The problem of poverty, as mentioned above, en44grossed me early. I acted as chairman of the meeting at which Henry George was first introduced to the public in New York City. But Henry George’s remedy,—a single draught12 of Socialism with unstinted individualism thereafter—never attracted me, while his descriptions of the misery13 of the poor, eloquent14 as they were, and fitted to awaken15 persons unacquainted with actual conditions, conveyed to me no novel message. I had before then been profoundly stirred by the chapters in Karl Marx’s Kapital in which he collects from the English Blue Books frightful16 evidence of the mistreatment of laborers and especially of children in the early part of the nineteenth century. My errands in the tenement17 slums of New York had also made me fairly familiar with the bitter facts, and throughout my life I have been in touch in a practical way with the appalling18 complexus of misery and wrong which we abstractly designate as the Labor3 Question. I shall not here take time to discuss Socialism or other social reform movements in detail. My intention is to sketch19 a certain philosophy of life, and to trace the steps by which I reached it. My reaction against Socialism and related movements, however, was a prime factor in this inner development; and it is of this reaction and the causes of it that I must speak.
The evils inherent in poverty are, in the first place, obviously, the privations entailed20 by it; secondly21, the fact that the greater part of the life of the poor is consumed in efforts to provide the bare necessaries, the mind being thus kept in bondage22 to bodily needs and prevented from rising to other interests more appropri45ate to rational beings; thirdly, the fact that the first two wrongs are caused, not wholly it is true, but yet in a large measure, by fellow human beings.13 The sting in poverty is not so much the hardships suffered, as the contempt for the manhood of the poor, exhibited by their exploiters,—the inequity being thus turned into iniquity24.
Now my reaction against Socialism was and is that it neglects the third, the moral evil, and stresses only the first and second. I am now speaking of Marxian Socialism, with which in its rigid25 form I early acquainted myself. The Marxian Socialist6 does not deny the pain felt in consequence of the inequity, nor the desire of those who suffer to become the equals of their masters; but he regards this desire as a fact of nature explicable on deterministic grounds, a consequence of improvement in the technique or tools of industry. He does not deny that there are so-called moral ideas, but he considers them epiphenomena or by-products of economic development. The tendency toward equilibrium26 of power in human society, termed democracy, is to him just a fact and nothing more. The mere27 desire for it46 apart from the rightness of the desire is the efficient cause which leads to social readjustments. But evidently this account of the matter will be persuasive28 only in case the efficient cause proves to be really efficient, that is to say, in case the desire for equilibration is on the point of effectuating itself. If it is not, if the desire of the masses for power is thwarted29, if the realization30 of their hopes is indefinitely postponed31, then the foundations of the theory are undermined. Hence Marxian Socialism has been coupled with and depends on a belief which is a kind of materialistic32 parallel of the apocalyptic33 vision of Jesus,—the belief that the end of the present world (the world of the wage system) is close at hand, only with the difference that the end is to be brought about not by divine interference but automatically by the acquisition of power on the part of the masses.
To me neither hunger nor the bondage of the mind to physical necessities nor the bare fact of inequity seem sufficient to justify34 the demand for social reconstruction35, apart from moral right. If there be no such thing as morality, or if morality be but an epiphenomenon of economic conditions, what warrant have the hungry or the disadvantaged for complaining? Animals, too, hunger and sicken. If man be like them a mere chance product of nature, why should he not share their fate? Let the weak succumb36! Surely the bald fact that the democratic masses today chafe37 under the yoke38 of their masters and demand a better state of things, is no more a ground of obligation for the former than the tendency toward an ultimate equilibrium in nature of which scien47tists speak can be a ground of obligation. The tendency will effectuate itself or not as the acting39 forces determine. There is in truth no such thing as obligation from this point of view. Then why not fold our arms and wait for what will happen? The notion of democracy currently held is obnoxious40 to the same criticism. Leave out the moral basis in the claim to equity23, and nothing remains41 but the brute42 fact that men, being egotists, fret43 under the exercise of superior power by their fellow egotists. But let Nietzsche or some one else demonstrate that certain higher values, higher merely because subjectively44 relished45 as higher, are incompatible46 with equilibrium of power, and he will be justified47 at least in his own eyes in scoffing48 at equality and scourging49 the democratic dogs back to their kennels50. No one denies that the masses have the desire to be treated as the equals of their masters (very inconveniently51 for the latter), but it is quite another matter whether their desire ought to be gratified. Social reconstruction, in other words, must be motivated by other considerations than those by which according to Marx the great change is to come about.
I have not stopped to consider whether the Socialistic scheme is workable, whether the run of mankind are capable of co?perative effort on a large scale without the pre?minent leadership of master minds; whether Socialism, if carried out, would really breed, as it is expected to, the sentiment of ideal brotherhood52; whether the sentiment of brotherhood itself, unless it be rooted in the closer family and national ties, is morally sound, whether the emotional forces that sweep through and48 overwhelm large aggregations53 of men, can be bridled54 and sufficiently55 enlightened to promote the ends of Socialism. All such questions as these touch the feasibility of the ideal proposed; my own reaction was and is against the ideal itself. Instead of pronouncing as some do that mankind are not yet ripe to carry out so high an ideal, I found myself seriously challenging and finally rejecting the very ideal on the ground that it is not a genuine moral ideal at all. It is ethically57 spurious, because it omits the notion of right and substitutes for it that of power.
A different objection lies against certain modifications58 of Socialism and against many of the social reform movements of our time. In these movements the idea of personality is not absent as in Marx’s theory. The inherent dignity of every human being is deeply felt, and per contra the indignity59 of the present condition of the greater number. Man is worth while; and for the sake of the worth in him, the unfavorable circumstances which stifle60 the promise of his nature are to be changed. My objection in this case is that the higher spiritual nature of man, or the notion of personality, is left indefinite and remains vaguely61 in the background. It supplies indeed the initial motive62 for practical efforts; but the instrumental relation of the goods of life to the supreme63 good is not apprehended64 positively65. And thus the door is left open, as we shall presently see, for corrupting66 influences to enter in.
There seems, it is true, at first sight, considerable warrant for demanding certain instant reforms without troubling about ulterior spiritual ends. We are con49fronted in modern society with evils which seem to require immediate4 abolition67. Exploitation is palpably one of them. It is the clearest possible case of trespass68 on personality. Why not then demand respect simply for personality in general, without inquiring into the nature of personality? Is it not beyond all question dishonoring to human nature that some should be on the verge69 of starvation while others are even themselves injured by excessive possessions; that the energies of children should be exhausted70 by premature71 toil72; that adults should be worked like beasts of burden? Why not leave in abeyance73 the definition of the supreme end, and concentrate effort on the removal of these incontestable evils?
My answer to this is, in the first place, that we cannot gain the best leverage74 even for these initial reforms without a high and defined conception of man as a spiritual being. Efforts directed toward improving even material conditions are apt to be fluctuating, spasmodic, and are ever in danger of dying down, unless material improvement is seen in its relation towards something else that commands the highest respect—implicit respect. Sympathy alone is altogether inadequate75. It often works grave harm; it is notoriously intermittent76, at one time broadly expansive and then again contracting upon the nearest objects. Furthermore, we can at best sympathize genuinely with only a very limited number of persons. If anyone were to open his heart to the sufferings of all the millions of human beings at present engaged in conflict on the battlefields of Europe; if he were to try to realize the indirect consequences of this war; if he were to take a still wider sweep and embrace50 in his imagination the populations of India, China, and the races of Africa, the effect upon him would be simply paralyzing. The possible effect of one’s sympathetic action upon this huge volume of human suffering would appear so insignificant77 as to make exertion78 on his part seem quite irrational79. We are assisted by sympathy in the matter of social reform by the narrowness of our horizons; and even within these narrow boundaries the efficiency of the motive depends largely upon the transciency of the sympathetic mood. Sympathy as a permanent attitude would disintegrate80 the self.14
The second answer is that by ignoring the ultimate end we install proximate ends in its place. The reform movements of our day abstain81 from attempting to set up an ultimate good. They are content, as they say, “to evaluate the tangible82 goods ready at hand.” In consequence these tangible goods inevitably83 usurp84 the place of the supreme good. Begin as we may with the high notion of personality, we become materialists before we have proceeded very far, and we infect the laboring85 masses with our materialism86 if we omit to define the relation of proximate ends to the ultimate aim. For remember that the ultimate end is that which prescribes the limits within which the nearer aims are to be sanctioned,—the limit for each being the degree in which it conduces toward the highest end. Without a goal set51 up, without an explicit87 conception of its regulative function, the proximate ends abound88, and are likely to expand ad indefinitum. This is evident, for instance, in the case of wealth-getting. The poor have not enough wealth, the rich have too much. “Let us then redress89 the balance by at least securing enough for the poor. The necessary limitations we can discuss after they shall have at least reached the limit of sufficiency.” But we are thus kindling90 the desire for wealth; and this desire and its possible gratifications are boundless91. It is in the nature of desire to be prolific92 of new desire, and to aim unceasingly at new satisfactions. First, a decent dwelling93, sufficient food, education for the children, are wanted, then luxury, then millions, then multi-millions. Secondary motives94 take the place of primary ones. Wealth becomes a token; the satisfactions it gives are no longer related to actual wants or needs, but solely95 to a fantastic desire for pre?minence. Has not this been the actual history of many of those who have risen from poverty to great riches? But the same desires are present, though suppressed, unsatisfied, in the masses, who look up to the few with admiration96 or envy. And suppressed desires are often even more insidiously97 poisoning, more contaminating in their effects than satisfied desires.
The psychological fact is that human volition98 as expressed in action is always determined99 by some end. A means is never adopted without there being some object or purpose in view. Leave out the ultimate aim and the means become themselves the ends. A decent subsistence should be treated as related to the ultimate end,52— a decent living, for example, as a means to fit the worker for the duties of fatherhood and citizenship100.
It may again be urged that what has been said is true only of the ambitious minority, and that the masses would be quite content with a decent subsistence if only that much could be assured them. But the prevalence of cheap imitations of luxury among the poor points in the opposite direction. At least in a democratic community, the ambitions of the few are apt to be contagious101. And where this is not the case, as in some of the older countries of Europe, a certain sordid102 Philistinism is apt to manifest itself. The life of the middle class in Europe is without the restless brilliance103 that characterizes the upward-striving class in America,—is not daringly but meanly materialistic. Redeeming104 features are, of course, not wanting, yet how anyone can conceive the social ideal as a state of things in which the laboring people shall be raised to the level at present occupied by the “middle class” is difficult for me to understand. Nor is it a sufficient rejoinder to say that the present complexion105 of the middle class, its narrowness and Philistinism, are due to isolation106 from the social classes beneath them, and that the broad sentiment of universal fellowship and fraternity, when it shall have come to prevail, will purify the atmosphere on the middle level. I have sufficiently indicated my doubts as to the efficiency and soundness of what is called fraternalism.
In brief, if we are to preserve a man’s respect for himself as a moral being, we must find a ground on which he can maintain his self-esteem apart from the material conditions in which he is placed, and in the in53terval before the desirable material changes can possibly be accomplished107. This interval108 is certain to be long. The betterment of social conditions is sure to be gradual. The slum ought to be abolished immediately, but until it goes we must find a reason to respect the man in the slums even now, and a reason why he should respect himself even now. This reason can only be derived109 from the spiritual nature of man, from the spiritual end for which he exists; and on this account, above all others, it is indispensable that the spiritual end be defined. How painfully social reformers may be led into error by slighting this consideration is seen in the readiness with which some have subscribed110 to the amazing opinion that the issue between chastity and dishonor for the working-girl depends ultimately on the amount of her wages.
There are two fallacies that affect the social reform movements of today. The substitution of power for right is one. What I venture to call the fallacy of provisionalism is the second. This is the fallacy of the opportunist movements. “Lead the laboring classes provisionally up to the level of sufficiency, or of decent existence, and then we shall see.” But man does not act without ends, and unless we define the ultimate end, we give license111 to the proximate ends. In other words, we simply cannot act provisionally. We cannot ignore our spiritual nature without offending against it. We may start with the idea of serving it, but without explicit definition of it we shall presently find ourselves disgraced in all sorts of idolatries.
What I am trying to show is how I came to perceive54 the inadequacy112 of the non-violation ethics113. Its formula is: “Admit the existence of personality; do not infringe114 upon it. In your actions for the good of others, try to abolish the manifest infringements115 or violations. Since there must be some positive content to the idea of good, accept the material or empirical goods as the provisional content with the general understanding that they are to be instrumental to the higher life but without troubling to define exactly how.”
The aberrations116 to which this view leads on the side of action toward others I have pointed117 out. A word now as to the injurious effect on self. Of these the following are the most important:
1. The leader in social reform is apt to be regarded by his followers118 and to think of himself as a kind of savior. It is his sincere intention to save society from some of the glaring evils with which it is afflicted119. But if salvation120 is sought in the betterment of external conditions, the social savior is apt to become the victim of a false sense of moral security. He is likely to be off his guard at the weak points of his own character, and to fall abruptly121 from high levels into the ditch.
2. The social reformer who adopts the fallacy of provisionalism is apt to be absorbed in the mechanical details of his work,—the settlement or the municipal reform society, or the charitable association tend to become highly organized and efficient pieces of machinery122. But moral idealism declines in proportion as this kind of efficiency increases,—the salt loses its savor123.
3. The social reformer who sets his heart on external changes is apt to become impatient to bring about those55 changes. For since he attempts to work from without inwardly, and not at the same time from within outwardly, he has nothing to show for his pains unless the desired outward changes are actually effected. In this way may be explained a certain dictatorial124 manner, a certain arbitrariness sometimes observed in social workers of whose earnestness and devotion there can be no question, the preposterous125 outcome being that in attempting to carry out plans of reform in a democratic community such reformers offend against the very principle of democracy by over-riding the personality of others.
4. The Social reformer who concentrates his attention on external changes is apt to be ambitious of large results, to measure betterment by statistical126 standards. Though quality be not overlooked, quantity is likely to be over-emphasized.
5. The painful spectacle is sometimes presented of a leader in social movements who goes to pieces morally in his private relations (becomes a bad father, a worthless husband, an unscrupulous sponge on his friends, etc.). Absorption in extensive public movements has this danger in it that it often tends to make men neglectful of the nearer duties.
Facts of this kind, which came repeatedly under my observation in the course of years, drove home to my mind the conviction that the provisional method in social reform (the method of working for external changes without definition of the end) is morally perilous127, both in its effects on those who are to be benefited, and in its reaction on the character of the reformer himself. I parted company with opportunism in every one of its56 forms; I became more and more imbued128 with the belief that no one can really help others who in the effort to do so is not himself morally helped, i.e., whose character is not improved in every respect, who does not become a better father, husband, citizen, a more upright man in all his relations in and because of his endeavors to benefit society. I became convinced that the ethical56 principle must run like a golden thread through the whole of a man’s life, in a word, that social reform unless inspired by the spiritual view of it, that is, unless it is made tributary129 to the spiritual, the total end of life, is not social reform in any true sense at all.15
57
The fundamental question, therefore, echoed and re-echoed with ever intenser insistence130: “What then is the holy thing in others? What is the supreme end or good to which all the lesser131 goods should be subordinate and subservient132? And what is the holy thing in me?—for I may not spiritually sacrifice myself. My own highest good must be achievable in agreement with that of others. What definition of the essential end is possible that shall reconcile egoism and altruism133 by transforming and transcending134 them? And if there be such end thinkable and definable, how establish the applicability of this end to empirical man, either in the person of others or in my own?”
I shall have to dwell on this subject at length in the sequel. Here at the outset I cannot forbear expressing my sense of the obliquities, the folly135, the meanness, the cruelties which human nature often exhibits on the empirical side when dispassionately contemplated136. That there are also finer traits in people, gleams of gold in the quartz137, I do not deny. But even in the best exemplars of the race the alloy138 is not wanting. And it is an open question how far any human being, if his whole make-up and all the circumstances that influenced him be considered, can be called predominantly good, assuming that goodness is a matter of desert and not of chance. How, therefore, a being that to actual, impartial139 observation reveals himself as so dubiously140 worth while, can be regarded as possessing the quality of transcendent worth (which seems to be implied in the idea of personality as inviolable and precious) will be the starting point of my inquiry141 into the philosophical142 first principle in the second part of this volume.
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1
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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intruded
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| n.侵入的，推进的v.侵入，侵扰，打扰( intrude的过去式和过去分词 )；把…强加于 | |
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dallied
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| v.随随便便地对待( dally的过去式和过去分词 )；不很认真地考虑；浪费时间；调情 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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draught
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| n.拉，牵引，拖；一网（饮，吸，阵)；顿服药量，通风；v.起草，设计 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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tenement
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| n.公寓；房屋 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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sketch
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entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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secondly
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bondage
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equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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equilibrium
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| n.平衡，均衡，相称，均势，平静 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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persuasive
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| adj.有说服力的，能说得使人相信的 | |
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thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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materialistic
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| a.唯物主义的，物质享乐主义的 | |
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apocalyptic
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| adj.预示灾祸的，启示的 | |
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justify
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reconstruction
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succumb
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chafe
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| v.擦伤；冲洗；惹怒 | |
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yoke
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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fret
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| v.(使)烦恼；(使)焦急；(使)腐蚀，(使)磨损 | |
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subjectively
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| 主观地； 臆 | |
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relished
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| v.欣赏( relish的过去式和过去分词 )；从…获得乐趣；渴望 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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scoffing
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| n. 嘲笑, 笑柄, 愚弄 v. 嘲笑, 嘲弄, 愚弄, 狼吞虎咽 | |
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scourging
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| 鞭打( scourge的现在分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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kennels
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| n.主人外出时的小动物寄养处，养狗场；狗窝( kennel的名词复数 )；养狗场 | |
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inconveniently
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| ad.不方便地 | |
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brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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aggregations
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| n.聚集( aggregation的名词复数 )；集成；集结；聚集体 | |
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bridled
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| 给…套龙头( bridle的过去式和过去分词 )； 控制； 昂首表示轻蔑（或怨忿等）； 动怒，生气 | |
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55
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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56
ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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57
ethically
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| adv.在伦理上，道德上 | |
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58
modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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59
indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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60
stifle
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| vt.使窒息；闷死；扼杀；抑止，阻止 | |
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61
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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62
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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63
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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64
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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65
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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66
corrupting
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的现在分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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67
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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68
trespass
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| n./v.侵犯，闯入私人领地 | |
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69
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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70
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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71
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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72
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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73
abeyance
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| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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74
leverage
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| n.力量，影响；杠杆作用，杠杆的力量 | |
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75
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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76
intermittent
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| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
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77
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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78
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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79
irrational
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| adj.无理性的，失去理性的 | |
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80
disintegrate
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| v.瓦解，解体，（使）碎裂，（使）粉碎 | |
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81
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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82
tangible
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| adj.有形的，可触摸的，确凿的，实际的 | |
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83
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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84
usurp
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| vt.篡夺，霸占；vi.篡位 | |
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85
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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86
materialism
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| n.［哲］唯物主义，唯物论；物质至上 | |
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87
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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88
abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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89
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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90
kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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91
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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92
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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93
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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94
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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95
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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96
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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97
insidiously
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| 潜在地，隐伏地，阴险地 | |
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98
volition
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| n.意志；决意 | |
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99
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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100
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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101
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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102
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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103
brilliance
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| n.光辉，辉煌，壮丽，（卓越的）才华，才智 | |
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104
redeeming
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| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
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105
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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106
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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107
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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108
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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109
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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110
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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111
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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112
inadequacy
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| n.无法胜任，信心不足 | |
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113
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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114
infringe
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| v.违反，触犯，侵害 | |
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115
infringements
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| n.违反( infringement的名词复数 )；侵犯，伤害 | |
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116
aberrations
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| n.偏差( aberration的名词复数 )；差错；脱离常规；心理失常 | |
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117
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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118
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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119
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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121
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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122
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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123
savor
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| vt.品尝，欣赏；n.味道，风味；情趣，趣味 | |
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124
dictatorial
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| adj. 独裁的，专断的 | |
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125
preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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126
statistical
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| adj.统计的，统计学的 | |
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127
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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128
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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129
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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130
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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131
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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132
subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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133
altruism
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| n.利他主义，不自私 | |
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134
transcending
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| 超出或超越（经验、信念、描写能力等）的范围( transcend的现在分词 )； 优于或胜过… | |
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135
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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136
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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137
quartz
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| n.石英 | |
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138
alloy
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| n.合金，(金属的)成色 | |
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139
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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140
dubiously
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| adv.可疑地，怀疑地 | |
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141
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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142
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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