As soon as I was so far recovered as to be able to sit at the window at home, I began to draw designs upon the wood of the fables and vignettes; and to me this was a most delightful7 task. In impatiently pushing forward to get to press with the publication, I availed myself of the help of my pupils—my son, William Harvey, and William Temple—who were eager to do their utmost to forward me in the engraving8 business, and in my struggles to get the book ushered9 into the world. Notwithstanding the pleasurable business of bringing out this publication, I felt it an arduous10 undertaking11. The execution of the fine work of the cuts, during day-light, was very trying to the eyes, and the compiling or writing the book by candle-light, in my evenings at home, together injured the optic nerve, and that put all the rest of the nerves “out of tune;” so that I was obliged, for a short time, to leave off such intense application until I somewhat recovered the proper tone of memory and of sight. Indeed I found in this book more difficulties to conquer than I had experienced with either the “Quadrupeds” or the “Birds.” The work was finished at press on the first of October, 1818. It was not so well printed as I expected and wished.
During the eventful period of the French Revolution, and the wide-spreading war which followed in consequence of it, and in which our government became deeply engaged, extending from 1793 to 1814—a time of blood and slaughter—I frequently, by way of unbending the mind after the labours of the day, spent my evenings in company with a set of staunch advocates for the liberties of mankind, who discussed the passing events mostly with the cool, sensible, and deliberate attention which the importance of the subject required. In partaking in these debatings, I now find I spent rather too much time. I fear it was useless; for it requires little discernment to see that, where a man’s interest is at stake, he is very unwilling12 to hear any argument that militates against it; and people who are well paid are always very loyal. To argue on any subject, unless a principle, or what mathematicians13 would call a datum14, is first laid down to go upon, is only gabble. It begins and must end in nonsense; and I suspect that many of the long, wearisome speeches and debatings, carried on for such a number of years in the Houses of Lords and Commons, as well as many of the innumerable weekly or daily essays, and some of the pamphlets which the revolution and the war gave rise to, were devoid15 of a right principle—a principle of rectitude to guide them. The causes of this Revolution, and the horrible war which ended it, will form a most interesting subject for the head and the pen of some future historian of a bold and enlightened mind—truly to depicture it in all its bearings, perhaps long after the animosity of party feelings and the parties themselves have passed away.
From the best consideration I have been able to give to the question, I cannot help viewing it in this way. In the year 1789, the French Revolution broke out, first of all from the income of the government not being sufficient to defray its expenditure16, or in other words, from its finances having become deranged17 for want of money, and which the people, having been taxed to the utmost and brought down to poverty, could no longer supply. The aristocracy and the priesthood (the privileged orders, as they were called) contributed little or nothing to support the state; and, instead of being the natural guardians18 or depositories of the honour and virtue19 of the nation, they were chiefly known as its oppressors. By exaction20, cruelty, and tyranny, the people had long been borne down to the lowest pitch of degradation21. They were considered, not as rational human beings, equal in mind and intellect to their oppressors, but as beings made for the purpose only of continually labouring to support them in all their real and imaginary wants. This is nearly the case in all countries where the aristocracy are kept up and blinded by pride and guided by ignorance. In this they are supported by what may be called their satellites—a kind of bastard22 breed, who, in aping the worst part of the character of those exalted23 above them, show themselves off as the opulent, aspiring24, purse-proud gentry25 of a country.
’Tis surely this,—the littleness of pride.”
This kind of treatment, so long shown to the people of France, could be endured no longer. They, indeed, seemed heartily28 disposed to settle a rational and just representative government quietly themselves; but this did not suit the views of the surrounding despots, to whom the very word liberty was offensive, and it was determined, at once, that this attempt of the people to resume their rights should instantly be overwhelmed. For this purpose, immense armed and well-disciplined mercenaries were gathered together, and almost surrounded the country. Thus situated29, and remembering the traditionary tales handed down to them of the cruelties and oppressions under which their forefathers30 had groaned31, the French people could not bear their condition any longer. They were driven to madness, and instantly retaliated32 upon their oppressors, who, they conceived, meant that they and their children’s children should continue to be doomed33 for ages to come. In this state of the public mind, the French people rose simultaneously34, as one man, and with unconquerable energy and bravery, like a whirlwind, swept the advocates and the armies of despotism from off the face of the earth. Thus roused, this confederacy of Legitimates35, finding or fearing that they might be baffled in their attempts, looked to England for support; and grieved, indeed, were the advocates of rational liberty to find that these enemies to freedom had not looked in vain; for the government of this free country and free people—long veering36, indeed, from the line of rectitude—had readily found pretexts37 for entering into a war in support of despotism; and war was begun, in the year 1793, against the republican government of France.
It had long been the settled opinion of many profound politicians, that corruption38 had spread, and was spreading, its baneful39 influence among the members of the government of this kingdom; and that the majority cared nothing about maintaining the constitution in its purity, which to them was become like an old song. In this state of things, with Mr. Pitt at their head, and the resources of the British Isles40 in their hands, it was calculated upon as a certainty that his weight, added to the already powerful confederacy, would soon put a stop to the march of intellect, and, if found necessary, put an extinguisher upon the rights of man.
It is horrible to contemplate41 the immense destruction of human beings, and the waste of treasure, which followed and supported this superlatively wicked war. Under the mask of patriotism42, Mr. Pitt had begun his career, but he soon changed sides, and, blinded perhaps by ambition, became the powerful advocate of an opposite and perverted43 order of things. Thus situated, nothing could to a certainty serve his purpose so well as corruption; and the House of Commons had long been growing into a state befitting his purpose; for its members had, in a great degree, ceased to be the representatives of the people, and he had now only to begin an invigorated, new, or more extended system of place and patronage44 to have the majority at his nod; and, in aid of this, to add an extension of the peerage. This demi-oligarchy, cemented together by feelings of rapacious45 interests, in his hands was the best organised system of extorting46 money that ever had appeared in the world. They met together to tax—tax—tax; and, under various pretexts, to rob the people “according to law,” and to divide the spoil amongst themselves and their friends. Arbitrary laws were enacted47, gagging bills were passed, and a system of espionage48 spread over the kingdom to keep the people down, many of whom seemed to have forgotten the exertions49 of their forefathers, whose blood had been spilt to purchase a better order of things. I felt particularly hurt at the apathy50 of country gentlemen in these (politically considered) worst of times. Their faculties51 seemed benumbed; but, indeed, most of them fell into the vortex of corruption themselves. They appeared to me to have lost their former independent character, and to be now looking out to that evil source as a provision for the younger branches of their own families, unmindful of all other ill consequences, which this selfishness blindly supported and maintained. The minions52 of power were countenanced53 and protected, by which they became insolent54 and impudent55, and walked in stately array, hand in hand, in safety. Although the friends of liberty and the constitution were both numerous and intrepid56, yet, for want of what they termed respectable heads, they were widely spread and divided, and their efforts proved in vain. There was also an intermediate or neutral race, consisting of those who had not laid down any principle to guide them. They were mostly such as advocated the cause of corruption; and, in listening to them, I was disgusted at their senseless arguments. They were proof against reasoning, and thoroughly57 convinced me that “a wise man changes his opinion, but a fool never does.” They, however, kept on the safe side; they were loyal; and the gist58 of their arguments, with which they ended all their disputes, were summed up in this—“If you do not like your country, leave it. What do you want? are not we very well off?” Their reflecting powers reached no further, and they could not see by what slow degrees the arm of despotism had so often circumspectly59 stretched its iron hand over the liberties of the people, and then crushed them.
While bickerings and debatings were going on amongst politicians at home, the Continent was deluged60 with the blood of many destructive battles. The sea was also crimsoned61 in the same way; and it was on this element that the tide of affairs was first turned in favour of Britain, who now, by the valour of her seamen62, reigned63 complete “mistress of the deep,” and the commerce of the world seemed to be poured into her lap. Estates rose in value to an extraordinary height, and the price of grain, &c., still more so. The shipping64 interest wallowed in riches; the gentry whirled about in aristocratic pomposity65; they forgot what their demeanour and good, kind, behaviour used to be to those in inferior stations of life; and seemed now far too often to look upon them like dirt. The character of the richer class of farmers was also changed. They acted the gentleman very awkwardly, and many of them could not, in these times, drink anything but wine, and even that was called “humble port.” When these upstart gentlemen left the market, they were ready to ride over all they met or overtook on the way; but this was as nothing compared to the pride and folly66 which took possession of their empty or fume-charged heads, when they got dressed in scarlet67. They were then fitted for any purpose, and were called “yeomanry cavalry68.” Pride and folly then became personified. When peace came, it brought with it a sudden fall in the price of corn; but the taxes continuing the same to them, and rents still keeping high, they, with few exceptions, suddenly experienced a woful change. I cannot say, after seeing so much of their folly, that I was sorry for them; for they mostly deserved this reverse of fortune. Not so with the industrious69 labourer. His privations were great, and he was undeservedly doomed to suffer for want of employment, and often to waste away and die of hunger and want.
During the greater portion of the war, the landowners may be said to have paid little or nothing to support it; for the extra rents paid almost all their taxes; but at length the evils brought on by so long a war fell also heavily upon numbers of them, who, on account of tithes70 and taxes with which the land was loaded, could hardly get any rent at all.
It will seem a wonder to future ages how the British people could so long have supported the squandered71 expenditure of the government; still they were not like the long-worn-down subjects of continental72 despots; for what the latter can get from their subjects is like clippings from the back and sides of swine, while the ingenuity73, the industry, and the energy of the British people furnish the well-grown fleeces of sheep. Pity it is that they should have been so often wickedly shorn to the bare skin.
This state of temporary prosperity, to which I have alluded74, incited75 to agricultural improvements; and societies for the promotion76, and premiums77 for the encouragement, of various desiderata blazed forth78 over a great part of the kingdom. Cattle, sheep, horses, and swine, all of which were called “live stock,” occupied a great deal of attention, and in the improvement of the various breeds agriculturalists succeeded to a certain, and in some cases, perhaps, to a great extent. And yet I cannot help thinking that they often suffered their whimsies79 to overshoot the mark, and in many instances to lead them on to the ridiculous.
After all,—these enquiries having opened the eyes of the landlords to their own interests,—it is not unlikely that the man of industry, the plain, plodding80 farmer will, without receiving any reward, have to pay for these improvements. My kind, my intimate friend, John Bailey, Esq., of Chillingham, in conjunction with another friend of mine, George Culley, Esq., of Fowberry, were the active, judicious81, and sensible authors of many of the agricultural reports, in which they did not lose sight of the farmer. They wished to inculcate the principle of “to live and let live” between landlord and tenant82.
It will readily be supposed, that, where such exertions were made, and pains taken to breed the best kinds of all the domestic animals, jealousy83 and envy would be excited, and contentions84 arise as to which were the best; but for me to dilate85 upon this would only lead me out of the way. I shall, however, notice an instance, as it happened to occur between my two friends, Mr. Smith, of Woodhall, and Mr. Bailey. The latter, in connection with his report on Cheviot sheep, had given a bad figure of a ram86 of that breed. This was construed87 into a design to lessen88 the character of Mr. Smith’s Cheviot sheep, on which, in April, 1798, the latter sent for me to draw and engrave89 a figure of one of his rams90, by way of contrasting it with the figure Mr. Bailey had given. The colour Mr. Smith gave to the business was, not to find fault with Mr. Bailey’s figure, but to show how much he (Mr. Smith) had improved the breed since Mr. Bailey had written his report.
Whilst I was at Woodhall, I was struck with the sagacity of a dog belonging to Mr. Smith. The character for sagacity of the Shepherd’s Dog was well-known to me, but this instance of it was exemplified before my own eyes. Mr. Smith wished to have a particular ram brought out from amongst the flock, for the purpose of my seeing it. Before we set out, he observed to the shepherd, that he thought the old dog (he was grey-headed and almost blind) would do well enough for what he wanted with him. Before we reached the down, where the flock was feeding, I observed that Mr. Smith was talking to the dog before he ordered him off on his errand; and, while we were conversing91 on some indifferent subject, the dog brought a ram before us. Mr. Smith found a deal of fault with the dog, saying, Did I not order you so and so? and he scolded him for bringing a wrong sheep, and then, after fresh directions, set him off again to bring the one he wished me to see. We then returned home, and shortly after our arrival there, the dog brought the very ram wanted, along with a few other sheep, into the fold, where I took a drawing of him.
Shortly after my return from Woodhall, I was sent for to Darlington, and thence to Barmpton, to make drawings of cattle and sheep, to be engraved92 for a Durham report. After I had made my drawings from the fat sheep, I soon saw that they were not approved, but that they were to be made like certain paintings shown to me. I observed to my employer that the paintings bore no resemblance to the animals whose figures I had made my drawings from; and that I would not alter mine to suit the paintings that were shown to me; but, if it were wished that I should make engravings from these paintings, I had not the slightest objection to do so, and I would also endeavour to make fac similes93 of them. This proposal would not do; and my journey, as far as concerned these fat cattle makers94, ended in nothing. I objected to put lumps of fat here and there where I could not see it, at least not in so exaggerated a way as on the painting before me; so “I got my labour for my trouble.” Many of the animals were, during this rage for fat cattle, fed up to as great a weight and bulk as it was possible for feeding to make them; but this was not enough; they were to be figured monstrously95 fat before the owners of them could be pleased. Painters were found who were quite subservient96 to this guidance, and nothing else would satisfy. Many of these paintings will mark the times, and, by the exaggerated productions of the artists, serve to be laughed at when the folly and the self-interested motives97 which gave birth to them are done away.
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1
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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omnipotence
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| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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mathematicians
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| 数学家( mathematician的名词复数 ) | |
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datum
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| n.资料；数据；已知数 | |
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devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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deranged
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| adj.疯狂的 | |
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guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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exaction
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| n.强求，强征；杂税 | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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bastard
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| n.坏蛋，混蛋；私生子 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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deride
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| v.嘲弄，愚弄 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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retaliated
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| v.报复，反击( retaliate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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legitimates
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| v.合情合理的( legitimate的第三人称单数 )；合法的；法律认可的；法定的 | |
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veering
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| n.改变的；犹豫的；顺时针方向转向；特指使船尾转向上风来改变航向v.（尤指交通工具）改变方向或路线( veer的现在分词 )；（指谈话内容、人的行为或观点）突然改变；（指风） （在北半球按顺时针方向、在南半球按逆时针方向）逐渐转向；风向顺时针转 | |
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pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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baneful
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| adj.有害的 | |
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isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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extorting
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| v.敲诈( extort的现在分词 )；曲解 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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espionage
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| n.间谍行为，谍报活动 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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minions
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| n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 )；走狗；宠儿；受人崇拜者 | |
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countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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impudent
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| adj.鲁莽的，卑鄙的，厚颜无耻的 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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gist
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| n.要旨；梗概 | |
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circumspectly
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| adv.慎重地，留心地 | |
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deluged
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| v.使淹没( deluge的过去式和过去分词 )；淹没；被洪水般涌来的事物所淹没；穷于应付 | |
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crimsoned
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| 变为深红色（crimson的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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pomposity
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| n.浮华；虚夸；炫耀；自负 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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70
tithes
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| n.（宗教捐税）什一税，什一的教区税，小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
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71
squandered
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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73
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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77
premiums
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| n.费用( premium的名词复数 )；保险费；额外费用；（商品定价、贷款利息等以外的）加价 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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79
whimsies
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| n.怪念头( whimsy的名词复数 )；异想天开；怪脾气；与众不同的幽默感 | |
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80
plodding
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| a.proceeding in a slow or dull way | |
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81
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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82
tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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83
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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84
contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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85
dilate
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| vt.使膨胀，使扩大 | |
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86
ram
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| (random access memory)随机存取存储器 | |
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87
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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engrave
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| vt.（在...上）雕刻，使铭记，使牢记 | |
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rams
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| n.公羊( ram的名词复数 )；(R-)白羊（星）座；夯；攻城槌v.夯实（土等）( ram的第三人称单数 )；猛撞；猛压；反复灌输 | |
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91
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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92
engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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93
similes
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| （使用like或as等词语的）明喻( simile的名词复数 ) | |
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94
makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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95
monstrously
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subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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97
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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