GENTILE OPINIONS OF THE "MORMON" PEOPLE.
STATISTICS OF CRIME AND EDUCATION.
REFUTATION OF THE SPAULDING STORY.
BY ELDER JOHN MORGAN.
The attention of the candid2, thinking, reader is called to the following extracts culled3 from the speeches made by the distinguished4 gentlemen, who, in defense5 of the Constitution of the United States, opposed the passage of the Edmunds law:
UNITED STATES SENATE, FEBRUARY, 1882.
Showing the Unconstitutionality of the Law, and that it is not Morals but Money that is the moving cause of the present Crusade against the "Mormons."
SENATOR VEST, MISSOURI.
What I object to in this bill is that it is a bill of attainder, unconstitutional in the Territories, unconstitutional in the States, unconstitutional wherever the flag of the Republic wavers to-day in supremacy7. It is a bill of attainder because it {328} inflicts9 a punishment, in the language of the Supreme10 Court of the United States, without trial by a judicial11 tribunal.
Mr. President, as I said before, I am prepared for the abuse and calumny12 that will follow any man who dares to oppose any bill here against polygamy; and yet, so help me God, if my official life should terminate to-morrow, I would not give my vote for the principles contained in this measure.
SENATOR MORGAN, ALABAMA.
This, Mr. President, is to all intents and purposes an ex post facto law. If I have rightly constructed the language in which the seventh section is couched, it undertakes to create a crime and punish a man for the commission of it at a time before the statute14 itself was enacted15, certainly before this method of punishment is prescribed; and if I understand anything in reference to constitutional law, it is that you cannot impose a new punishment upon one who has been guilty even of a crime against the law, so as to make it retroactive in its effect and in its operation.
Now we have the entire case under the Constitution. I submit to the honorable committee and to the Senate that this bill is amenable16 to two constitutional objections in the particulars I have named. First, it is an ex post facto law, punishing men for crimes heretofore committed, and to which the punishment now sought to be annexed17 was not annexed at the time of their commission. The next is that it is a bill of attainder, a bill of pains and penalties, whereby the legislative19 department of the Government usurps20 the functions of the judicial, and puts a man under condemnation21 without trial and without even the due observance of the forms of law. As the act stands on its face, and as the purposes of it are entirely22 apparent from its whole tenor23, I think there could not be a more flagrant violation25 of the Constitution.
SENATOR LAMAR, MISSISSIPPI.
In my opinion, sir, it is a cruel measure, and will inflict8 unspeakable sufferings upon large masses, many of whom are innocent victims.
SENATOR CALL, FLORIDA.
There is nothing theocratic26 in the government of the Mormon Church that is exhibited to the world. It does not claim to govern the Territory of Utah. It acknowledges the authority {329} of the Government of the United States. You cannot assail27 it by declaring it as a matter of opinion on the part of the American Congress that for a man to worship God according to his belief, as Mormons do (however contrary to our opinions and our wishes), is a theocracy28 to be suppressed with fire and sword. But if you will make war upon it, let it not be by striking down the liberties of your people and doing violence to your own holy faith; but assail it with the red right hand of war, with the sword to stab it out, and say to them: "Proclaim your heresies29 and conduct your rites30 beyond the limits of this Territory of the United States." Sir, this is worse than open, flagrant war. This is asserting to the people that what our fathers, acting31 under the teachings of the Christian32 religion, fought for more than a hundred years to accomplish, shall be thrown away. This is an assertion by the Congress of the United States that there may be a trial by a packed and prejudiced court, by partial jurors, by a man's enemies, and not his friends; that a government shall be constructed in which the vast majority—nine-tenths of the people—in defiance33 of the principles which control our whole political system, a government of a minority shall be constructed through penal18 provisions and through verdicts of courts selected and organized to try and convict!
SENATOR BROWN, GEORGIA.
The bill proposes to apply a religious test to the Mormons, in so far as it punishes the Mormon for his opinions, it is a religious test applied34. He believes that Joseph Smith was a prophet as much as I believe that Jeremiah was a prophet; and while I think he is in an egregious35 error, I have no right to proscribe36 him because of his belief as long as he does not practice immorality37. And I have no right to do more as a legislator than to prescribe rules to punish him for his immoralities, and leave him to the full enjoyment39 of his religious opinions, just as I claim the right to enjoy my own opinions. If we commence striking down any sect13, however despised or however unpopular, on account of opinion's sake, we do not know how soon the fires of Smithfield may be rekindled40 or the gallows41 of New England for witches again be erected42, or when another Catholic convent will be burned down.
We do not know how long it will be before the clamor would be raised by the religious institutions of this country, that no member of a church who holds the infallibility of the Pope or the doctrine43 of transubstantiation should hold office or {330} vote in this country. We do not know how long it would be before it would be said that no member of a church who believed in close communion and baptism by immersion44 as the only mode, should vote or hold office in this country. You are treading on dangerous ground when you open this floodgate anew. We have passed the period where there is for the present any clamor on this subject, except as against the Mormons; but it seems there must be some periodical outcry against some denomination45. Popular vengeance46 is now turned against the Mormons. When we are done with them, I know not who will next be considered the proper subject of it.
To accomplish this great object the Territorial47 practices of half a century are to be blotted48 out, local self-government is to be destroyed, the church is to be plundered49, and the prosperous region of Utah is to be subjected to the rule of satraps whose unlimited50 power will enable them to rob and pillage51 the people at pleasure. If this system is once inaugurated, bitter as was our experience in the South during the late reconstruction52 period when our affairs were being regulated, it was mildness itself compared with what is in store for Utah as long as the wealth accumulated by the Mormons is not exhausted53.
Mr. President, I shall be a party to no such proceedings54. Other sections of the union have frequently run wild in keeping up with New England ideas and New England practices on issues of this character. I presume they will do so again, but I, for one, shall not be a party to the enactment55 or enforcement of unconstitutional, tyrannical, and oppressive legislation for the purpose of crushing the Mormons or any other sect for the gratification of New England or any other section. The precedents56 which we are making, when the persons and parties in the States who feel it their duty to regulate the affairs of others find themselves unemployed58 and the regulation of Mormonism no longer profitable, will be used against other sects59. Whether the Baptists, or the Catholics, or the Quakers will be selected for the next victim does not yet appear. But he who supposes that this spirit of restless and illegal intermeddling with the affairs of other sections will be satiated or appeased60 by the sacrifice of the Mormons has read modern history to little advantage.
The Mormon sect is marked for the first victim. The Constitution and the practices of the Government are to be disregarded and if need be trampled61 down to gratify the ire of dominant63 intermeddling.
And such is the fanaticism64 now prevalent in reference to the {331} Mormon sect, that when it is clearly shown the regulation which they desire can not take place within the Constitution and laws, the restless regulators will doubtless be ready to follow the example of Mr. Stevens and regulate Mormonism outside of the Constitution. But why should Southern men become camp-followers in this crusade?
The Mormons may, however, be consoled by the reflection that their privileges need not be curtailed66 if they are obedient, nor the present practice diminished, but they must change the name and no longer conduct the wicked practice in what they call the "marriage relation."
The Government considers this no great hardship, as it freely permits in the Mormons, if called by the right name, what it does not punish in other people. For, without violating the policy of the Government in so far as it has been proclaimed by its Utah Commission, if the Mormons will conform to its requirements as to the mode, the practice of prostitution in Utah need not in the slightest degree be diminished. The clamor is not against the Mormon for having more than one woman, but for calling more than one his wife. And the Mormons will do well to remember that the policy of putting the whole population, men, women, and children to the sword, and filling the whole land with wailing67, blood, and carnage will not be wanting in advocates if a portion of them still continue, each to cohabit with more than one woman in what they call "the marriage relation."
The Government and people of the United States have deliberately68 determined69 that they must call it by the proper name. Let the Mormon who has a plurality of women remember that he must conform to the practice elsewhere and call but one of them his wife.
This, Mr. President, is the point we have reached. This is the distinction we have drawn70. This is our present policy and practice as applied to the Territory of Utah. What consummate71 statesmanship!
Others who feel it their duty upon such hollow pretexts73 to destroy a prosperous Territory by such unconstitutional and illegal means as are proposed will doubtless proceed with this unnatural74 warfare75 until they have seen the result of their folly76.
Let those whose ambition prompts them to such deeds of daring take part in this tyrannical and illegal conquest over a helpless people, who, to gratify an insatiate fanaticism, are to be crushed without the morals of this country being in the slightest degree improved or illegal sexual intercourse77 in the {332} least degree diminished, and let them enjoy the fruits of their triumph.
But as I have sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, and can not therefore belong to the army of the conquerors78, I shall have no right to claim any of the trophies79 of the victory. Nor when the slaughter80 comes shall I have upon my hands the stain of the blood of any of the victims. Nor shall I share in the responsibility when in future our present unconstitutional and unjustifiable legislation against the Mormons shall be used as a precedent57 for like legislation to crush some other sect or denomination, who may have chance, as the Mormons now do, to fall under the ban of popular fanaticism and indignation which will afford another pretext72 for New England interference and regulation.
There are over fifty millions of people in the United States; and there are probably twenty times as many persons practicing prostitution, or illegal sexual intercourse, in the other parts of the union as the whole number who practice it in Utah. Many of the features of its practice in the other States and Territories, including foeticide, illegal divorce, etc., are quite as revolting, or more so, than in Utah. It is assumed in the other parts of the union, where a greatly larger number of persons practice sexual impurity82 than the whole number of Mormon polygamists, that polygamy must be put down at any cost. It is certainly a matter of great importance that polygamy, prostitution, foeticide and illegal divorce, whether practiced in Utah or in any other part of the United States, should be put down. And if we have it in our power by constitutional means to accomplish that end no one would be more rejoiced than I. But having taken a solemn oath to support the Constitution of the United States, I cannot as a Senator vote for a measure which I am satisfied is a plain violation of the Constitution to crush out polygamy, or to accomplish any other object. And we would do well to bear in mind that if the Congress of the United States disregards and violates the Constitution of the United States in its eager haste to crush a sect but little over one hundred thousand strong, the result of the precedent may be the crushing out of one sect after another, until it ends in the complete overthrow83 of the liberties of fifty millions of people, who are expected to applaud our efforts to crush the Mormons without regard to constitutional difficulties or constitutional obligations.
No matter what the popular applause may be on the one hand or the popular condemnation on the other, I will join in {333} no hue84 and cry against any sect that requires me to vote for measures in open violation of the fundamental law of the land. And we would do well to bear in mind that an illegal persecution85 of any sect always excites sympathy for the persecuted86 and greatly increases its number. The late Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, when asked what would be the effect of the Edmunds bill on Mormonism, replied, "The effect will be to make more Mormons."
But I may be asked, "What means can we adopt to destroy this great evil in Utah?" I reply we can not do it by passing unconstitutional laws, or adopting illegal or unconstitutional means, or by striking down republican government in the Territory.
The Christian churches of this country spend hundreds of thousands of dollars every year sending missionaries87 to foreign lands where polygamy is practiced. In India and in China alone more than 500,000,000 of people practice or acquiesce88 in the practice of polygamy. And yet the Christian churches are not discouraged, but they send missionaries there, hoping finally to convert the whole mass of the people. Why, then, should we not send missionaries to Utah, where only about 12,000 people practice and a little over 100,000 people believe in polygamy? If the Christian churches are willing to make the effort to convert 500,000,000 of polygamists in the East, why should they not with less effort convert 100,000 within the limits of our own land? If the first task is within the range of possibility, what is there to discourage us from the smaller undertaking89? There are a great many people in Utah who might be converted by the proper effort. They are our neighbors, our fellow-citizens. Shall we give them up as reprobates90, and make no effort to save them, and join in a crusade to crush them? They speak our language, they are within easy reach. Why give them up and turn to the heathen of other lands, who neither understand our language nor have anything of race or sympathy in common with us? Have the Christian churches done their duty to the Mormon people? If you can not convince their leaders you can convert thousands of the people. It may be easier to cry "Crucify them" than it is to try to help convert them. But can the churches reconcile it to conscience that duty is as well performed in the one case as in the other?
MR. HOUSE OF TENNESSEE.
Now it seems to me that if the Supreme Court of the {334} United States knows what a bill of attainder is, the eighth and ninth sections of this act are clearly in violation of the Constitution. When I took a seat in this House I took an oath to support the Constitution of the United States. I can not and will not swear to a lie even to emphasize my abhorrence91 of polygamy or to punish a Mormon, and with my views of this act I would have had to do so if I had voted for the bill when it passed. It would seem that after organizing a packed jury to convict, the authors of the bill ought then to have been willing to await a conviction before depriving American citizens of the right to vote or hold office. For what is an American, deprived of those rights? He may live in a land of boasted freedom, but thus stripped of the rights and privileges that freemen most value, he is no better than a slave.
Let the carpet bagger, expelled finally from every State in the American union with the brand of disgrace stamped upon his brow, lift up his head once more and turn his face toward the setting sun. Utah beckons92 him to a new field of pillage and fresh pastures of pilfering93. Let him pack his grip sack and start. The Mormons have no friends, and no one will come forward to defend or protect their rights. A returning board, from whose decision there is no appeal, sent out from the American Congress baptized with the spirit of persecution and intolerance, will enter Utah to trample62 beneath their feet the rights of the people of that far-off and ill-fated land. Mr. Speaker, I would not place a dog under the dominion94 of a set of carpet-baggers, re-enforced by a returning board, unless I meant to have him robbed of his bone. A more grinding tyranny, a more absolute despotism was never established over any people.
The Mormons have been guilty of believing in, and some of them practicing, polygamy. But they have been guilty of another sin also. They have committed the offense95 of belonging to the democratic party. That Territory now has a population about large enough to be admitted into the union. It would not do to let it enter the union as a democratic State. There is not now the least danger of it. After it has passed under the manipulations of the returning board, after her people have been driven from their homes under the oppressive laws that will be passed under the powers conferred by this law, after the carpet-bagger has gone in and taken possession, Utah, clothed in the habiliments of the republican party, will be welcomed into the sisterhood of States. I did desire to notice some other features of this law, but time forbids. It {335} was passed under the operation of the previous question, and no one had the opportunity to discuss it or to point out its imperfections. The Delegate sent here by the people of that Territory, by a barefaced96 usurpation97 on the part of the governor, was denied a certificate of election, and was not allowed to take the seat to which he had been elected, or to speak in behalf of his people while they were being robbed of their rights.
HON. JAMES W. STILLMAN, FREETHINKER, BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS, 12TH FEB., 1884.
The bill which Senator Hoar has reported is an ex post facto law, because it changes the rules of evidence as already indicated. The Edmunds bill is a bill of attainder; and it is an ex post facto law, because it punishes these people without a judicial trial; it increases the punishment for polygamy by disfranchisement and disqualification to hold office. Every Senator and every Representative who voted for that bill had taken a solemn oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and yet, unmindful of that oath, actuated by the spirit of religious bigotry98 and fanaticism which I have denounced here to-night, they lost sight entirely of their constitutional obligations, and nullified one of the most important provisions of that great instrument.
RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
JUDGE JEREMIAH S. BLACK'S ARGUMENT.
The end and object of this whole system of hostile measures against Utah seems to be the destruction of the popular rule in that Territory. I may be wrong—for I can only reason from the fact that is known to the fact that is not known—but I do not think that the promoters of this legislation care a straw how much or how little the Mormons are married. It is not their wives, but their property; not beauty, but booty, that they are after. I have not much faith in political piety99, but I do most devoutly100 believe in the hunger of political adventurers for spoils of every kind. How else can you account for the struggles they are now making to get possession of all the local offices in the Territory, including the treasurer101, auditor102, and all depositories of public money? If they do not want to rob the people, why do they reach out their hands for such a grab as this?
{336} Coming back to the original and fundamental proposition that you have no authority to legislate103 about marriage in a Territory, you will ask what then are we to do with polygamy? It is a bad thing and a false religion that allows it. But the people of Utah have as good a right to their false religion as you have to your true one. Then you add that it is not a religious error merely, but a crime which ought to be extirpated106 by the sword of the civil magistrate107. That is also conceded. But those people have a civil government of their own, which is as wrong-headed as their Church. Both are free to do evil on this and kindred subjects if they please, and they are neither of them answerable to you. That brings you to the end of your string. You are compelled to treat this offense as you treat others in the States and in the Territories—that is, leave it to be dealt with by the powers that are ordained108 of God or by God Himself, who will in due time become the minister of His own justice.
* * * * *
In regard to the unholy crusade periodically waged against the "Mormons" by godless men, and specially109 revived at every recurring110 Congressional session for the purpose of provoking proscriptive111 anti-Mormon legislation, the following forcible and faithful word-picture (which is as true as photography, and to which over 150,000 Utonians can make oath), drawn by the Honorable Thomas Fitch, ex-United States Senator, unmistakably illustrates112 the motives115 which inspire every such wicked ringocratic movement.
At the constitutional convention held in Salt Lake City, February, 1872, Mr. Fitch, United States Senator from Nevada, said;
There is no safety for the people of Utah without a State government; for under the present condition of affairs, their property, their liberties, and their very lives are in constant and increasing jeopardy116. James B. McKean (United States Chief Justice in Utah) is morally and hopelessly deaf to the most common demands of the opponents of his policy, and in a case where a Mormon or a Mormon sympathizer, or a conservative Gentile, be concerned, there may be found rulings unparalleled in all the jurisprudence of England or America. The mineral deposits have attracted here a large number of restless, unscrupulous and reckless men, the hereditary117 foes118 of {337} industry, order and law. Finding the courts and federal officers arrayed against the Mormons, with pleased lacrity this class have placed themselves on the side of courts and officers. Elements ordinarily discordant119 blend together in the same seething120 cauldron. The bagnios and hells shout hosannas to the courts; the altars of religion are infested121 with the paraphernalia122 and the presence of vice123; the drunkard espouses124 the cause of temperance; the companion of harlots preaches the beauties of virtue125 and continence. All believe that license126 will be granted by the leaders in order to advance their sacred cause, and the result is an immense support from those friends of immorality and architects of disorder127 who care nothing for the cause, but everything for the license. These constitute a nucleus128 of reformers and a mass of ruffians, a centre of zealots and a circumference129 of plunderers. The dramshop interest hopes to escape the Mormon tax of $300 per month by sustaining a judge who will enjoin130 a collection of the tax, and the prostitutes persuade their patrons to support judges who will interfere81 by habeas corpus with any practical enforcement of municipal ordinances131. Every interest of industry is disastrously132 affected133 by this unholy alliance, every right of the citizen is threatened, if not assailed134, by this ungodly combination.
Your local magistrates135 are successfully defied, your local laws are disregarded, your municipal ordinances are trampled into the mire136, theft and murder walk through your streets without detection, drunkards howl their orgies in the shadow of your altar; the glare and tumult137 of drinking saloons, the glitter of gambling138 hells, and the painting flaunt139 of the bawd plying140 her trade, now vex141 the repose142 of streets, which beforetime heard no sound to disturb their quiet save the busy hum of industry, the clatter143 of trade, and the musical tingle144 of mountains streams. In prosecuting145 Mormons the prosecution146 have tried their cases beforehand on the streets, in the newspapers, by public meetings, by petitions, and over the telegraph wires, by means of their leading adviser147, the Salt Lake agent of the Associated Press. There is no evidence so base or worthless but is sufficient to indict148 a Mormon; there is no evidence sufficiently149 damning to indict a man who would swear against a Mormon. In support of these statements a volume of details of acts of injustice150 and tyranny might be compiled from the official records. One instance will suffice. Brigham Young, an American citizen of character, of wealth, of enterprise; an old man who justly possesses the love and confidence of his people, and the respect of those who know and comprehend {338} him, has been sent to prison upon the uncorroborated oath of one of the most remarkable151 scoundrels that any age has produced, a man known to infamy152 as William A. Hickman, a human butcher, by the side of whom all malefactors of history are angels; a creature who, according to his own published statement, is a camp follower65 without enthusiasm, a bravo without passion, a murderer without motive114, an assassin without hatred153.
The religious and secular154 leaders of Utah, men who are respected by many honest, earnest people who are not of their faith, men who are believed to be innocent by many influential155 and independent journals not of their way of thinking, men who are held fast in the embrace of a hundred thousand hearts, men who have filled the land with monuments of industry and progress and human happiness, are likely to be sacrificed because a manufactured and unjust public sentiment demands their conviction.
I say deliberately, that with the history of the past behind me, with the signs of the present before me; I say with sorrow and humiliation156 that the Mormon charged with crime who now walks into the courts of his country goes not to his deliverance, but to his doom157; that the Mormon who in a civil action seeks his rights in the courts of his country goes not to his redress158, but his spoliation. The Mormons have been joined each year by a few desperate outcasts, men who were outlawed159 for crime as the Mormons were outlawed for religion. Such men followed the tide of Mormon immigration; they attached themselves to Mormon trains; they professed161 belief in the Mormon faith and devotion to the Mormon leaders. It was impossible to know their histories, it was impossible to fathom163 their motives. They were given food, given shelter, given employment, although seldom trusted. Let such men be tempted164 by assured promises and they will swear their crimes upon others whose lives and hearts contrast with theirs as the white snow contrasts with the mire it covers. How many such men are there in Utah? Convicted liars165, professional thieves, confessed assassins, trembling perjurers, who have hung for years upon the outskirts166 of the little societies which gathered together and built themselves up amid these mountain fastnesses. One such man has served to accuse and caused to be imprisoned167 several of your most honored citizens. Half a dozen such, instigated168 by cowardice169 and avarice170, with savage171 hearts filled with a lust113 of rapine, would crowd every jail in the Territory.
{339} The Mormons are judged abroad, not by their thousands of deeds of charity and kindness, but by a few deeds of blood unjustly accredited172 to their leaders. You will never hear how tens of thousands of people have been brought from famine and hopeless toil173 to lives of peace and plenty, of the thousands of passing emigrants174 who have been fed and sheltered and succored175.
Your antagonist176 is hydra-headed and hundred-armed. Whether by bigoted177 judges, by packed juries, by partisan178 officers, by Puritan missionaries, by iron-limbed laws, by armies from abroad, or by foes and defections at home, the assault is continuous and unrelenting, though unprovoked.
Now, in order to preserve the thrift179, the industry, the wealth, the progress, the temperate180 life, the virtues181 of Utah from spoliation and devastation182 and ruin; in order to save a hundred noble pioneer citizens and this honest, earnest, calumniated183 people from outlawry184, or the gibbet, or incarceration185, you must have a State government. Every other refuge of good men, every other protection of innocent men is closed in your faces. A State government means juries impartially186 selected from all citizens, and judges chosen by a majority of the people, and officers of your own selection; it means honest, economical government; it means peace and security, and exemption187 from persecution.
FRUITS OF "MORMONISM."
"By their fruits ye shall know them. Do men gather grapes from thorns or figs189 from thistles? Can an impure190 fountain send forth191 pure water?"—JESUS.
Bishop192 D. S. Tuttle—now and for years past an Episcopal clergyman in Salt Lake City—in a lecture on "Mormonism," published in the New York Sun, November, 1877, held these views:
"In Salt Lake City alone there are over 17,000 Latter-day Saints, Now, who are they? I will tell you, and I think, that after I have concluded, you will look on them more favorably than you have been accustomed to do. Springing from the centre of your own State (New York) in 1830, they drifted slowly westward193 until they finally rested in the basin of the Great Salt Lake. I know that the people of the east have obtained the most unfavorable opinion of them, and have {340} judged them unjustly. They have many traits that are worthy194 of admiration195, and they believe with a fervent196 faith that their religion is a direct revelation from God. We of the east are accustomed to look upon the Mormons as either a licentious197, arrogant198 or rebellious199 mob, bent200 only on defying the United States Government and deriding201 the faith of the Christians202. This is not so. I know them to be honest, faithful, prayerful workers, and earnest in their faith that heaven will bless the Church of Latter-day Saints. Another strong and admirable feature in the Mormon religion is the tenacious203 and efficient organization. They follow with the greatest care all the forms of the old church."
The Federal Government is doing at this moment a great injustice to the 200,000 Mormons in Utah. We have no right to demand any conditions of Mormons more than Presbyterians or Methodists. The Federal Government engaged in a crusade of extermination205 against a people with such a record as the Mormons have to show, is a spectacle of which no one can be proud. Unfortunately we need not go out into the Rocky Mountains to find debasing, superstitious206 and immoral38 practices, sheltering themselves under the cloak of religion; nor do we need go to Utah to find polygamy openly and shamelessly practised. A polygamy which sacrifices utterly207 and dooms208 to a fate most horrible all the wives but one, deceiving and betraying her also, is surely not very much morally superior to a polygamy that, for the first time in modern society, completely shuts out that horrible social institution, prostitution. That the government of the United States can virtually introduce the brothel, the gambling house and various other charming New York institutions into Salt Lake under color of abolishing Mormon polygamy is unhappily only too plainly evident. Driven by mob violence from one State to another, despoiled209 of their legitimate210 possessions—fruits of honest toil—this despised and grossly wronged people found their way at last across the trackless desert and by an almost unexampled perseverance211 and industry created an oasis212 in the desert itself.
Elder Miles Grant, the Adventist, and editor of The World's Crisis, says:
"After a careful observation for some days, we came to the settled conclusion that there is less licentiousness213 in Salt Lake {341} City than in any other one of the same size in the United States; and were we to bring up a family of children in these last days of wickedness, we should have less fears of their moral corruption214, were they in that city than in any other. Swearing, drinking, gambling, idleness, and licentiousness have made but small headway there, when compared with other places of equal size."
In a late visit of Governor Safford, of Arizona, to a "Mormon" colony on the Little Colorado, he writes:
We were kindly215 received by the colonists216, numbering some 400 souls, who made us welcomed and gave us freely of such comforts as they had, as this people do to all strangers who come among them. Every one works with a will. They have no drones, and the work they have accomplished217 in so short a time is truly wonderful. All concede that we need an energetic, industrious218, economical and self-relying people to subdue219 and bring into use the vast unproductive lands of Arizona. These Mormons fill every one of the above requirements. Tea, coffee, tobacco and spirituous liquors they do not use. They are spoken of by those living nearest to them as the kindest of neighbors, and all strangers receive a hearty220 welcome among them. They have a splendid robust221 looking lot of children, and are very desirous of having schools.
General Thomas L. Kane, of Pennsylvania, says:
I have given you in terms the opinion my four years' experience has enabled me to form of the Mormons, preferring to force you to deduce it for yourselves from the facts. But I will add that I have not heard a single charge made against them as a community—against their habitual222 purity of life, their willing integrity, their toleration of religious differences of opinion, their regard for the laws, their devotion to the constitutional government under which we live—that I do not, from my own observation, or upon the testimony223 of others, know to be unfounded.
Chief Justice White, formerly224 of Huntsville, Alabama, in charging the Grand Jury, Salt Lake City, February, 1876, said:
I do not utter the language of prejudice, nor treat lightly or derisively225 the Mormon people or their faith. No matter how much I differ from them in belief, nor how widely they differ from the American people in matters of religion, yet {342} testing them and it by a standard which the world recognizes as just, that is, what they have practised and what they have accomplished, and they deserve higher consideration than ever has been accorded to them. Industry, frugality226, temperance, honesty, and in every respect but one, obedience227 to the law, are with them the common practices of life.
This land thy have redeemed228 from sterility229, and occupied its once barren solitudes230 with cities, villages, cultivated fields and farm houses, and made it the habitation of a numerous people, where a beggar is never seen and alms houses are neither needed or known. These are facts and accomplishments231 which any candid observer recognizes and every fair mind admits.
United States Prosecuting Attorney Dickson:
It was a matter of history that the Mormons did not cohabit together, in the sense as used by the other side, without a form of marriage, and it was alone this form of marriage and the practice under it, and not sexual sins, that Congress was legislating232 against. They knew that those sins are not upheld in Utah, but are condemned233 by the Mormons and deplored234 by the Gentiles; they recognized the Mormon system of marriage as a constant menace against monogamous marriage, and thus legislated235 against it, and it was the prevention of its continuance that was the primal236 object of the law. The cause and necessity of the act showed its intention and the only objects against which it should be directed; and for this it could be extended to its full purpose. The design and only purpose of the law was to root out and extirpate105 polygamy. The two systems of marriage could not dwell side by side. If polygamy was allowed to grow, without being placed under the ban of the law and of public opinion, it would in the end supplant237 the monogamic system, and was a constant threat and menace to and jeopardized238 the latter, and Congress so viewed it.
The following statistics covering the year 1882, obtained mainly from Gentile sources, furnish their own comment.
Let the reader bear in mind that the non-"Mormons" of Utah are clamorous239 for the enforcement of unconstitutional laws against the "Mormons," for the purpose of purifying their morals and Christianizing their practices.
These men and their associates, are the ones, who engage in the wholesale240 denunciation of the "Mormon" people. {343}
CRIMINAL STATISTICS.
Assault and battery 40 260
Assault with intent to kill 40 260
Assault with deadly weapons 2
Assault with threats 1 5
Murder 18
Manslaughter 1 15
Attempt to murder 1
Accused of murder 4
Threatening to murder 6
Mayhem 1
Prostitution 1
Keeping brothels 95
Insulting women 6
Exposing person 3
Nuisance 9
Drunkenness 8
Drunk and disorderly 68 307
Drunk and profane 29 151
Selling liquor without license 12 136
Gambling and keeping gambling houses 18
Mail and highway robbery 1 52
Burglary 3 48
Disturbing peace 1 8
Bigamy 34 111
Destroying property 1
Stealing railroad rides 16
Violating prison rules 147
Total 6
So that the Mormons, comprising seventy-eight per cent. of the population of the Territory, contributed one-eighth of the arrests made during 1882, and the non-Mormons, having only twenty-two per cent., contributed seven-eighths.
In those pursuits having a demoralizing tendency, the distribution was as follows:
Mormons. Non-Mormons.
No. gambling houses 10
Total 17 202
{344} The number of brothels throughout the Territory was twelve, all kept by non-Mormons; number of inmates254 not given.
The criminal record of Salt Lake City, for 1882, shows that in a population of about 25,000, divided between Mormons and non-Mormons as nineteen to six, the total number of arrests was 1,561, of which 188 were Mormons, and 1,373 non-Mormons.
If it should be suspected that these territorial and city exhibits show an unfair discrimination in favor of the Mormon population, through the sympathy of the Mormon police officers and magistrates, such suspicion will be removed by the summary of the records of the territorial penitentiary255 for the same year. It will be recollected256 that for the conviction of this class of criminals, the whole machinery257 of the law, judicial and ministerial, is in the hands of the Federal government. The number of penitentiary convicts for the year was twenty-eight. Of these but one was an orthodox Mormon, and she a woman, confined for one day for contempt of court; five others were Mormons only by reason of their parentage, and the remaining twenty-two were; eight Catholics, four Methodists, one Jew, one Adventist, one Presbyterian, and seven of no religious faith.
EDUCATIONAL STATISTICS.
In 1870, according to the United States census258 report (taken in Utah by non-Mormons), Utah's enviable record stood as follows:
School attendance, 5 to 18 years. Illiteracy259, cannot read or write, 10 years and upwards260. Paupers261. Insane and Idiotic262. Convicts. Printing and Publishing Establishments. Church Edifices263.
UTAH 35 11 6 5 3 14 19
UNITED STATES 31 26 31 16 9 6 17
PENNSYLVANIA 30 10 45 17 9 9 14
NEW YORK 21 9 59 23 12 7 12
MASSACHUSETTS 25 12 55 20 11 11 12
DIST. OF COLUMBI 27 40 23 35 9 11 8
CALIFORNIA 24 10 41 22 19 14 9
{345}
THE BOOK OF MORMON.
Among the many theories advanced by the opponents of truth, to account for the existence of the Book of Mormon, is the untenable, but widely believed, story that one Solomon Spaulding wrote it, and that it was surreptitiously appropriated by the Prophet Joseph Smith. Thousands, doubtless, believe this silly attempt to an explanation to-day; but the following correspondence will probably serve to enlighten the minds of those who wish information on this subject.
Letter from President Fairchild, of Oberlin College, Ohio, New York Observer of February 5th, 1885:
SOLOMON SPAULDING AND THE BOOK OF MORMON.
The theory of the origin of the Book of Mormon in the traditional manuscript of Solomon Spaulding will probably have to be relinquished264. That manuscript is doubtless now in the possession of Mr. L. L. Rice, of Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands,[A] formerly an anti-slavery editor in Ohio, and for many years State printer of Columbus. During a recent visit to Honolulu, I suggested to Mr. Rice that he might have valuable anti-slavery documents in his possession which he would be willing to contribute to the rich collection already in the Oberlin College library. In pursuance of this suggestion Mr. Rice began looking over his old pamphlets and papers, and at length came upon an old, worn and faded manuscript of about 175 pages, small, quarto, purporting265 to be a history of the migration160 and conflicts of the ancient Indian tribes which occupied the territory now belonging to the States of New York, Ohio and Kentucky. On the last page of this manuscript is a certificate and signature giving the names of several persons known to the signer, who have assured him that to their personal knowledge, the manuscript was the writing of Solomon Spaulding. Mr. Rice has no recollection how or when this manuscript came into his possession. It was enveloped266 in a coarse piece of wrapping paper, and endorsed267 in Mr. Rice's handwriting, "A Manuscript Story."
[Footnote A:—Since the publication of this letter, the M.S.S. has been placed in Oberlin college library by Mr. Rice.]
There seems no reason to doubt that this is the long lost story. Mr. Rice, myself and others compared it with the Book of Mormon and could detect no resemblance between the two, in general or detail. There seems to be no name nor incident {346} common to the two. The solemn style of the Book of Mormon, in imitation of the English Scriptures268, does not appear in the manuscript. The only resemblance is in the fact that both profess162 to set forth the history of the lost tribes. Some other explanation of the origin of the Book of Mormon must be found, if any explanation is required.
JAMES H. FAIRCHILD.
From Bibliotheca Sacra.
Rev6. C. M. Hyde, D.D., of the North Pacific Missionary269 Institute, contributes an article to the Boston Congregationalist, in which he gives a history of the manuscript from the beginning and of the attempts made by Hurlburt, Howe and others to connect it with the Book of Mormon, and thus concludes his lengthy270 and interesting contribution:
The story has not the slightest resemblance in names, incidents or style to anything in the Book of Mormon. Its first nine chapters are headed: Introduction; An Epitomy of the Author's Life, and of his Arrival in America; An Account of the Settlement of the Ship's Company; Many Particulars respecting the Natives; A Journey to the N. W.; A Description of the Ohohs; Description of the Learning; Religion; An Account of the Baska, Government and Money.
There is no attempt whatever to imitate Bible language, and to introduce quotations271 from the Bible, as in the Book of Mormon. On the contrary, Rev. Solomon Spaulding seems to have been a man who had no very high regard for the Bible. There are two manuscript leaves in the parcel of the same size and handwriting as the other 171 pages of manuscript. A few sentences will show the views of the writer. "It is enough for me to know that propositions which are in contradiction to each other can not both be true, and that doctrines272 and facts which represent the Supreme Being as a barbarous and cruel tyrant273 can never be dictated274 by infinite wisdom. * * * But, notwithstanding I disavow my belief in the divinity of the Bible, and consider it as a mere104 human production, designed to enrich and aggrandize275 its authors, yet casting aside a considerable mass of rubbish and fanatical rant24, I find that it contains a system of ethics276 or morals which cannot be excelled on account of their tendency to ameliorate the condition of man." It would seem improbable from such avowed277 belief that Rev. Solomon Spaulding was an orthodox minister, who wrote the Book of Mormon in Biblical style, while in poor health, for his own amusement. The statement is more probable that he wrote this Manuscript Found, with {347} the idea of making a little money, if he could find some one to print it for him.
It is evident from an inspection278 of this manuscript, and from the above statements that who ever wrote the Book of Mormon, Solomon Spaulding did not.
The manuscript is now in the possession of Professor James H. Fairchild, or rather of Oberlin College, Ohio, of which he is President. It was sent there to be deposited in the college library, by Mr. L. L. Rice, of Honolulu, Sandwish Islands, among whose papers it was found at that place. Mr. Rice lived formerly in Ohio, and in 1839-40 he and his partner bought the Painesville, Ohio, Telegraph, of E. D. Howe, and in the transfer of type, presses, stock, etc., there was a large collection of books, manuscripts, etc., among them the manuscript in question. E.D. Howe was the publisher of a book against Mormonism, called "Mormonism Unveiled," and obtained the "Manuscript Found" from the notorious "Dr." D. P. Hurlburt, who obtained it from Mrs. Davidson, Solomon Spaulding's widow, who had remarried. Hurlburt never returned it. The reason assigned to Mrs. Davidson for its non-publication as an expose of the Book of Mormon was, that when examined it was found not to be what had been expected. One has only to glance through it to see the propriety279 of that conclusion.
When Mr. Rice moved to Honolulu this manuscript, with other literary rubbish that had not been destroyed, was taken with him. It was not until Prof. Fairchild, being on a visit to Mr. Rice, questioned him concerning any old papers he might have in his possession relating to anti-slavery matters, that in looking for them this manuscript was turned up. It bore the following endorsement280:
"The writings of Solomon Spaulding proved by Aron Wright, Oliver Smith, John N. Miller281 and others. The testimonies282 of the above gentlemen are now in my possession.
(Signed), D.P. HURLBURT.
The chain of evidence is complete. There can be no doubt that this is the long lost "Manuscript Found," about which there has been so much speculation283. Mr. Rice and Professor Fairchild both examined it critically, compared it with the Book of Mormon, and came to the conclusion that there was not the slightest connection between the two books, and no similarity whatever in matter, purpose, narrative284, names, language, style, or anything else. The manuscript looks old and {348} faded, has 170 odd pages, small quarto, and was tied up, with a string in a coarse paper wrapper.
MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE.
We give below an extract from the Lee trial, showing briefly285 and conclusively286 that the authorities of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and the "Mormon" people, were innocent of any complicity whatever, in the terrible tragedy enacted at Mountain Meadows, that on the contrary President Brigham Young sought by every means in his power to save the unfortunate emigrants.
Remarks made by Mr. Sumner Howard, Ex-Chief Justice of Arizona, and United States Prosecuting Attorney at the second trial of John D. Lee:
"He proposed to prove that John D. Lee, without any authority from any council or officer, but in direct opposition287 to the feelings and wishes of the officers of the Mormon Church, had gone to the Mountain Meadows, where the Indians were then encamped, accompanied only by a little Indian boy, and had assumed command of the Indians, whom he had induced, by promises of great booty, to attack these emigrants. All these charges against John D. Lee, he (District Attorney Howard) proposed to prove to the jury by competent testimony, beyond reasonable doubt, or beyond any doubt, and thought no appeal to the jury would be required to induce them to give a verdict in accordance with the evidence."
"James Haslam, of Wellsville, Cache Valley, was sworn. He lived in Cedar288 City in 1857; was ordered by Haight to take a message to President Young with all speed; knew the contents of the message; left Cedar City on Monday, September 7, 1857, between 5 and 6 p.m., and arrived at Salt Lake on Thursday at 11 a. m.; started back at 3 p.m., and reached Cedar about 11 a. m. Sunday morning, September 13th; delivered the answer from President Young to Haight, who said it was too late. Witness testified that when leaving Salt Lake to return, President Young said to him: "Go with all speed, spare no horseflesh. The emigrants must not be meddled289 with, if it takes all Iron County to prevent it. They must go free and unmolested.' Witness knew the contents of the answer. He got back with the message the Sunday after the massacre and reported to Haight, who said, 'It is too late.'"
At the second trial the evidence was plain and direct as to Lee's complicity in the massacre; he was convicted by "Mormon" {349} testimony, and a verdict of "guilty" was brought in against him by a "Mormon" jury.
At the close of the second trial U. S. District Attorney Sumner Howard, in his opening address, repeated again that he had come for the purpose of trying John D. Lee, because the evidence led and pointed290 to him as the main instigator291 and leader, and he had given the jury unanswerable documentary evidence, proving that the authorities of the Mormon Church knew nothing of the butchery until after it was committed, and that Lee, in his letter to President Young a few weeks later, had knowingly misrepresented the actual facts relative to the massacre, seeking to keep him still in the dark and in ignorance. He had received all the assistance any United States official could ask on earth in any case. Nothing had been kept back, and he was determined to clear the calendar of every indictment292 against any and every actual guilty participator in the massacre.
"When the Gentiles reject the Gospel it will be taken from them and given to the house of Israel."
—Wilford Woodruff.
"We have never violated the laws of this country; we have every right to live under their protection, and are entitled to all the privileges guaranteed by our State and National Constitution."
—Joseph Smith.
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1
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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culled
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| v.挑选，剔除( cull的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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4
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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5
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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7
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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8
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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inflicts
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的第三人称单数 ) | |
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10
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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usurps
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的第三人称单数 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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rant
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| v.咆哮；怒吼；n.大话；粗野的话 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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theocratic
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| adj.神权的，神权政治的 | |
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assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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theocracy
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| n.神权政治；僧侣政治 | |
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heresies
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| n.异端邪说，异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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egregious
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| adj.非常的，过分的 | |
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proscribe
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| v.禁止；排斥；放逐，充军；剥夺公权 | |
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immorality
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| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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rekindled
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| v.使再燃( rekindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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42
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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immersion
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| n.沉浸；专心 | |
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denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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blotted
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| 涂污( blot的过去式和过去分词 )； （用吸墨纸）吸干 | |
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49
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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51
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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55
enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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56
precedents
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| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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unemployed
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| adj.失业的，没有工作的；未动用的，闲置的 | |
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sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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60
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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61
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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follower
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| n.跟随者；随员；门徒；信徒 | |
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66
curtailed
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| v.截断，缩短( curtail的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
wailing
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的现在分词 )；沱 | |
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68
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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70
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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71
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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72
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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73
pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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74
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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75
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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76
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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77
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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78
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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79
trophies
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|
| n.（为竞赛获胜者颁发的）奖品( trophy的名词复数 )；奖杯；（尤指狩猎或战争中获得的）纪念品；（用于比赛或赛跑名称）奖 | |
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80
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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81
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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82
impurity
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| n.不洁，不纯，杂质 | |
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83
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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84
hue
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| n.色度；色调；样子 | |
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85
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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86
persecuted
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|
| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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87
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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88
acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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89
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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90
reprobates
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| n.道德败坏的人，恶棍( reprobate的名词复数 ) | |
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91
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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92
beckons
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| v.（用头或手的动作）示意，召唤( beckon的第三人称单数 ) | |
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93
pilfering
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|
| v.偷窃（小东西），小偷( pilfer的现在分词 )；偷窃（一般指小偷小摸） | |
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94
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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95
offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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96
barefaced
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| adj.厚颜无耻的，公然的 | |
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97
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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98
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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99
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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100
devoutly
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| adv.虔诚地，虔敬地，衷心地 | |
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101
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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102
auditor
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| n.审计员，旁听着 | |
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103
legislate
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| vt.制定法律；n.法规，律例；立法 | |
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104
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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105
extirpate
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| v.除尽，灭绝 | |
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106
extirpated
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|
| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的过去式和过去分词 )；根除 | |
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107
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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108
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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109
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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110
recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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111
proscriptive
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| adj.剥夺人权的，放逐的 | |
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112
illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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113
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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114
motive
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|
| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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115
motives
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|
| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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116
jeopardy
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| n.危险；危难 | |
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117
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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118
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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119
discordant
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|
| adj.不调和的 | |
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120
seething
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| 沸腾的，火热的 | |
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121
infested
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|
| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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122
paraphernalia
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| n.装备；随身用品 | |
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123
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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124
espouses
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的第三人称单数 ) | |
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125
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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126
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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127
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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128
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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129
circumference
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|
| n.圆周，周长，圆周线 | |
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130
enjoin
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| v.命令；吩咐；禁止 | |
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131
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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132
disastrously
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|
| ad.灾难性地 | |
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133
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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134
assailed
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|
| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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135
magistrates
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|
| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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136
mire
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|
| n.泥沼，泥泞；v.使...陷于泥泞，使...陷入困境 | |
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137
tumult
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|
| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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138
gambling
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|
| n.赌博；投机 | |
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139
flaunt
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|
| vt.夸耀，夸饰 | |
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140
plying
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|
| v.使用（工具）( ply的现在分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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141
vex
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|
| vt.使烦恼，使苦恼 | |
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142
repose
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|
| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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143
clatter
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|
| v./n.(使)发出连续而清脆的撞击声 | |
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144
tingle
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| vi.感到刺痛，感到激动；n.刺痛，激动 | |
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145
prosecuting
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|
| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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146
prosecution
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|
| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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147
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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148
indict
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|
| v.起诉，控告，指控 | |
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149
sufficiently
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|
| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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150
injustice
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|
| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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151
remarkable
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|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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152
infamy
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|
| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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153
hatred
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|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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154
secular
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|
| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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155
influential
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|
| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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156
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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157
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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158
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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159
outlawed
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|
| 宣布…为不合法（outlaw的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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160
migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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161
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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162
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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163
fathom
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| v.领悟，彻底了解 | |
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164
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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165
liars
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| 说谎者( liar的名词复数 ) | |
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166
outskirts
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| n.郊外，郊区 | |
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167
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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168
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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169
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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170
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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171
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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172
accredited
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|
| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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173
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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174
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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175
succored
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| v.给予帮助( succor的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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176
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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177
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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178
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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179
thrift
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|
| adj.节约，节俭；n.节俭，节约 | |
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180
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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181
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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182
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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183
calumniated
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|
| v.诽谤，中伤( calumniate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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184
outlawry
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| 宣布非法，非法化，放逐 | |
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185
incarceration
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| n.监禁，禁闭；钳闭 | |
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186
impartially
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|
| adv.公平地，无私地 | |
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187
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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188
rape
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|
| n.抢夺，掠夺，强奸；vt.掠夺，抢夺，强奸 | |
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189
figs
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| figures 数字，图形，外形 | |
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190
impure
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| adj.不纯净的，不洁的；不道德的，下流的 | |
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191
forth
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|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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192
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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193
westward
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|
| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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194
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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195
admiration
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|
| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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196
fervent
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|
| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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197
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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198
arrogant
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|
| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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199
rebellious
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|
| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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200
bent
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|
| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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201
deriding
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|
| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的现在分词 ) | |
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202
Christians
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|
| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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203
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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204
caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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205
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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206
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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207
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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208
dooms
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| v.注定( doom的第三人称单数 )；判定；使…的失败（或灭亡、毁灭、坏结局）成为必然；宣判 | |
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209
despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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210
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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211
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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212
oasis
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| n.（沙漠中的）绿洲，宜人的地方 | |
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213
licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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214
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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215
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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216
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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217
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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218
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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219
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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220
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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221
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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222
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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223
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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224
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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225
derisively
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| adv. 嘲笑地，嘲弄地 | |
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226
frugality
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| n.节约，节俭 | |
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227
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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228
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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229
sterility
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| n.不生育，不结果，贫瘠，消毒，无菌 | |
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230
solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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231
accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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232
legislating
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| v.立法，制定法律( legislate的现在分词 ) | |
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233
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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234
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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235
legislated
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| v.立法，制定法律( legislate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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236
primal
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| adj.原始的；最重要的 | |
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237
supplant
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| vt.排挤；取代 | |
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238
jeopardized
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| 危及，损害( jeopardize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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239
clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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240
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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241
dueling
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| n. 决斗, 抗争(=duelling) 动词duel的现在分词形式 | |
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242
lewd
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| adj.淫荡的 | |
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243
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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244
forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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245
counterfeiting
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| n.伪造v.仿制，造假( counterfeit的现在分词 ) | |
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246
larceny
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| n.盗窃（罪） | |
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247
arson
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| n.纵火，放火 | |
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248
pretenses
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| n.借口（pretense的复数形式） | |
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249
opium
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| n.鸦片；adj.鸦片的 | |
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250
vagrancy
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| （说话的，思想的）游移不定； 漂泊； 流浪； 离题 | |
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251
breweries
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| 酿造厂，啤酒厂( brewery的名词复数 ) | |
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252
bowling
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| n.保龄球运动 | |
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253
alleys
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| 胡同，小巷( alley的名词复数 )； 小径 | |
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254
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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255
penitentiary
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| n.感化院；监狱 | |
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256
recollected
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| adj.冷静的；镇定的；被回忆起的；沉思默想的v.记起，想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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257
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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258
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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259
illiteracy
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| n.文盲 | |
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260
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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261
paupers
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| n.穷人( pauper的名词复数 )；贫民；贫穷 | |
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262
idiotic
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| adj.白痴的 | |
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263
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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264
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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265
purporting
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| v.声称是…，（装得）像是…的样子( purport的现在分词 ) | |
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266
enveloped
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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267
endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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268
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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269
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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270
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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271
quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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272
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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273
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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274
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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275
aggrandize
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| v.增大，扩张，吹捧 | |
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276
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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277
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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278
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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279
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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280
endorsement
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| n.背书；赞成，认可，担保；签(注)，批注 | |
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281
miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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282
testimonies
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| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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283
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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284
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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285
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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286
conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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287
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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288
cedar
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| n.雪松，香柏(木) | |
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289
meddled
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| v.干涉，干预（他人事务）( meddle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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290
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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291
instigator
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| n.煽动者 | |
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292
indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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