I feel myself utterly2 incompetent3 to tell the story of the Mountain Meadows Massacre—it is so shocking, so fiend-like. And yet it must be told.
While the work of “Reformation” was going on, and when the United States troops were constantly expected in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake, a large train of emigrants4 passed through Utah on its way to California. The train consisted of one hundred and twenty or one hundred and thirty persons, and they came chiefly from Arkansas. They were people from the country districts, sober, hard-working, plain folks, but well-to-do, and, taken all in all, about as respectable a band of emigrants as ever passed through Salt Lake City.
Nothing worthy6 of any particular note occurred to them until they reached the Valley—that was the point from which they started towards death.
My old friend Eli B. Kelsey travelled with them from Fort Bridger to Salt Lake City, and he spoke7 of them in the highest terms. If I remember rightly he said that the train was divided into two parts—the first a rough-and-ready set of men—regular frontier pioneers; the other a picked community, the members of which were all more or less connected by family ties. They travelled along in the most orderly fashion, without hurry or confusion. On Sunday they rested, and one of their number who had been a Methodist preacher conducted divine service. All went well until they reached Salt Lake City, where they expected to be able to refit and replenish8 their stock of provisions; but it was there that they first discovered that feeling of enmity which finally resulted in their destruction.
Now it so happened that the minds of the Saints in Salt Lake City were at that time strongly prejudiced against the[248] people of Arkansas, and for a most unsaintly reason. The Apostle Parley9 P. Pratt was one of the earliest converts to Mormonism, and who so ably defended his adopted creed10 with his pen and from the platform, had not very long before been sojourning in Arkansas, and had there run away with another man’s wife. This was only a trifle for an “Apostle” to do, and the husband—Mr. McLean—might have known it. But he was a most inconsiderate man, and was actually offended with the amorous11 Apostle for what he had done. He pursued him and killed him, for in those rough parts it was considered that the Apostle did wrong in marrying the man’s wife. Nobody, however, took any notice of the matter or brought the murderer to trial. The Mormon people, of course, took the side of the Apostle Parley P. Pratt. Sensitive themselves to the highest degree concerning their wives and daughters, they considered McLean a sinner for doing just exactly what any Saint would have certainly done. Their opinion, however, would have been a matter of consequence only to themselves, had not such fatal consequences resulted from it. Reasoning without reason, they argued that McLean was the enemy of every Mormon, and every Mormon was the enemy of McLean; McLean was protected in Arkansas—therefore every man from Arkansas was an enemy of the Mormons;—an enemy ought to be cut off—therefore it was the duty of every Mormon to “cut off”—if he could—every Arkansas man.
This appears to have been the tone of thought which actuated the minds of the leaders of the people at the time when this emigrant5 train arrived in the City.
Weary and footsore they encamped by the Jordan River, trusting there to recruit themselves and their teams, and to replenish their stock of provisions. The harvest in Utah that year had been abundant, and there was nothing to hinder them from obtaining a speedy and full supply. Brigham Young was then Governor of Utah Territory, Commander-in-Chief of the Militia12, and Indian Agent as well: he was therefore responsible for all that took place within his jurisdiction13. It was his duty to protect all law-abiding persons who either resided in or travelled through the country. The emigrants, so far from being protected, were ordered to break up their camp and move on; and it is said that written instructions were sent on before them, directing the people in the settlements through which they would have to pass to have no dealings with them. This, considering their need of provisions, was much the same as condemning14 them to certain death.
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Compelled to travel on, they pursued their journey slowly towards Los Angeles. At American Fork they wished to trade off some of their worn-out stock and to purchase fresh—they also desired to obtain provisions. There was abundance of everything from the farm and from the field, for God had very greatly blessed the land that year; but they could obtain nothing. They passed on, and went through Battle Creek15, Provo, Springville, Spanish Fork, Payson, Salt Creek, and Fillmore, and their reception was still the same,—the word of the Mormon Pontiff had gone forth16, and no man dared to hold communion or to trade with them. Now and then, some Mormon, weak in the faith or braver or more fond of money than his fellows, would steal into the camp, in the darkness of the night, bearing with him just what he was able to carry; but beyond this they could procure17 nothing. Their only hope now lay in the chance of holding out until they could push through to some Gentile settlement where the word of the priestly Governor of Utah was not law. Through fifteen different Mormon settlements did they pass, without being able to purchase a morsel18 of bread. With empty waggons19 and on short allowance, they pushed on until they reached Corn Creek, where, for the first time in saintly Utah, they met a friendly greeting from the Indians, and purchased from them thirty bushels of corn, of which they stood very greatly in need.
At Beaver21 they were again repulsed22, and at Parowan they were not permitted to enter the town—they were forced to leave the public highway and pass round the west side of the fort wall. They encamped by the stream, and tried as before to obtain food and fresh cattle, but again to no purpose. The reason why they were refused admission to the town was probably because the militia was there assembled under Colonel Wm. H. Dame23—which militia afterwards assisted in their destruction, for which preparations were even now being made.
They made their way to Cedar25 City, the most populous26 of all the towns of Southern Utah. Here they were allowed to purchase fifty bushels of tithing wheat, and to have it ground at the mill of that infamous27 scoundrel John D. Lee, upon whose memory will rest the eternal curses of all who have ever heard his name. It was, however, no act of mercy, the supplying of this corn. The sellers of it knew well enough even then that it would return to them again in the course of a few days. After all, they had but forty days’ rations24 to[250] carry them on to San Bernardino, in California—a journey of about seventy days. Scanty28 kindness—miserable29 generosity30!—fifty bushels of corn for a seventy days’ journey, for men, women, and young children, and at least one little one to be born on the road.
They remained in Cedar City only one day, and so jaded31 were their teams that it took them three days to travel thence to Iron Creek, a distance of twenty miles; and two days were occupied in journeying fifteen miles—the distance between Iron Creek and the Meadows.
The morning after they left Iron Creek, the Mormon militia followed them in pursuit, intending, it is supposed, to assault them at Clara Crossing. That this was no private outburst, and that, on the contrary, it was done by authority, is evident from sworn testimony32 to the effect that the assembling of those troops was the result of “a regular military call from the superior officers to the subordinate officers and privates of the regiments33.... Said regiment34 was duly ordered to muster35, armed and equipped as the law directs, and prepared for field operations.” A regular military council was held at Parowan, at which were present President Isaac C. Haight, the Mormon High Priest of Southern Utah, Colonel Dame, Major John D. Lee, and the Apostle George A. Smith.
No military council, whether of the militia or the ordinary troops of the line, would dare to determine upon such an important matter as the cutting off of an emigrant train of one hundred and thirty persons without receiving permission from superior authority. Brigham Young was in this case the superior authority—he was the Commander-in-Chief of the Militia:—the inference is obvious. I do not, of course, say that he gave the order for this accursed deed, but that it was his business to bring the criminals to justice no one can doubt or deny.
The regiment, which started from Cedar City under the command of Major John D. Lee, the sub-agent for Indian affairs in Southern Utah, was accompanied by baggage-waggons and the other paraphernalia36 of war excepting only heavy artillery37, which in this case would have been useless. But, at the same time, a large body of the Piede Indians had been invited to accompany them.
An order came from head-quarters to cut off the entire company except the little children. The emigrants were utterly unprepared, and the first onslaught found them defenceless. Accustomed, however, to border warfare38, they immediately[251] corralled their waggons and prepared for a siege—their great misfortune was that they had not any water—Major John D. Lee, finding the emigrants resolute39, sent to Cedar City and Washington City for reinforcements, which duly arrived.
The next morning, Major John D. Lee assembled his troops, including the auxiliaries40 which he had summoned, about half a mile from the entrenchment41 of the fated emigrants, and then and there informed them, with all the coolness which such an infamous scoundrel alone could muster, that the whole company was to be killed, and only the little children who were too young to remember anything were to be spared.
The unfortunate emigrants did not know who their foes42 were. They saw Indians, or men who were so coloured that they looked like Indians, and they saw others who were more than strangers to them, but they had no clue to the cause of their detention43. To them all was mystery. That Indians should attack them was quite within the bounds of probability, although there was at that time no cause for such an outrage44; but that such an attack should be persistent45, and should be carried on under the peculiar46 circumstances in question, was, to say the least, highly improbable.
Who could rightly tell a story so fearful as this? The emigrant train—men, women, and children fainting and famishing for want of bread and meat. In their pockets was money wherewith the necessaries of life might have been bought, and the generous hand of the Almighty47 had that year been open so wide, and had scattered48 those necessaries so liberally, that nothing but the wickedness of man towards his fellow could have created a dearth49. But so it was that darkness and the fear of death—a fearful death even at the door—was all those poor emigrants had standing50 before their eyes. What right had the Mormon militia to be pursuing, to be hanging about the skirts of any body of emigrants? Their very presence was in itself unauthorized—criminal. The emigrants supposed that they were surrounded by Indians, and expected the cruellest treatment in case of resistance not only death, but the outrage and shocking atrocities51 of savages52. They did not know that the red men who threatened their lives and the lives of their helpless wives and infants were brought together at that spot for that same purpose by the counsel of Mormon authorities. They did not know that so many of the appearing red-skins were only painted devils,[252] mocks of humanity, wretches55 who under the mask of a red-skin’s colour were eager to perpetrate the foulest56 of offences—scoundrels a thousand times damned in the opinion of men, and by the decree of God.
Day after day went by, and the poor creatures began to despair—who can wonder? The brave men cared little for their own lives; but there was something fearful in the thought that their darling ones would be scalped, and torn in pieces, and brutally57 outraged58! Who can wonder that they resolved to sell life as dearly as they possibly could? They might at least die in defence of those they loved.
So day followed day. The agony of the unhappy men and women who were thus besieged59, and were in daily, hourly peril60 of the most frightful61 of all deaths, can be imagined—not told. Meanwhile, what were those atrocious scoundrels doing who were lying in wait for their blood? Some of them were tricked out as Indians; some were in their own proper dresses; and, moreover, real Utes were there. The unhappy victims could not possibly escape—there was time for the murderers to do their work leisurely62. Between chance shots, which were intended to, and did, carry death with them, they amused themselves with “pitching horse-shoe quoits:”—such heartlessness is almost beyond conception.
In terrible need of water, they thought that even the Indians, who they supposed were their assailants, might possibly respect a token of truce63; so they dressed two little girls in white and sent them down to the well. But the fiends—the Mormon militia—shot them down. In the day of doom64, the blood of those babes will testify more heavily against Major John D. Lee, and Isaac C. Haight, and Colonel Dame, and George A. Smith, and the other wretch54 who plotted and contrived65 that fearful iniquity66, than any of the base and cowardly crimes which have for years and years blackened their contemptible67 and miserable souls.
They could not possibly advance. Their corn would not last long. They were famishing for water. How long they could hold out was evidently only a matter of time. Had the train consisted only of men, they might certainly, if with loss, have cut their way through their besiegers and escaped; but with wives and children, and others bound to them by the tenderest ties, such a thing was impossible. They looked and waited. Savage53 Indians they supposed were their only enemies. Coldly, strangely as they had been treated at the Mormon settlements, they never for a moment supposed that[253] white men could be in league against them or could meditate68 their destruction.
Up in the meadows—in the distance—there was a white dusty cloud as if of some person or persons approaching:—the hearts of the emigrants leaped for joy. Was help coming at last? It was evident that a waggon20 was coming near, and the waggon was filled with armed men;—here was hope. After all the misery69 of that waitful watching, they were overjoyed, and shouted aloud with gladness, and sprang with open arms to welcome their visitors. Little did they suppose that the fiends who then came down, with pale faces and the manners of white men, were the same as those who, painted and decked out like Indians, had been leaguered about their camp with murderous intentions for so many days.
The waggon came near, and was found to be filled with armed men. Surely now, the unhappy emigrants thought, substantial help had come—the authorities of Utah in the neighbourhood, whether Gentile or Mormon, had come out in the cause of civilization and humanity, and succour was at hand.
A white flag was waved from the waggon as an emblem70 of peace, and in order that the emigrants might know that it was white men and not the red demons71 of the hills who approached. They did not, indeed, know that these themselves were the monsters who had wronged them all this time, and who were even now compassing their death.
Inside that waggon was President Haight, the infamous Mormon Bishop72 John D. Lee, and other authorities of the Church in Southern Utah. They professed73 to the emigrants that they came upon the friendly errand of standing between them and the Indians. They said that the Indians had taken offence at something that the emigrants had done, that they were thirsting for their blood, but that they, the Mormon officials, were on good terms with them and had influence, and would use their good offices in the cause of mercy and of peace. After some discussion they left with the professed view of conciliating the Indians. Then they returned and said that the Indians had agreed that, if the emigrants marched back to Salt Lake City, their lives should be spared; but that they must leave everything behind them in their camp, even including the common weapons of defence which every Western man carries about his person. The Mormon officials then solemnly undertook to bring an armed force and to guard the emigrants safely back again to the Settlements.
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The emigrants were not cowards, and would doubtless have preferred to cut their way through to the south, but they could not leave their wives and little ones, and any terms, however disadvantageous, were better than leaving those they loved to the tender mercy of those wretches.
This agreement being made, the Mormon officials retired74, and after a short time again returned with thirty or forty armed men. Then the emigrants were marched out—the women and children in the front, and the men following, while the Mormon guard followed in the rear. When they had marched in this way about a mile, and had arrived at the place where the Indians were hid in the bushes on each side of the road, the signal was given for the slaughter75. So taken by surprise were the emigrants, and so implicitly76 had they confided77 in these murderers, that they offered no resistance. The Mormon Militia, their guard, immediately opened fire upon them from the rear, while the Indians, and Mormons disguised as Indians, who were hidden among the bushes, rushed out upon them, shooting them down with guns and bows and arrows, and cutting some of the men’s throats with knives. The women and children, shrieking78 with mortal terror, scattered and fled, some trying to hide in the bushes. Two young girls actually did escape for about a quarter of a mile, when they were overtaken and butchered under circumstances of the greatest brutality79. The son of John D. Lee endeavoured to protect one poor girl who clung to him for help; but his father, tearing her from him by violence, blew out her brains. Another unhappy girl is said to have kneeled to this same monster Lee, entreating80 him to spare her life. He dragged her into the bushes, stripped her naked, and cut her throat from ear to ear, after she had suffered worse at his hands than death itself. About half an hour was probably occupied in the butchery, and every soul of that company was cut off, excepting only a few little children who were supposed to be too young to understand or remember what had taken place. The unfortunate victims were stripped, without reference to age or sex, and then left to rot upon the field. There they remained until torn and dismembered by the wolves, when it was then thought prudent81 to conceal82 such as lay nearest to the road. An eye-witness subsequently visiting the spot said:—
“The scene of the massacre, even at this late day, was horrible to look upon. Women’s hair in detached locks and in masses hung to the sage83 bushes and was strewn over the[255] ground in many places. Parts of little children’s dresses and of female costume dangled84 from the shrubbery, or lay scattered about, and among these, here and there on every hand, for at least a mile in the direction of the road, by two miles east and west, there gleamed, bleached85 white by the weather, the skulls86 and other bones of those who had suffered. A glance into the waggon, when all these had been collected, revealed a sight which never can be forgotten.”
SCENE OF THE MOUNTAIN MEADOW MASSACRE.
To face p. 255.
The remains87 were subsequently gathered together by Major Carleton, the United States Commissioner88, who erected90 over them a large cairn of stones, surmounted91 by a cross of red cedar, with the inscription92 thereon: “Vengeance is mine: I will repay, saith the Lord;” and on a stone beneath were engraved93 the words:—
“Here 120 men, women, and children were massacred in cold blood, early in September, 1857. They were from Arkansas.”
It is said that this monument was subsequently destroyed by order of Brigham Young, when he visited that part of the territory.
The little children, while their parents were being butchered, had clung about their murderers’ knees, entreating mercy, but none of them finding it save those who were little more than infants. Their fears and cries the night after the murder are said to have been heart-rending. One little babe, just beginning to walk, was shot through the arm. Another little girl was shot through the ear, and the clothes of most of them were saturated94 with their mothers’ blood. They were distributed among the people of the settlements, and when finally the Government took them under the protection of the nation, the people among whom these little ones lived actually charged for their boarding. Two of them are said to have uttered some words from which it was presumed that their intelligence was in advance of their years. They were taken out quietly and buried! This happened some time after the massacre.
Most of the property of the emigrants was sold by public auction95 in Cedar City: the Indians got most of the flour and ammunition96, and the Mormons the more valuable articles. They jested over it and called it “Spoil taken at the siege of Sevastopol.” There is legal proof that the clothing stripped from the corpses97, blood-stained, riddled98 by the bullets, and with shreds99 of flesh attached to it, was placed in the cellar of the tithing office, where it lay about three weeks, when it was[256] privately100 sold. The cellar is said to have smelt101 of it for years. Long after this time, jewellery torn from the mangled102 bodies of the unfortunate women was publicly worn in Salt Lake City, and every one knew whence it came. A tithing of it all is reported, upon very conclusive103 evidence, to have been laid at the feet of Brigham Young.
This is the story, most imperfectly told, for I dare not sketch104 its foulest details, of the Mountain Meadows Massacre. Brigham Young, who was at the time Governor of the Territory and also Indian Agent, made no report of the matter. Let that fact of itself speak for his innocence105 or guilt106. Would any other governor or agent in another territory have been thus silent? John D. Lee, and Dame, and Haight, and the other wretches have never been brought to trial or cut off from the Church, although their monstrous107 crime has never been a secret, nor have any endeavours been made to conceal it.
This fearful deed was one of the unavoidable results of the teachings of the Mormon leaders during the Reformation. There were crimes then perpetrated in secret which will never be known until the day of doom; and there were horrors which have been known and recorded, but for which no one has been brought to trial or has suffered inconvenience. There are men in Salt Lake City, who walk about unblushingly in broad daylight, but who are known to be murderers, and whose hands have been again and again dyed with blood under circumstances of the most atrocious cruelty.
There was one cruel murder, but by no means the worst—which came under my own personal observation, and which I have alluded108 to elsewhere—the murder of Dr. John King Robinson in Salt Lake City, which attracted more than ordinary attention. This gentleman was a physician of good standing, who came out as assistant-surgeon with the United States army, and afterwards began to practise in Salt Lake City. He was known as a man of unimpeachable109 moral character, and there are to this day hundreds of responsible people who would testify to his fair fame and rectitude; although he had by some means incurred110 the dislike of many of the Mormon leaders. He formed the idea of taking possession of some warm springs on the north of the city, and proposed to erect89 there baths, an hospital, &c. A small wooden shanty111 was erected for the purpose of holding possession, but the city authorities claimed the spring, and, after some very unpleasant proceedings112, the matter was referred to the law courts, and Judge Titus decided113 against the doctor.
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After this verdict had been rendered, Dr. Robinson seems to have acted very prudently114, and to have remained in-doors as much as possible during the succeeding days. Between eleven and twelve o’clock on the night of the third day, however, after the family had retired to rest, a man called at the house, and stating that his brother had broken his leg by a fall from a mule115 and was suffering very much, he, after some earnest persuasion116, induced the doctor to accompany him. Anxious as he might be to remain in-doors at such a time, no professional man would refuse to perform an act of mercy. He accordingly went. At a distance of about a couple of hundred steps from the house he was struck over the head with some sharp instrument, and immediately after shot through the brain. His wife, a young girl, to whom he had only been married a very short time, heard the report of the pistol, and witnesses saw men fleeing from the spot. The police were sent for, and the body was carried to Independence Hall, and afterwards to the victim’s house. The Mayor of the city was not informed of the murder until ten o’clock the next day, and the chief of police, who was sitting round the fire with his men when news of the murder arrived, went to bed immediately, and did not visit the scene of the outrage for three days.
The following Sunday, Brigham Young, in the Tabernacle, publicly suggested that the doctor had probably been murdered by some of the soldiers from Camp Douglas, who were dissatisfied with his treatment when they were under his hands, or else that he had fallen in some gambling117 transaction—both of which statements, however, were known by every one present to be utterly false. No one was ever prosecuted118 for this cruel murder. It did not occur during the Reformation, but was the natural result of the teachings of those times.
I simply mention these facts without any comment of my own. Let the reader form his own conclusion. More of these frightful stories I do not care to relate; and I should not even have presented these to the notice of the reader had it not been impossible otherwise to give any adequate idea of that terrible “Reformation.” The Gentile army came in. The union Pacific Railroad was opened. Changes and chances altered all that had been, and brought into being that which might be, and that which finally really was. Instead of looking to the events of three or four thousand years ago, men began to act up to things which were—to think and act in the present, not to dream of the past. The day has gone by, but[258] not far, when the perpetration openly of such deeds was possible; but it is still boasted that, when “Deseret” becomes a State, the “Saints” will “show still greater zeal119 for the Lord!”
In concluding this too brief sketch of the most tragic120 episodes in Mormon domestic history, I must warn my readers against the inference that the ghastly facts and details there presented came to my knowledge either immediately or soon after my arrival in Utah. No, it was only after many years’ residence there, and by very slow degrees, that they became known to me, and the effect which they produced on my mind was necessarily broken and impaired121 by the gradual and disconnected way in which they oozed122 out, the horrible and bewildering travesty123 of biblical argument urged in their defence, and by my utter isolation124 from the outer and higher world, and communication with the heart and brain ennobling influences of a wholesome125 and invigorating public opinion.
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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emigrant
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| adj.移居的，移民的；n.移居外国的人，移民 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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replenish
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| vt.补充；(把…)装满；(再)填满 | |
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parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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amorous
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| adj.多情的；有关爱情的 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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morsel
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| n.一口，一点点 | |
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waggons
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| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
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waggon
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| n.运货马车，运货车；敞篷车箱 | |
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beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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dame
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| n.女士 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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cedar
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| n.雪松，香柏(木) | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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jaded
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| adj.精疲力竭的；厌倦的；（因过饱或过多而）腻烦的；迟钝的 | |
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32
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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33
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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35
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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36
paraphernalia
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| n.装备；随身用品 | |
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37
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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38
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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39
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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40
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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41
entrenchment
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| n.壕沟，防御设施 | |
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42
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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43
detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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44
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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45
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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46
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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47
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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48
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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49
dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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50
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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51
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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52
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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53
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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54
wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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55
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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foulest
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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brutally
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| adv.残忍地，野蛮地，冷酷无情地 | |
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58
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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61
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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leisurely
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| adj.悠闲的；从容的，慢慢的 | |
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63
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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68
meditate
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| v.想，考虑，（尤指宗教上的）沉思，冥想 | |
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69
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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71
demons
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| n.恶人( demon的名词复数 )；恶魔；精力过人的人；邪念 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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75
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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78
shrieking
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| v.尖叫( shriek的现在分词 ) | |
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79
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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80
entreating
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的现在分词 ) | |
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81
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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82
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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83
sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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84
dangled
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| 悬吊着( dangle的过去式和过去分词 )； 摆动不定； 用某事物诱惑…； 吊胃口 | |
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85
bleached
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| 漂白的，晒白的，颜色变浅的 | |
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86
skulls
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| 颅骨( skull的名词复数 )； 脑袋； 脑子； 脑瓜 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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88
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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90
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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91
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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92
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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94
saturated
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| a.饱和的，充满的 | |
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95
auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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96
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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97
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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98
riddled
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| adj.布满的；充斥的；泛滥的v.解谜，出谜题(riddle的过去分词形式) | |
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99
shreds
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| v.撕碎，切碎( shred的第三人称单数 )；用撕毁机撕毁（文件） | |
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100
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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101
smelt
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| v.熔解，熔炼；n.银白鱼，胡瓜鱼 | |
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102
mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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103
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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104
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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105
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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106
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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107
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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108
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
unimpeachable
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| adj.无可指责的；adv.无可怀疑地 | |
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110
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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111
shanty
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| n.小屋，棚屋；船工号子 | |
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112
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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113
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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114
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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115
mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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116
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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117
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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118
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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119
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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120
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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121
impaired
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| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
oozed
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| v.（浓液等）慢慢地冒出，渗出( ooze的过去式和过去分词 )；使（液体）缓缓流出；（浓液）渗出，慢慢流出 | |
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123
travesty
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| n.歪曲，嘲弄，滑稽化 | |
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124
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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125
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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