贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 );使(某物)贫瘠或恶化 | |
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171 partnership | |
n.合作关系,伙伴关系 | |
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172 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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173 nominal | |
adj.名义上的;(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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174 abound | |
vi.大量存在;(in,with)充满,富于 | |
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175 usury | |
n.高利贷 | |
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176 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177 sterile | |
adj.不毛的,不孕的,无菌的,枯燥的,贫瘠的 | |
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178 stimulated | |
a.刺激的 | |
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179 overdrawn | |
透支( overdraw的过去分词 ); (overdraw的过去分词) | |
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180 hoarded | |
v.积蓄并储藏(某物)( hoard的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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181 turnover | |
n.人员流动率,人事变动率;营业额,成交量 | |
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182 incorporation | |
n.设立,合并,法人组织 | |
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183 applicant | |
n.申请人,求职者,请求者 | |
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184 rigidly | |
adv.刻板地,僵化地 | |
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185 improvident | |
adj.不顾将来的,不节俭的,无远见的 | |
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186 panacea | |
n.万灵药;治百病的灵药 | |
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187 beset | |
v.镶嵌;困扰,包围 | |
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188 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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189 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
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190 turnovers | |
n.营业额( turnover的名词复数 );失误(篮球术语);职工流动率;(商店的)货物周转率 | |
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191 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
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192 irreconcilably | |
(观点、目标或争议)不可调和的,不相容的 | |
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193 chattel | |
n.动产;奴隶 | |
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194 perishable | |
adj.(尤指食物)易腐的,易坏的 | |
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195 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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196 lasting | |
adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持 | |
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197 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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198 retard | |
n.阻止,延迟;vt.妨碍,延迟,使减速 | |
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199 biding | |
v.等待,停留( bide的现在分词 );居住;(过去式用bided)等待;面临 | |
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200 savings | |
n.存款,储蓄 | |
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201 jibes | |
n.与…一致( jibe的名词复数 );(与…)相符;相匹配v.与…一致( jibe的第三人称单数 );(与…)相符;相匹配 | |
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202 retail | |
v./n.零售;adv.以零售价格 | |
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203 notably | |
adv.值得注意地,显著地,尤其地,特别地 | |
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204 boon | |
n.恩赐,恩物,恩惠 | |
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205 insidious | |
adj.阴险的,隐匿的,暗中为害的,(疾病)不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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206 federation | |
n.同盟,联邦,联合,联盟,联合会 | |
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207 wholesale | |
n.批发;adv.以批发方式;vt.批发,成批出售 | |
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208 amalgamate | |
v.(指业务等)合并,混合 | |
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209 scotch | |
n.伤口,刻痕;苏格兰威士忌酒;v.粉碎,消灭,阻止;adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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210 constituent | |
n.选民;成分,组分;adj.组成的,构成的 | |
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211 binds | |
v.约束( bind的第三人称单数 );装订;捆绑;(用长布条)缠绕 | |
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212 founders | |
n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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213 pickle | |
n.腌汁,泡菜;v.腌,泡 | |
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214 pickles | |
n.腌菜( pickle的名词复数 );处于困境;遇到麻烦;菜酱 | |
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215 starch | |
n.淀粉;vt.给...上浆 | |
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216 woolens | |
毛织品,毛料织物; 毛织品,羊毛织物,毛料衣服( woolen的名词复数 ) | |
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217 palatial | |
adj.宫殿般的,宏伟的 | |
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218 warehouse | |
n.仓库;vt.存入仓库 | |
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219 warehouses | |
仓库,货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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220 federations | |
n.联邦( federation的名词复数 );同盟;联盟;联合会 | |
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221 socialist | |
n.社会主义者;adj.社会主义的 | |
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222 stationary | |
adj.固定的,静止不动的 | |
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223 baker | |
n.面包师 | |
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224 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
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225 rental | |
n.租赁,出租,出租业 | |
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226 spurt | |
v.喷出;突然进发;突然兴隆 | |
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227 actively | |
adv.积极地,勤奋地 | |
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228 illiteracy | |
n.文盲 | |
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229 abject | |
adj.极可怜的,卑屈的 | |
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230 peddled | |
(沿街)叫卖( peddle的过去式和过去分词 ); 兜售; 宣传; 散播 | |
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231 brotherhood | |
n.兄弟般的关系,手中情谊 | |
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232 looms | |
n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现,阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 );隐约出现,阴森地逼近 | |
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233 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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234 diminutive | |
adj.小巧可爱的,小的 | |
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235 ethically | |
adv.在伦理上,道德上 | |
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236 ethical | |
adj.伦理的,道德的,合乎道德的 | |
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237 bully | |
n.恃强欺弱者,小流氓;vt.威胁,欺侮 | |
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238 incarcerate | |
v.监禁,禁闭 | |
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239 bullies | |
n.欺凌弱小者, 开球 vt.恐吓, 威胁, 欺负 | |
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240 dungeon | |
n.地牢,土牢 | |
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241 paramount | |
a.最重要的,最高权力的 | |
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242 undue | |
adj.过分的;不适当的;未到期的 | |
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243 concoct | |
v.调合,制造 | |
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244 prophesy | |
v.预言;预示 | |
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245 taxation | |
n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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246 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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247 adjournment | |
休会; 延期; 休会期; 休庭期 | |
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