As I have just said, the days of the French regime were in a sense days of heroic endeavour, since we see in the vista5 of the past a small colony whose total population at no period exceeded eighty thousand souls, chiefly living on the banks of the St. Lawrence, between Quebec and Montreal, and contending against great odds6 for the supremacy7 on the continent of America. The pen of Francis Parkman has given a vivid picture of those days when bold adventurers unlocked the secrets of this Canadian Dominion, pushed into the western wilderness8, followed unknown rivers, and at last found a way to the waters of that southern gulf9 where Spain had long before, in the days of Grijalva, Cortez5 and Pineda, planted her flag and won treasures of gold and silver from an unhappy people who soon learned to curse the day when the white men came to the fair islands of the south and the rich country of Mexico. In these days the world, with universal acclaim10 has paid its tribute of admiration11 to the memory of a great Discoverer who had the courage of his convictions and led the way to the unknown lands beyond the Azores and the Canaries. This present generation has forgiven him much in view of his heroism12 in facing the dangers of unknown seas and piercing their mysteries. His purpose was so great, and his success so conspicuous13, that both have obscured his human weakness. In some respects he was wiser than the age in which he lived; in others he was the product of the greed and the superstition14 of that age; but we who owe him so much forget the frailty15 of the man in the sagacity of the Discoverer. As Canadians, however, now review the character of the great Genoese, and of his compeers and successors in the opening up of this continent, they must, with pride, come to the conclusion that none of these men can compare in nobility of purpose, in sincere devotion to God, King and Country, with Champlain, the sailor of Brouage, who became the founder16 of Quebec and the father of New France.
In the daring ventures of Marquette, Jolliet, La Salle and Tonty, in the stern purpose of Frontenac, in the far-reaching plans of La Galissonière, in the military genius of Montcalm, the historian of the present time has at his command the most attractive materials for his pen. But we cannot expect to find the signs of intellectual development among a people where there was not a single printing press, where freedom of thought and action was repressed by a paternal17 absolutism, where the struggle for life was very bitter up to the last hours of French supremacy in a country constantly exposed to the misfortunes of war, and too often neglected by a king who thought more of his mistresses than of his harassed18 and patient subjects across the sea. Yet that memorable19 period—days of struggle in many ways—was the origin of a large amount of literature which we, in these times, find of the deepest interest and value from a historic6 point of view. The English colonies of America cannot present us with any books which, for faithful narrative20 and simplicity21 of style, bear comparison with the admirable works of Champlain, explorer and historian,[3] or with those of the genial22 and witty23 advocate, Marc Lescarbot,[4] names that can never be forgotten on the picturesque heights of Quebec, or on the banks of the beautiful basin of Annapolis. Is there a Canadian or American writer who is not under a deep debt of obligation to the clear-headed and industrious24 Jesuit traveller, Charlevoix,[5] the Nestor of French Canadian history? The only historical writer that can at all surpass him in New England was the loyalist Governor Hutchinson, and he published his books at a later time when the French dominion had disappeared with the fall of Quebec.[6] To the works just mentioned we may add the books of Gabriel Sagard,[7] and of Boucher, the governor of Three Rivers and founder of a still eminent25 French Canadian family;[8] that remarkable26 collection of authentic27 historic narrative, known as the Jesuit Relations;[9] even that tedious Latin compilation28 by Père du Creux,[10] the useful narrative by La Potherie,[11] the admirable account of Indian life and customs by the Jesuit Lafitau,[11a] and that now very rare historical account of the French colony, the "Etablissement de la Foy dans la Nouvelle France," written by the Recollet le Clercq,[12] probably aided by Frontenac. In these and other works, despite their diffuseness29 in some cases, we have a library of historical literature, which, when supplemented by the great stores of official documents still preserved in the French archives, is of priceless value as a true and minute record of the times in which the authors lived, or which they described from the materials to which they alone had access. It may be said with truth that none of these writers were Canadians in the sense that they were born or educated in Canada, but still they were the product of the life, the hardships and the realities of New France—it was from this country they drew the inspiration that gave vigour30 and colour to their writings. New England, as I have already said, never originated a class of writers who produced work of equal value, or indeed of equal literary merit. Religious and polemic31 controversy7 had the chief attraction for the gloomy, disputatious puritan native of Massachusetts and the adjoining colonies. Cotton Mather was essentially32 a New England creation, and if quantity were the criterion of literary merit then he was the most distinguished author of his century; for it is said that indefatigable33 antiquarians have counted up the titles of nearly four hundred books and pamphlets by this industrious writer. His principal work, however, was the "Magnalia Christi Americana, or Ecclesiastical History of New England from 1620 to 1698,"[13] a large folio, remarkable as a curious collection of strange conceits34, forced witticisms35, and prolixity36 of narrative, in which the venturesome reader soon finds himself so irretrievably mystified and lost that he rises from the perusal37 with wonderment that so much learning, as was evidently possessed38 by the author, could be so used to bewilder the world of letters. The historical knowledge is literally39 choked up with verbiage40 and mannerisms. Even prosy du Creux becomes tolerable at times compared with the garrulous41 Puritan author.
Though books were rarely seen, and secular42 education was extremely defective43 as a rule throughout the French colony, yet at a very early period in its history remarkable opportunities were afforded for the education of a priesthood and the cult44 of the principles of the Roman Catholic religion among those classes who were able to avail themselves of the facilities offered by the Jesuit College, which was founded at Quebec before even Harvard at Cambridge, or by the famous Great and Lesser45 Seminaries in the same place, in connection with which, in later times, rose the University with which is directly associated the name of the most famous Bishop46 of the French regime. The influence of such institutions was not simply in making Canada a most devoted47 daughter of that great Church, which has ever exercised a paternal and even absolute care of its people, but also in discouraging a purely48 materialistic49 spirit and probably keeping alive a taste for letters among a very small class, especially the priests, who, in politics as in society, have been always a controlling element in the French province. Evidences of some culture and intellectual aspirations50 in the social circles of the8 ancient capital attracted the surprise of travellers who visited the country before the close of the French dominion. "Science and the fine arts," wrote Charlevoix, "have their turn, and conversation does not fail. The Canadians breathe from their birth an air of liberty, which makes them very pleasant in the intercourse51 of life, and our language is nowhere more purely spoken." La Galissonière, who was an associate member of the French Academy of Science, and the most highly cultured governor ever sent out by France, spared no effort to encourage a systematic52 study of scientific pursuits in Canada. Dr. Michel Sarrazin,[13a] who was a practising physician in Quebec for nearly half a century, devoted himself most assiduously to the natural history of the colony, and made some valuable contributions to the French Academy, of which he was a correspondent. The Swedish botanist53, Peter Kalm, who visited America in the middle of the last century, was impressed with the liking54 for scientific study which he observed in the French colony. "I have found," he wrote, "that eminent persons, generally speaking, in this country, have much more taste for natural history and literature than in the English colonies, where the majority of people are entirely55 engrossed56 in making their fortune, whilst science is as a rule held in very light esteem57." Strange to say, he ignores in this passage the scientific labours of Franklin, Bartram and others he had met in Pennsylvania.[13b] As a fact such evidences of intellectual enlightenment as Kalm and Charlevoix mentioned were entirely exceptional in the colony, and never showed themselves beyond the walls of Quebec or Montreal. The province, as a whole, was in a state of mental sluggishness58. The germs of intellectual life were necessarily dormant59 among the mass of the people, for they never could produce any rich fruition until they were freed from the spirit of absolutism which distinguished French supremacy, and were able to give full expression to the natural genius of their race under the inspiration of the liberal government of England in these later times.
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1 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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2 picturesque | |
adj.美丽如画的,(语言)生动的,绘声绘色的 | |
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3 cession | |
n.割让,转让 | |
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4 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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5 vista | |
n.远景,深景,展望,回想 | |
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6 odds | |
n.让步,机率,可能性,比率;胜败优劣之别 | |
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7 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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8 wilderness | |
n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等,荒漠 | |
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9 gulf | |
n.海湾;深渊,鸿沟;分歧,隔阂 | |
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10 acclaim | |
v.向…欢呼,公认;n.欢呼,喝彩,称赞 | |
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11 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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12 heroism | |
n.大无畏精神,英勇 | |
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13 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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14 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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15 frailty | |
n.脆弱;意志薄弱 | |
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16 Founder | |
n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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17 paternal | |
adj.父亲的,像父亲的,父系的,父方的 | |
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18 harassed | |
adj. 疲倦的,厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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19 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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20 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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21 simplicity | |
n.简单,简易;朴素;直率,单纯 | |
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22 genial | |
adj.亲切的,和蔼的,愉快的,脾气好的 | |
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23 witty | |
adj.机智的,风趣的 | |
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24 industrious | |
adj.勤劳的,刻苦的,奋发的 | |
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25 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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26 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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27 authentic | |
a.真的,真正的;可靠的,可信的,有根据的 | |
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28 compilation | |
n.编译,编辑 | |
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29 diffuseness | |
漫射,扩散 | |
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30 vigour | |
(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
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31 polemic | |
n.争论,论战 | |
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32 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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33 indefatigable | |
adj.不知疲倦的,不屈不挠的 | |
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34 conceits | |
高傲( conceit的名词复数 ); 自以为; 巧妙的词语; 别出心裁的比喻 | |
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35 witticisms | |
n.妙语,俏皮话( witticism的名词复数 ) | |
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36 prolixity | |
n.冗长,罗嗦 | |
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37 perusal | |
n.细读,熟读;目测 | |
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38 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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39 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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40 verbiage | |
n.冗词;冗长 | |
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41 garrulous | |
adj.唠叨的,多话的 | |
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42 secular | |
n.牧师,凡人;adj.世俗的,现世的,不朽的 | |
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43 defective | |
adj.有毛病的,有问题的,有瑕疵的 | |
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44 cult | |
n.异教,邪教;时尚,狂热的崇拜 | |
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45 lesser | |
adj.次要的,较小的;adv.较小地,较少地 | |
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46 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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47 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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48 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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49 materialistic | |
a.唯物主义的,物质享乐主义的 | |
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50 aspirations | |
强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 ); 志向; 发送气音; 发 h 音 | |
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51 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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52 systematic | |
adj.有系统的,有计划的,有方法的 | |
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53 botanist | |
n.植物学家 | |
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54 liking | |
n.爱好;嗜好;喜欢 | |
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55 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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56 engrossed | |
adj.全神贯注的 | |
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57 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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58 sluggishness | |
不振,萧条,呆滞;惰性;滞性;惯性 | |
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59 dormant | |
adj.暂停活动的;休眠的;潜伏的 | |
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