On 20th January this palsied old man set out, borne in a litter, on his arduous1 journey to Rome.[328] Near Ponte a Centino, on the frontiers of the States of the Church, in the unhealthy flats of the vale of Paglia, he had to submit to a long quarantine, which, in spite of Niccolini’s repeated efforts, had only been shortened two days.[329] He could not resume his journey for twenty days, but arrived at length, on 13th February, at Rome, in good preservation2, and alighted at the hotel of the Tuscan Embassy, where he was most kindly3 received by Niccolini. On the next day Niccolini informed Cioli that “Signor Galilei arrived yesterday evening in good health at this house.” He mentioned further that Galileo had already called on Mgr. Boccabella, not as an official personage, as he had resigned his office of assessor to the Holy Office a fortnight ago, but as a friend who showed great interest in his fate, and to take his advice as to the conduct to be observed. Galileo had already introduced himself to the new assessor. Niccolini concluded his despatch4 by saying that to-morrow, in the course of the forenoon, he[192] would introduce Galileo to Cardinal5 Barberini, and ask him for his kind mediation6 with his Holiness, and beg him, in consideration of Galileo’s age, his reputation, and his ready obedience7, to allow him to remain at the hotel of the embassy, and not to be taken to the Holy Office.[330]
This request was tacitly granted for the time being, and afterwards officially confirmed. To Galileo’s great surprise, no notice was taken of his presence at Rome for some time. Cardinal Barberini gave him a friendly hint, not at all ex officio, that he had better keep very retired8 in the ambassador’s house, not receive any one, nor be seen out of doors, as any other conduct might very likely be to his disadvantage.[331] Of course the savant, anxious as he was, scrupulously9 obeyed the admonition, and awaited the event in quiet retirement11, though with great impatience12. Not the smallest instruction was issued by the Holy Office; to all appearance it did not in the least concern itself about the arrival of the accused which it had urged so strenuously13. But it was appearance only. For only two days after he came, Mgr. Serristori, counsellor to the Holy Office (the same to whom a year before Count Magalotti had, by Galileo’s wish, presented one of the eight copies of the “Dialogues” brought to Rome), called several times on Galileo, but always said expressly that his visits were entirely14 of a private character and originated with himself. But as he always discussed Galileo’s cause very particularly, there is good reason to think that he was acting15 under orders from the Holy Office, who wanted to discover the present sentiments and defensive16 arguments of the dreaded17 dialectician, that they might act accordingly at the trial,—a measure entirely in accordance with the traditional practice of the Holy Office. Niccolini put this construction on the Monsignore’s visits,[332] but not so Galileo. For[193] although he perceived that in all probability they were “approved or suggested by the Holy Congregation,” he was far from thinking any evil, and was delighted that this officer of the Inquisition, his “old friend and patron,” should “cleverly give him an opportunity of saying something by way of expressing and confirming his sincere devotedness18 to the holy Church and her ministers,” and that he apparently19 listened to it all with great approval.[333] He thinks this course pursued by the Inquisition “may be taken to indicate the beginning of mild and kindly treatment, very different from the threatened cords, chains, and dungeons;”[334] indeed, while he assumes that these conferences are held at the instigation of the authorities, “and for the purpose of gaining some general information,” he thankfully acknowledges “that in this case they could not proceed in any way more favourable21 to him or less likely to make a sensation.”[335] However, in the sequel he was to discover soon enough, that they cared nothing whatever about making a sensation at Rome, and that even in this respect they did not spare him in the least.
At this period, as his letters show, Galileo was very hopeful. On 19th February he wrote to Cioli, that to all appearance the threatened storm had passed, so that he did not allow his courage to sink as if shipwreck22 were inevitable23, and there were no hope of reaching the haven24; and the more so as, obedient to his instructor25, in the midst of stormy billows he—
“Was taking his course with modest sail set.”[336]
This instructor was Niccolini, who strongly advised Galileo “to be always ready to obey and to submit to whatever was ordered, for this was the only way to allay26 the irritation27 of one who was so incensed28, and who treated this affair as a[194] personal one.”[337] It is clear that by this personal persecutor29 no other than Urban VIII. can be intended.
The same cheerful confidence is expressed in a letter of Galileo’s of 25th February to Geri Bocchineri. One passage in it deserves special attention. It is as follows:—
“We” (Niccolini and Galileo) “hear at last that the many and serious accusations31 are reduced to one, and that the rest have been allowed to drop. Of this one I shall have no difficulty in getting rid when the grounds of my defence have been heard, which are meanwhile being gradually brought, in the best way that circumstances allow, to the knowledge of some of the higher officials, for these are not at liberty to listen freely to intercession, and still less to open their lips in reply. So that in the end a favourable issue may be hoped for.”[338]
A despatch of Niccolini’s to Cioli of two days later explains the nature of this chief accusation30:—
“Although I am unable to say precisely32 what stage Galileo’s affair has reached, or what may happen next, as far as I can learn the main difficulty consists in this—that these gentlemen maintain that in 1616 he was ordered neither to discuss the question nor to converse33 about it. He says, on the contrary, that those were not the terms of the injunction, which were that that doctrine34 was not to be held nor defended. He considers that he has the means of justifying35 himself, because it does not at all appear from his book that he does hold or defend the doctrine, nor that he regards it as a settled question, as he merely adduces the reasons hinc hinde. The other points appear to be of less importance and easier to get over.”[339]
It is in the highest degree significant that Galileo—as is evident from Niccolini’s report above—from the first decidedly denies ever having received an injunction not to discuss the Copernican theory in any way; all that he knows is that it is not to be held nor defended; that is, all that he knows fully20 agrees with the note of 25th February, 1616; and with the decree of the Congregation of 5th March, 1616. Accordingly he does not consider that he has gone beyond the orders of[195] the authorities, and thinks that he can prove it even from the book itself.
On 27th February the Tuscan ambassador had a long audience of the Pope, officially announced Galileo’s arrival at Rome, and expressed the hope that as he had shown his readiness to submit to the papal judgment36 and the enlightened opinion of the Congregation, the Pope would now be convinced of his devout37 reverence38 for spiritual things, especially in reference to the matter in hand. The Pope found it convenient not to take any notice of this indirect question, and replied that he had shown Galileo a special and unusual favour in allowing him to stay at Niccolini’s house instead of in the buildings of the Holy Office; and he had only done so because he was a distinguished39 official of the Grand Duke’s, and it was out of respect for his Highness that he had granted this exceptional favour to his subject. In order to enhance its value, Urban also told the ambassador that even a noble of the house of Gonzaga, a relative of Ferdinand’s, had not only been placed in a litter and brought under escort to Rome by command of the Holy Office, but had been taken at once to the Castle and kept there for a long time, until the trial was ended. Niccolini hastened to acknowledge the greatness of the favour, expressed his warmest thanks for it, and ventured to plead that in consideration of Galileo’s age and infirm health the Pope would order that the trial should come on soon, so that he might return home as soon as possible. Urban replied that the proceedings41 of the Holy Office were generally rather tedious, and he really did not know whether so speedy a termination could be looked for, as they were still engaged with the preliminaries of the trial. Urban had by this time become warm, and went off into complaints of Ciampoli and the rest of his evil counsellors; he also remarked that although Galileo had expressly stated in his “Dialogues” that he would only discuss the question of the double motion of the earth hypothetically, he had, in adducing the arguments for it, spoken of it as settled, and[196] as if he agreed with it. In conclusion the Pope said: Moreover, Galileo had acted contrary to the injunction given him in 1616 by Cardinal Bellarmine in the name of the Holy Congregation. Niccolini mentioned in defence of Galileo all that he had told him about this accusation, but the Pope adhered obstinately42 to his opinion. The ambassador came away from this audience with the scant43 consolation44 that, at all events, Urban’s personal embitterment45 against Galileo was a little appeased46.[340] We may remark here that what the Pope said about the proceeding40 of 26th February, 1616, is just as inaccurate47 as Riccardi’s communication to Niccolini was at that time.[341]
Both Niccolini and the Grand Duke were unwearied in their good offices for Galileo. The former urgently commended his case to Cardinal Antonio Barberini, senr., who said he was exceedingly well disposed to Galileo, and regarded him as a very eminent48 man; but added that it was a dangerous question, which might easily introduce some fantastic religious doctrines49 into the world, and especially at Florence, where men’s wits were so subtle and over curious.[342] The Grand Duke, at Galileo’s request, sent letters of introduction to the Cardinals50 Scaglia and Bentivoglio (the well-known statesman and historian), who, as Niccolini had learnt, were members of the Congregation.[343] Ferdinand also thanked the Pope, in an official letter through Cioli to Niccolini, for the favour of allowing Galileo to stay at the embassy, ending with a request that the business might be concluded as soon as possible.[344]
When Niccolini delivered this message to Urban on 13th March, he told him that it would be absolutely necessary to summon Galileo to the Holy Office as soon as the trial came[197] on, because it was the usage and it could not be departed from. Niccolini again urged Galileo’s health, his age, and willingness to submit to any penalties; but Urban replied, “It would not do to act otherwise. May God forgive Galileo for having intruded51 into these matters concerning new doctrines and Holy Scripture52, when it is best to keep to universally recognised opinions. May God help Ciampoli, also, about these new notions, as he seemed to have a leaning towards them, and to be inclined to the modern philosophy.” The Pope then expressed his regret at having to “subject Galileo, who had been his friend, with whom he had often held confidential53 intercourse54, and eaten at the same table, to these annoyances55; but it was in the interests of religion and faith.” Niccolini remarked, that when Galileo was heard he would be able, without difficulty, to give satisfactory explanations of everything; to which Urban replied: “He would be heard when the time came; but there was one argument which had never been answered, namely, that God was omnipotent56, and therefore everything was possible to Him; but if so, why should we impose any necessity upon Him?” This was, as we know, the argument brought forward by Urban in his intimate conversation with Galileo in 1624, and which at the end of the “Dialogues” he had put into the mouth of Simplicius as originating “with a very exalted57 and learned personage.” Niccolini prudently58 replied that he did not understand these matters, but he had heard it said of Galileo that he did not hold the doctrine of the earth’s double motion as true, but said that it could not be denied that as God could have created the world in a thousand ways, He could have created it in this way. Urban replied with some irritation: “It is not for man to impose necessity upon God.” Niccolini, who saw that the Pope was getting angry, tried to pacify59 him by saying that Galileo was here on purpose to obey and to recant everything which could be injurious to religion. He then adroitly60 turned the subject, and returned to the request that his Holiness would have[198] compassion61 on Galileo, and allow him to remain at the embassy. Urban merely replied that he would have special apartments assigned to Galileo, the best and most comfortable in the Holy Office. With this Niccolini had to be content.
In concluding the despatch of 13th March to Cioli, in which he reported this interview, he says:—[345]
“When I returned home I told Galileo in part the conversation with his Holiness, but not for the present, that it was intended to summon him to the Holy Office, because I am convinced that this news would cause him the deepest concern, and he would be in the greatest anxiety till the time came. I have thought all the more that it was best to act thus, as no further particulars are as yet known about his citation62; for the Pope told me in reference to the speedy settlement of the business, that he did not know what hope there was of it, but that all that was possible would be done.”
Meanwhile, Ferdinand II., in spite of the increasingly unpromising aspect of affairs, continued indefatigably63 to sustain his ambassador’s efforts. The latter and Galileo, in two letters of 19th March,[346] asked the Grand Duke to send letters of recommendation to the eight other cardinals who composed the Holy Congregation, like those he had sent to their eminences64 Bentivoglio and Scaglia, lest they should feel themselves slighted, and the Grand Duke readily granted the request.[347] The prelates, however, received these letters with mixed feelings, and excused themselves from answering them, as it was forbidden them in their capacity as members of the Holy Office; some even hesitated to receive the letters at all, and it was not till Niccolini pointed66 out that Cardinal Barberini and others had received them, that they consented to do so.[348] These letters had evidently produced the happiest[199] effect with the Cardinals Scaglia and Bentivoglio. They united, as Niccolini reported on the 19th to Cioli, in protecting Galileo. Scaglia even read the celebrated67 “Dialogues,” and, which was more to the purpose, that he might, with the help of Castelli,[349] who was best qualified68 to do it, explain the offending passages in a conciliatory spirit.
All this time Galileo, as is evident from his letters, was entertaining the most confident hopes of the favourable issue of his cause, and the final triumph of truth over falsehood.[350] Neither he nor his indefatigable69 friends, Niccolini and Castelli, could, it is true, learn anything definite about the actual state of the trial. The members of the Congregation, who alone could have given any information, kept the secrets of the Inquisition very close, as indeed they were bound to do under the heaviest penalties. The month of March passed by before the Holy Tribunal opened any direct official intercourse with Galileo. April was now come, and with it the storm which had been so long gathering70 burst over his head.
On the 7th, Niccolini went to Cardinal Barberini by his desire, and was informed on behalf of the Pope and the Congregation, that, in order to decide Galileo’s cause, they could not avoid citing him to appear before the Holy Office, and as it was not known whether it could be all settled in the course of two hours, perhaps it would be necessary to detain him there. Barberini continued that “out of respect for the house in which Galileo had been staying, and for Niccolini as grand ducal ambassador, and in consideration of the good understanding which had always existed between his Highness and the papal chair, especially in matters relating to the Inquisition, they had not failed to inform him (Niccolini) of this beforehand, not to be wanting in respect for a prince so zealous71 for religion.” After Niccolini had warmly thanked the cardinal for the attention shown by the Pope and the[200] Congregation to the Grand Duke, and to himself as his ambassador, he pleaded Galileo’s age and health,—he had again been suffering severely72 from a fresh attack of the gout,—and finally the deep grief he would feel, and earnestly begged that his eminence65 would consider whether it would not be possible to permit him to return every evening to sleep at the embassy. As to secrecy73, the strictest silence might be enjoined74 on him under threat of the severest penalties. But the prelate was not of opinion that such a permission was to be expected; he proffered75, however, every comfort for Galileo that could be desired, and said that he would neither, as was customary with accused persons, be treated as a prisoner, nor be placed in a secret prison; he would have good rooms, and perhaps even the doors would not be locked.
Niccolini reported this notification to Cioli on 9th April,[351] and added the following interesting information:—
“This morning I also conversed76 with his Holiness on the subject, after having expressed my thanks for the communication made to me; the Pope again gave vent10 to his displeasure that Galileo should have discussed this subject, which appears to him to be very serious, and of great moment to religion. Signor Galileo thinks, nevertheless, that he can defend his statements on good grounds; but I have warned him to refrain from doing so, in order not to prolong the proceedings, and to submit to what shall be prescribed to him to believe respecting the motion of the earth. He has fallen into the deepest dejection, and since yesterday has sunk so low that I am in great concern for his life.”
From this, then, we learn that up to 8th April Galileo was still intending to defend his opinions before the Holy Tribunal; and that it was only on the urgent expostulation of the ambassador, whom he knew to be his sincere friend, that he gave up all idea of opposition77, and resolved upon entire and passive submission78. How hard it was for him to yield is evident from the concluding sentence of Niccolini’s despatch.
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1
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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mediation
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| n.调解 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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scrupulously
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| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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devotedness
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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shipwreck
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| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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instructor
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| n.指导者，教员，教练 | |
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allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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persecutor
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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justifying
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| 证明…有理( justify的现在分词 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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judgment
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devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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scant
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| adj.不充分的，不足的；v.减缩，限制，忽略 | |
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consolation
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embitterment
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appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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inaccurate
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| adj.错误的，不正确的，不准确的 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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51
intruded
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| n.侵入的，推进的v.侵入，侵扰，打扰( intrude的过去式和过去分词 )；把…强加于 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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adroitly
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| adv.熟练地，敏捷地 | |
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61
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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citation
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| n.引用，引证，引用文；传票 | |
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indefatigably
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| adv.不厌倦地，不屈不挠地 | |
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eminences
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| 卓越( eminence的名词复数 )； 著名； 高地； 山丘 | |
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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