Some time ago the Nation dismissed Mr. Gatty’s volume, not with disrespect, but with a certain distance and indifference3 evidently founded on a very mistaken idea. It implied that Wyndham was after all an intellectual aristocrat4, whose culture was that of a clique5, and who did not test it enough in popular and practical politics. The point is interesting; chiefly because it is the precise reverse of the truth. If anything could narrow a man like Wyndham, it was being political like the Nation; what broadened him to a universal brotherhood6 was getting far from politics—like the nation. His private life was much larger than his public life; though that in turn was larger than most public lives in the parliamentary decline. Being a politician, he had to be a parliamentarian; and being a parliamentarian, he had to be an oligarch. In so far as he did hold the aristocratic theory, it was exactly that aristocratic theory that forced him into political practice. He knew well enough, I think, that the English parliament is an aristocracy. He took the high ground of the responsibility of privilege; but he was far too sincere to deny that it was privilege. He said to a friend of mine, who thus lamented7 his laborious8 parliamentary botherations, “You see, I was born paid.” It was the aristocracy the Nation reproves that necessitated9 the parliamentarism the Nation desires or demands. Personally, I should not desire either; and I think the real Wyndham was in a larger world outside both. It was precisely10 where he was most domestic that he was most democratic. He was a poet among poets exactly as he might have been a pedestrian among pedestrians11 or, as he would have preferred to put it, a tramp among tramps. The sympathy with tramps might be taken literally12; for I remember him defending the gipsies, when a more modern spirit wanted them taught the meaning of progress by being moved on by the police. He may have been right to work in cabinets and committees; but it was there, if anywhere, that he was in a clique. He may have been right not to follow his tastes, but it was his tastes that were popular and what many cliques13 would call vulgar. He may have been right not to be one of the idle rich, but he might have been even more superior to the limits of the rich, if he had been idler.
The beauty of Mr. Gatty’s book is that it is a brilliant scrap-book, the very variegated14 nature of which expresses this almost vagabond liberality. Even when it merely notes down such things as single lines of Shakespeare over which Wyndham lingered, or reproduces corners of carving16 or painting which arrested his eye, the method seems to me to work rightly; it seems somehow natural to talk of every other subject besides the subject himself; as he was always ready to talk of every other subject. And this aspect, by itself, accentuates17 the feeling that his holidays were his most useful days. In this mood one may well wish that he had never been near what he himself called the cesspool of politics; and one might well accept the Nation’s suggestion of his aloofness18 from its own favourite parliamentary business with a somewhat dry assent19. Wyndham certainly had little to do with the internal constructive20 legislation praised in progressive papers. He can claim none of the glory of the great social reforms of the period just before the War. He is not responsible for the permission to drag away a poor man’s child as a raving21 maniac22, if his teacher thinks he is a little too stupid to learn, or his teacher is a little too stupid to teach him. He has not the honour of having abolished the Habeas Corpus Act, in order to allow amateur criminologists to keep a tramp in prison until they have invented a science of criminology. He did not establish the Labour Exchanges, and probably did not want to establish them, any more than the Labour Exchanges vividly23 described in Uncle Tom’s Cabin. It was not he who created by statute24 a servant class, of men made to spend their own wages on doctors they might never want, instead of on tools or tram-tickets they urgently wanted. He was largely detached from all this; and when reading a real record like Mr. Gatty’s one is moved to wish that he had been even more detached from it. Considering the liberty of his philosophical25 friendships, one respects but regrets the loyalty26 of his political friendships; and is sorry that common sense must be sacrificed to practical politics.
But when a book like Mr. Gatty’s has moved a reviewer to this mood of mere15 regret for a poet wasted in politics, there returns upon him after all one answer which is itself unanswerable. Judged by one ultimate test, he was after all right to remain in politics; even in the last putrefaction27 of parliamentary politics. At the price of nobody knows what pain and patience and contempt and concessions28, he alone among modern politicians did leave not merely a name but a thing, that will remain after him as a scientific engine or a geographical29 discovery remains30. He achieved a work which has changed the whole destiny of Western Europe; the resurrection of Ireland. There he established the free peasant; a work organically different from all the modern reforms that are merely imposed, whether right or wrong, whether servile or socialist31. It is the difference between planting a tree and building a tower; once planted, the tree lives by its own life. He and his admirers, myself among the number, might well be content to contemplate32 such a work without afterthoughts; if there were not laid upon us like a load of memories, and almost like a living chain, the love of England.
For England, alas33! has made to-day the worst possible compromise between aristocracy and democracy. It has kept the aristocracy and lost the aristocrats34. The country is still as much ruled by squires36, but not so much by country gentlemen; and the reform of the House of Lords seems to mean eliminating gentlemen and carefully preserving noblemen. It is as if there were a complaint of martial37 law; and it were met by keeping the whole machinery38 of militarism, but giving the arbitrary power to spies instead of soldiers. Or it is as if reactionaries39 erected40 a despotism, and then called themselves reformers because they did not care what dirty fellow was despot. But remote as Wyndham was from the sham41 gentry42 of the twentieth century, it would also be an error merely to merge43 him with the genuine gentry of the eighteenth. It would be to mark the type so as to miss the man. What distinguished44 him, as an individual, from good and bad squires, was something far older than squirarchy; the true sense of the squire35 expectant, eager to spring into the saddle of knighthood. His courage was far less static than that of a country gentleman. It was the thing in which a philologist46 might recognize that “courage” really means rushing; or from which a professor will probably some day prove that courage really means running away. He had that spiritual ambition which is itself the ascending47 flame of humility48; and which has been wanting to the English since the squire grew greater than the knight45. He seemed to await an adventure that never quite came to him on earth; and his life and death were swift, as if he were struck by lightning as with an accolade49, or had won spurs that were wings upon the wind.
点击收听单词发音
1 reminder | |
n.提醒物,纪念品;暗示,提示 | |
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2 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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3 indifference | |
n.不感兴趣,不关心,冷淡,不在乎 | |
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4 aristocrat | |
n.贵族,有贵族气派的人,上层人物 | |
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5 clique | |
n.朋党派系,小集团 | |
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6 brotherhood | |
n.兄弟般的关系,手中情谊 | |
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7 lamented | |
adj.被哀悼的,令人遗憾的v.(为…)哀悼,痛哭,悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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8 laborious | |
adj.吃力的,努力的,不流畅 | |
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9 necessitated | |
使…成为必要,需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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10 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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11 pedestrians | |
n.步行者( pedestrian的名词复数 ) | |
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12 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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13 cliques | |
n.小集团,小圈子,派系( clique的名词复数 ) | |
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14 variegated | |
adj.斑驳的,杂色的 | |
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15 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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16 carving | |
n.雕刻品,雕花 | |
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17 accentuates | |
v.重读( accentuate的第三人称单数 );使突出;使恶化;加重音符号于 | |
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18 aloofness | |
超然态度 | |
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19 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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20 constructive | |
adj.建设的,建设性的 | |
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21 raving | |
adj.说胡话的;疯狂的,怒吼的;非常漂亮的;令人醉心[痴心]的v.胡言乱语(rave的现在分词)n.胡话;疯话adv.胡言乱语地;疯狂地 | |
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22 maniac | |
n.精神癫狂的人;疯子 | |
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23 vividly | |
adv.清楚地,鲜明地,生动地 | |
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24 statute | |
n.成文法,法令,法规;章程,规则,条例 | |
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25 philosophical | |
adj.哲学家的,哲学上的,达观的 | |
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26 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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27 putrefaction | |
n.腐坏,腐败 | |
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28 concessions | |
n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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29 geographical | |
adj.地理的;地区(性)的 | |
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30 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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31 socialist | |
n.社会主义者;adj.社会主义的 | |
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32 contemplate | |
vt.盘算,计议;周密考虑;注视,凝视 | |
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33 alas | |
int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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34 aristocrats | |
n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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35 squire | |
n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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36 squires | |
n.地主,乡绅( squire的名词复数 ) | |
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37 martial | |
adj.战争的,军事的,尚武的,威武的 | |
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38 machinery | |
n.(总称)机械,机器;机构 | |
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39 reactionaries | |
n.反动分子,反动派( reactionary的名词复数 ) | |
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40 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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41 sham | |
n./adj.假冒(的),虚伪(的) | |
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42 gentry | |
n.绅士阶级,上层阶级 | |
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43 merge | |
v.(使)结合,(使)合并,(使)合为一体 | |
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44 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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45 knight | |
n.骑士,武士;爵士 | |
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46 philologist | |
n.语言学者,文献学者 | |
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47 ascending | |
adj.上升的,向上的 | |
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48 humility | |
n.谦逊,谦恭 | |
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49 accolade | |
n.推崇备至,赞扬 | |
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