Almost everyone knows that there is in the Bible a Book of Proverbs. A few of its sayings are in daily use. Most men have read a chapter or two. But at that point knowledge is apt to flag. What lack of enterprise! It is like giving up an excursion at the first mile-stone. Why should there be a Book of Proverbs? Why did men think it worth transmitting, and why did they finally count it sacred literature? Why has it just the form it has? How comes it, for instance, that single sayings have sometimes blossomed into little essays, and brief comparisons grown into finished pictures? What is the note of clear intention which pervades4 the chapters and gives them a certain unity5 and individuality? Zeal6 and energy characterise the Book. Zeal for what? The previous chapter indicates that the{76} answer to that last question may be stated concisely7 in the one word “Wisdom,” the meaning of which subsequent pages will unfold. The aim of the present chapter is to discover an adequate reason for the zeal.
Not seldom it happens that enthusiasm for a cause is first provoked by opposition8. For example, belief that international relationships ought to be governed by ethical9 principles was generally and genuinely held by the vast majority of English-speaking people in 1914; but the belief lacked energising force. It seemed enough to entertain it. Of the existence of a fundamentally different conception—that Might is the ultimate right in national affairs—we were of course aware, but the knowledge did not disturb us greatly. We fondly imagined that after some more debate, and a little more reflection, so unenlightened and unneighbourly a notion must disappear. When, however, Germany suddenly put false theory into infamous10 practice, mark how our amiable11 opinion became not only an urgent and indispensable ideal, but a definite policy which must at all costs be upheld and made effective, if humanity was to be saved from the yoke12 of an utterly13 immoral14 tyranny. In a moment we realised the awful immediacy of the issue that had been at stake. The debate was not as we supposed, on paper. Here was no wordy strife15. Nay16! the battle at our gates was not confined even to the quick bodies of men; it penetrated17 to the very mind and spirit, so that almost St. Paul’s words seemed again in place: “Ours is not a conflict with mere18 flesh and blood, but with ... the spiritual hosts of evil arrayed against us in the heavenly places.”[37]
Similarly it was an insistent19 menace that roused the fervour of the Wise-men of Israel. Subtle but deadly opposition compelled them either to champion their cause or see it fall. Wisdom in consequence acquired a firmer outline. Because another Creed20 was in the air, it also{77} became a definite “Way of life.” The issues were clarified, the trend of things revealed. It was felt there were but two paths for a man to choose, now sharply defined and seen to lead in opposite directions:
Hear, O my son, and receive my sayings,
And the years of thy life shall be many.
I have taught thee in the way of Wisdom,
I have led thee in paths of uprightness.
When thou goest thy steps shall not be straightened,
And if thou runnest thou shalt not stumble.
Take fast hold of instruction; let her not go:
Keep her, for she is thy life.
Enter not into the paths of the wicked,
And walk not in the way of evil men.
Avoid it, pass not by it;
Turn from it, and pass on.
And their sleep is taken away unless they cause some to fall.
For they eat the bread of wickedness
And drink the wine of violence.
But the path of the righteous is as the shining light,
That shineth more and more unto the perfect day.
The way of the wicked is as darkness
They know not at what they stumble.
(Pr. 410-19)[38].
What then, was Wisdom’s opponent? Not Folly22 in the perennial23 sense, else where was the novelty of the situation? The foe24 was Folly masquerading as Wisdom, a specious25 spurious Wisdom which, said the Jewish moralists, despite appearances was No-Wisdom. But if it was not the reality, it was very like it; for the false Wisdom was beautiful, brilliant, and exceedingly effective, had all the rights of sovereignty save one, all the qualities of permanence save one—a firm basis in morality. It lacked only the “fear{78} of the Lord,” which the Jew defined as “to depart from evil,” and which he held to be the one possible foundation for the truly wise life. Not having that, it was but the devil robed as an angel of light, Folly of Follies27, a Temple of Wisdom founded upon the sand.
In order to do justice to the efforts made by the Jews of the third and second centuries B.C. to maintain an intellectual, moral and spiritual independence in face of the new learning, or rather the new manner of life we are about to describe, it is necessary to appreciate not only the force of the attack but also the limited resources of the defence. Let us begin therefore by striving to realise the position of the Palestinian Jews in the ancient world.[39] The overwhelming religious importance of the Jews has so distorted the proportions of that world that even the professed28 student of antiquity29 finds it difficult to recover the true perspective and realise their geographical31 and historical insignificance32. Without pausing to reflect, answer this question, “Which were the chief nations of antiquity?” “The Jews, the Greeks, the Romans,” is perhaps the reply that would rise most readily to your lips. But as well might one classify the inhabitants of the modern Western world into Manxmen, Europeans, and Americans! “Which were the famous countries of the pre-Christian era?” “Palestine, Egypt, Assyria, and Babylonia,” might be our response. But the Egyptians and Babylonians did not hang with breathless interest on the fortunes of Palestine, as we are naturally prone33 to imagine. They cared no more for the fate of Jerusalem than modern Europe does for the fortunes of{79} Monaco. Now and again a king of Egypt marching north along the Philistine34 plain, or a grand monarch35 of Babylon, sweeping36 south to the borders of Nile, might turn aside a fraction of his host to ravage37 and overcome the Jud?an highlands. But, as a rule, Jerusalem, not being on the main track of conquest, was not vitally affected38 by the coming and going of the huge armies that issued periodically from the northern and southern Empires.
And next consider how unimportant even in Palestine were the Jews of post-exilic days. The history of that country is familiar to us only from the records of the Jewish Scriptures39. If with the same fulness we could hear the story from the standpoint of Israel’s neighbours the proportions of things might seem immensely changed. How hard it is to remember that Solomon in all his glory had no authority in Philistine towns thirty miles away; and that Hiram of Tyre doubtless considered himself every whit40 as great a lord as the ruler of Jerusalem, and perhaps more highly civilised, certainly his superior in the matter of arts and crafts. In 722 B.C., with the capture of Samaria, the northern kingdom of Israel passed out of history, and with the influx41 of alien settlers into its desolated42 territory the district became semi-heathen. In 586 B.C. a like fate befell the little kingdom of Judah, the Temple of Jerusalem being burnt, the city walls destroyed and the upper classes carried off to Babylonia. Thereafter for a period of a century and a half Jerusalem existed only as an enfeebled, unfortified township. The return of exiles from Babylon in the reign26 of Cyrus (537 B.C.), though the fame of it bulked large in Jewish tradition, was no great increase of strength, perhaps little more than the accession of a few influential44 families. Not until a century later in the time of Nehemiah, about 432 B.C., did the Jews feel that their political history had recommenced; and, even so, the work of Nehemiah was not the creation of a kingdom for his people but the{80} circumvallation of their one city. With its walls restored Jerusalem might again be said to exist, a defenced city, no longer dependent on the mercy of petty and jealous neighbours. But the territories of the Jews remained much as before; namely the fields and little villages to a distance of some ten or fifteen miles around Jerusalem. Nor was there any considerable extension of purely45 Jewish land until the successes of the Maccabees were gained in 166 B.C. To sum up. Even after the work of Nehemiah had been accomplished46, the Jewish State in Palestine was still no more than an insignificant47 upland community, a drop in the ocean of pagan races enclosing it; a tract48 some fifteen miles in length and breadth with Jerusalem as its only city. Doubtless the Jews were encouraged by the prosperity of their kinsfolk in the great cities of Babylonia, Syria and Egypt. But that was a source only of moral or financial help, not of physical protection: and to the east were the wild nomadic49 tribes, and south of Jerusalem the treacherous50 Edomites, and to the north the worse than alien Samaritans, whose Temple on Mount Gerizim challenged Jerusalem’s last glory, its spiritual pre-eminence. Galilee was heathen land; on the west were the splendid heathen cities of the coast; and far to the distant south beyond mysterious Nile and away to the most distant north ranged the vast territories of heathen monarchs51 before whose military power and worldly splendour Jerusalem was altogether less than nothing and vanity.
In 332 B.C. a thunderbolt smote52 all the countries of the near East. In that year a European army, led by the young king of Macedonia, Alexander the Great, invaded Asia Minor53—with such astonishing effects that the event marks the commencement of a distinct epoch54 in history, the Greek or Hellenic age. Military conquests prove sometimes to be of small consequence in the great movement of human affairs, and famous battles often have{81} decided55 no more than that so many thousand men should die untimely deaths and that this royal house instead of that should hold the throne: an almost meaningless result. Only those wars are decisive which, like the present one, involve the dominance of one or other of two divergent conceptions or ideals of human life. Now the conquests of Alexander were of this latter character; and, that being so, their significance has to be measured not only from the standpoint of events but also from the history of ideas. At this point then—the coming of the Greeks to the East—let our narrative56 be checked for a moment that we may reach the same event by following up a different line of thought, namely the history of the development of human society. What is the significance of Alexander from that point of view? Our aim in examining the question will have to be threefold; to present (of course, in simplest outline) first, the ruling principles of the Eastern or Oriental manner of life; secondly57, the Western—that is, the Greek or Hellenic—ideals; and thirdly, the attempt of Alexander and his successors to impose this Hellenic culture upon the Easterns and, in particular, upon the Jews in Palestine.
1. First, of ancient Oriental life. In a previous chapter it was said that behind Palestine looms58 Arabia and beneath the Jew is the Arab. From before the dawn of history the immense grass-lands of Arabia have been peopled by small nomadic tribes who derived59 a sufficient livelihood60 from the flocks they possessed61 and followed. All the organised life of the Semitic races, with whom alone we are here concerned, has its instincts rooted in this nomadic existence, about which much might profitably be said; but only one point is essential, and to that our remarks will be confined. It is that these pastoral communities have solved the problem of life under existing circumstances. The rigid62 limitations of their physical surroundings dictates63 a narrow circle of ambitions beyond which they do not pass, so long{82} as the conditions remain unchanged. For not only have they discovered how to live, but they have found out the best way of living, within their simple, monotonous64 world. Therefore they continue, but they do not change. Progress was practically unthought of, certainly undesired; and in fact the life of the modern Bedouin of Arabia is still in its essentials the same as that depicted65 in the Book of Genesis. But about 3000 B.C., for the first time though not the last time in history, Arabia became overcrowded, in the sense that its pasturage was insufficient66 to sustain the population, and multitudes of nomads67, hunger-driven, poured forth68 into the fertile territories bordering the deserts. There the arts of agriculture and of building were learnt, settled communities formed, tribal69 organisation70 yielded to larger groups, kingdoms arose, and eventually great empires. But the civilised life of the Semites proved to be as lacking in the instinct for progress, whether material, moral or intellectual, as in its simpler way the original pastoral existence has been. Life in Semitic towns became richer and more complex up to a certain point, but there ambition faded, and the ingrained habit of acquiescence71 in existing circumstances prevailed, hindering and preventing further growth. Thus, politically, this eastern civilisation72 was characterised by the mass of the people seeking no share in their own government. They were content to be ruled by authorities whom they seldom created and never effectively controlled. It has been truly said that the kings of the East fought over the heads of their subjects. The affairs of a baker73 in Jerusalem, a merchant in Gaza, a craftsman74 in Tyre (provided the victorious75 army left him alive) were unaltered by the rise and fall of his rulers. To the bulk of the inhabitants of the Palestinian towns it mattered little whether they were temporarily independent or were under the heel now of Babylon, now of Egypt, now of Persia. Men hoped for no more than that trade should be possible,{83} food obtainable, and that the injustice76 in the realm should be—not abolished (no one was so mad as to entertain the notion) but—kept within tolerable bounds. For the rest, what more could a man desire than to live as had his father before him? Ancestral custom held the whole of life in its paralysing grasp, and choked initiative. The potter sought no new patterns; what was wrong with the old? Why devise a new method of ploughing, when the old way grew the crops? Innovation was an altogether hateful thing. Hence, however populous77 Eastern towns might grow, however active and prosperous their commerce, life in them was essentially78 stationary79, its ambitions limited, its possibilities achieved. In all Palestine there was but one spark of unexhausted thought; namely, the conception of God which the great prophets of Israel had discovered and transmitted to their people. Evidently a nation which remembered such words as these: I hate, I despise your feasts, and I will take no delight in your solemn assemblies. Yea, though ye offer me your burnt offerings and meal offerings I will not accept them: neither will I regard the peace offerings of your fat beasts. Take thou away from me the noise of thy songs; for I will not hear the melody of thy viols. But let justice roll down like waters, and righteousness as a mighty81 stream[40]—that nation is not finished; it has living seed within its soil. Yes, but against this confident assertion recall how shrunken and enfeebled the Jewish community had become. Further, remember that in all things except their religion and their morality these Jews were part and parcel of the general Oriental civilisation. In their civil occupations, their commercial and agricultural methods, they also were just as much slaves of tradition and as content with their bondage82, as were their neighbours. “Slaves of tradition,” how much the words cover! If even dimly we could realise the misery83, disease and squalor of the poor,{84} the degradation84 of womanhood, in those tradition-ridden Eastern towns; if we could taste like gall85 and bitterness in our own experience one thousandth part of the injustice and cruelties of those “contented” despotisms; “A stationary civilisation, having reached the limit of its ambitions”—how easily the phrase is framed!—if we could feel how much that meagre consummation left to be desired, the words would seem to be written in blood and blotted86 with tears!
2. Meanwhile in Europe, across the blue seas of the Eastern Mediterranean87, a new thing had come to pass: an organisation of human life different in form and in intention because different in mind and spirit. By its means the intellectual powers and artistic88 achievements of man were swiftly to be raised to an unimagined splendour, and, even so, to remain unexhausted: we say “unexhausted” because the inspiring and energising ideas which Greek genius was the first to realise and accept have never ceased to operate, being in fact the intellectual principles upon which Western civilisation has been constructed, and providing the ideal towards which the development of society is still directed. Doubtless there is terribly much to deplore89 in modern life; we are far from wisdom, peace and true prosperity; it may be doubted whether the conditions of the poor under modern industrialism are not, in places, worse than anything even the East can show. And yet there is one incalculable difference revolutionising the whole prospect90. Unlike the East, we do not acquiesce in existing evils. We are not exhausted80, not apathetically91 willing to accept things as they are. We spurn92 as nonsense and cowardice93 any suggestions that the limit of human development has been attained94. Vehemently95 and hopefully we insist on the achievement of better things. Not all the errors of the past and the resultant evils of the present daunt97 us. We are rebels against our failures, and our discontent is the measure of our vitality98. This instinct{85} for improvement, which is the characteristic of Western life, we owe—an infinite debt—to the people whose coming into history we have now, briefly99, to relate.
As early as before 2000 B.C., the islands of the Eastern Mediterranean, together with certain parts of the mainland of Greece, were the home of a vigorous sea-faring people, possessing remarkable100 artistic talent. Their civilisation is now known by the name Minoan. Somewhere between 1200 and 1100 B.C. catastrophic disaster befel this race. Out of the immense grass-lands which stretch from the plains of Hungary in Europe eastward101 right across central Asia there issued a multitude of men, moving southward with their wives and families. The invaders102 swept down into Thessaly and Greece, filling the mainland and pressing onwards across the sea to the ?gean Isles104, massacring or enslaving the Minoan inhabitants. But if the newcomers at first brought ruin to a more highly developed race, they had their own virtues105. They carried with them a fresh vigour107, like a breeze from the north. Hardy108 and simple, they were not rude savages109; they had learnt the use of wheeled vehicles, they had tamed the horse, and above all they possessed, as individuals, a certain sturdy independence and an uncommon110 open-mindedness. Fortunately, the older population was not extinguished; large numbers survived as slaves, and from these in time the “horse-tamers”—as the conquerors112 loved to style themselves—learnt for themselves the secrets of the Minoan arts and crafts. With astonishing rapidity they were to improve upon their teachers.
Owing to the mountainous character of Greece and the indentations of its coast, the invaders were split into many separate communities, each easily controlling the small plains and valleys in the immediate113 neighbourhood, but finding it difficult, if not unnatural114, to extend its rule beyond the mountain passes. For defensive115 purposes the members{86} of these small groups naturally tended to inhabit a single fortified43 town, which became the all-absorbing centre of the tiny state; the town being, as it were, a stronghold and its territories a garden round it. Thus there came into existence what is known as “the Greek City-State.” Like the Arabian tribes who also had passed from nomadism116 to settled life, each of these new communities fell for a time under some form of despotic government, now the rule of one man, a King or “Tyrant,” now of a clique117 of rich and powerful persons, an Aristocracy. But there was something in the character of the Greeks which proved intolerant of such organisation, and, unlike the Arabians, they passed beyond that experience and developed a novel and, as events were to prove, an invaluable118 social system to which they gave the name “Democracy.” The foundation principle of the democratic state lay in the conviction that every adult free-born citizen, being an integral part of the state, contributing to its prosperity and security, was entitled to a share in its government. Slaves were outside the franchise119, but all others whether base-born or noble, rich or poor, clever or stupid, were citizens—each with a vote and a voice in the direction of public policy, internal and external. To this citizen-body belonged the power of electing from among themselves officers, both civil magistrates120 and military commanders, to whom administration was temporarily entrusted121, and who were ultimately responsible for their actions to the citizen-body. Under happy fortune this system was adopted as the constitution of society in the leading Greek cities. Mark the mental and moral qualities thereby122 engendered123. In the first place men became exhilaratingly conscious that they possessed individual freedom combined with corporate124 strength. Each citizen felt himself to be of political importance, an organic part of the state, entitled on the one hand to a share in its glory and{87} its privileges, and on the other responsible himself for the general welfare. How can the epoch-making importance of this fact adequately be emphasised? In primitive125 patriarchal society the individual had been free but only within the narrow limits imposed by the rigidity126 of custom and the bare simplicity127 of rudimentary life. And civilised town-life of the Eastern type, as we have seen, was complex and magnificent in many ways, but nevertheless had missed the secret of advancing freedom. Intellectually it hated novelties. Politically it made men either kings or the slaves of kings, giving them either too great importance or none at all. Hence the larger the Eastern town, the more powerful and extensive the State, the less was the mass of the people personally concerned in their civil or military affairs. “Freedom” in an Eastern city meant anarchy128. The Greeks succeeded in bringing freedom and civilisation into organic union. So far from choking liberty, the connection of each Greek citizen with his city was perceived to be the very cause of the freedom he enjoyed, the means by which his privileges were multiplied and secured. Hence the greater the organisation of society the greater the opportunities each citizen acquired for the development of personal talent and inclination129. It is assuredly no exaggeration to describe such an achievement as “epoch-making.”
Along with political freedom went mental freedom. Interchange of opinion took place easily and continually between all grades of the free community. The general obligation to promote the social, commercial, and military well-being130 of the state stimulated131 discussion and gave to debate the piquancy132 and solemnity of serious issues. A Greek might be poor, but he could hold up his head with the richest as a member of the citizen army and the citizen electorate133; and in the citizen assembly he need not be a gray-beard to be reckoned wise. Mental ability became{88} the test of worth, and the benumbing tyranny of tradition was overthrown134; at least its unquestioned rule was at an end. Custom must henceforth submit to criticism and seek to justify135 itself. Enterprise, enquiry, innovation became the order of the day. It was the emancipation136 of the human intelligence.
Moreover, since the rough work of society was performed by the slave population, Greek citizens found much leisure at their disposal. Herein was obviously a danger, but also an opportunity; and fortunately the genius of the people was not found wanting, so that, in the early days the Greeks turned their leisure to good purpose, physical and intellectual. Part of their leisure was devoted137 to physical exercises, running, wrestling, boxing, throwing the discus, chariot-racing; and in the healthful competition of these games in stadium and hippodrome they found continual pleasure. But their ardour for mental exercise was even keener. They began to think with restless energy and with brilliant results; men of genius, poets, historians, philosophers, and artists, by their matchless achievements raised the intellectual interests of their contemporaries to an extraordinary extent. In general, the Greeks acquired a wonderful feeling for proportion and natural rhythmic138 beauty. “Nothing in excess” became their motto, but what was meant thereby was no timid mediocrity, but an avoidance of extreme, wherever the extreme was grotesque139 or foolish. Men sought an equipoise of perfection, and felt infinite delight in the increasing measure of their success. Within a few hundred years the Greeks had produced masterpieces of art and literature which few nations have been able even to rival, none to surpass.
In short, three characteristics distinguished140 Greek or Hellenic civilisation: First, Emulation141. Men vied one with another, vied with their own past efforts. They sought to{89} excel and achieved excellence142. Second, Intellectualism. The critical faculties143 of the mind were increasingly released from the trammels of tradition. Reason became the touchstone of life in all its aspects; and thus, just as in our own age, the immense destructive and constructive144 energies of the free intelligence were ceaselessly set to work. Third, Patriotism145. This third quality calls for fuller comment, for it was the main source of Greek morality. Greek religion contributed something to the growth of moral principles, but less than one might imagine. Its ethical interest for the most part was limited to inculcating the fear lest Divine vengeance146 should follow gross outrage147 of the normal decencies of life. Doubtless also the artistic sense fostered love of the good, since, as a rule, what is wicked appears to men to be ugly; yet the fruits from this source also were not much to boast of. But from the intense patriotism fostered by the City-States came great moral consequences. The interests of the State claimed men’s allegiance, and the claim was nobly answered. Not only great-hearted leaders but also masses of ordinary men were willing to set the public weal above their individual prosperity or security. In striving to be noble citizens men became noble men. Thousands and thousands were conscious that they could not live unto themselves—without shame. Altruism148 was a searching reality in their lives, and its burdens were loyally, even gladly, accepted. Men were very zealous149 for their city, longing150 for its honour and renown151, ready to toil152 for it, to face hardship and peril153 on its behalf, and for its safety to die unflinchingly. And no less measure of sacrifice was all too frequently required from the citizens of these ambitious and war-like little States. Let their own words tell how they met the supreme154 call: “Through these men’s valour, the smoke of the burning of wide-floored Tegea went not up to heaven, who chose to leave the city glad and free to their children, and themselves to die in the forefront of the{90} battle.”[41] Or, best of all, take Simonides’ epitaph on the Athenians fallen at Plataea:—
“If to die nobly is the chief part of excellence,
To us of all men Fortune gave this lot;
For hastening to set a crown of freedom on all Hellas,
We lie possessed of praise that grows not old.”
Surely no one can fail to hear in those words and in the spirit of this Greek life the music of familiar things, things which we have taken to our heart. That is because the thoughts of Hellas are the source from which our own intellectual and social ideas have been derived.
But Hellenic life was not sunshine without shadow. For all its power and brilliance155 Greek society was exposed to many perils156 and was guilty of serious mistakes. These, however, we have here no need to discuss in full. It is enough to note that, when-and-where-soever the necessity for ardent157 patriotism was absent or unfelt the Greek conception of life lacked adequate moral incentive158, and sinister159 conditions which were a very black shadow in a fair world could and did arise. Much might also be said regarding the jealousies160 of the petty cities, whence came warfare161 constant, embittered162, and suicidal. Nevertheless it remains163 absolutely true, that compared with the stagnation164 of Eastern civilisation, Hellenism was life and health. Judge from one token, the epitaphs just quoted. Men could not write like that in Palestine or Babylon, because they never died for such a cause.
In the years between 359 and 338 B.C. the independent Greek cities were all forced to admit the suzerainty, first of Philip II., king of Macedon, and, after his assassination165 in 336, of his son Alexander, who was to be remembered throughout history as Alexander the Great. The humiliation166 was not in any way a crushing blow to the spirit of{91} Greece. To the yoke of Philip and Alexander the city-states could submit with a good grace, for the Macedonians were of the same ancestry167 as the Greeks, and for years had been to all intents and purposes a part of the Greek world; and Alexander was wholly Hellenic in his upbringing and his ideas. Had he not been educated by the great philosopher, Aristotle? In 334 B.C., the young king organised an army of Macedonians and Greeks and set forth to make a grand assault upon the nations of the East: a stupendous task, but the enterprise appealed to the Greeks as a poetic168 requital169 of the awful peril one hundred and fifty years before when Xerxes of Persia at the head of a horde170 of Orientals had crossed to Greece and almost blotted out its rising life. If the task was colossal171 and the force to achieve it tiny, the results staggered the imagination of the world. The huge Persian Empire crumbled172 at the touch of Greek military prowess, directed by the genius of Alexander. In three years the young Macedonian had become absolute master of Western Asia Minor, of Egypt, Syria, Babylonia, and Persia. In 326 B.C. he pushed his conquests to the Punjab, and in 325 he died; but Hellenism did not die with him. The East had seen many conquerors rise and sweep through its lands in triumph, and had continued to dream its long dreams. But the military achievements of Alexander were only the beginning of his work. What stirred the East to its depths was the fascination173 of the ideas that had accompanied him and that he deliberately174 sought to establish among the conquered peoples; with what measure of success it now remains to consider.
3. A stormy period followed Alexander’s death. Eventually his Eastern dominions175 were divided between two of his generals; Ptolemy, who took possession of Egypt, and Seleucus, who became ruler of Syria and the Mesopotamian territories. Happily it is not necessary to follow the confused struggles that ensued between them and their{92} successors—struggles in which Palestine, situated177 between the rival kingdoms, was continually involved. The point to be observed is that both Ptolemy and Seleucus were Hellenes, as also were most of their leading men, and both they and their successors prosecuted178, with all possible energy, Alexander’s policy, the Hellenising of the East. Consider the forces directed to the attainment179 of that object.
The powerful influences of the royal courts in Egypt and Syria saw to it that throughout the length and breadth of their kingdoms places of honour were reserved for Greeks and such Orientals as might show themselves capable of appreciating and adopting Hellenic culture. To be a Greek, if not by race, then by imitation, became the only avenue to wealth or fame or royal favour.
Alexander, however, had seen that if Hellenism was permanently180 to subdue181 and recreate the East it must touch not only the interests of such as are clothed in soft raiment and in kings’ courts live delicately, it must be made a reality daily affecting the life of common folk; and with the foresight182 of genius he himself pointed183 the way to secure that end. Realising the organic connection between the Greek ideals and the Greek city, he established at strategic points of his Empire new cities planned on the Hellenic model. The Ptolemaic and Seleucid kings persevered184 in this scheme. New cities of the Grecian type were founded in their realms, and the old towns were conformed to the new order of things so far as might be. In all important centres the essential accompaniments of Hellenic life were introduced: new political organisation for the election of magistrates, and buildings to meet the system; a hall for the Senate, shady pillared galleries where the free citizens might gather to lounge and talk, baths and gymnasia, a stadium and a hippodrome for the games, and for the drama a theatre. With such interests and amusements the imagination of{93} the common folk was stirred and pleased. The youth of the cities became enthusiastic for the gaieties and glories of the competitive games. Guilds185 of athletes were formed and received the privilege of wearing a special dress, “a broad-brimmed hat, a fluttering cloak broached186 about the shoulders, and high laced boots.”[42] In great public processions these young men marched as a special class, wearing crowns of gold, and bearing witness to the wealth and pride of their respective cities by the colours and rich embroideries187 of their attire188. But staider folk than the young and fashionable were also caught in the wide-spread nets of Hellenism. The wealth of the Greek cities and the royal favour shown them attracted commerce, and sleepy Eastern merchants discovered that if they wished to do business they must conform to the prevailing189 tastes; so that Greek became the language of the market-place as well as of the Court. Finally, the learning and skill of the East confessed its conqueror111. Greek art and Greek literature, Greek science and philosophy made the older Eastern styles seem worthless in comparison. Within two centuries following the death of Alexander the near East had been transformed. Hellenism had cast its spell over the whole of life.
The period is one of profound interest for the study of humanity. On the one hand it did much to secure the perpetuation190 of the intellectual methods of the Greeks, which might have perished had they not been extended beyond the frontiers of the small Greek States in Europe; and on the other hand it showed that the East can change. Human nature is not, as some would have us believe, divided for ever into irreconcilable191 sections. There are no unbridgeable gulfs between the Eastern and the Western mind. If the modern Westernising movements in China or India should fully96 succeed, they will but demonstrate anew what was proved long ago in Asia Minor during the three critical{94} centuries before Christ. The challenge these facts present to those who suppose that Christianity cannot become a universal faith is obvious. We must not attempt to give a detailed192 picture of Hellenism. But even these outlines are enough to show how thoroughly193 and dramatically the immemorial fashions of the East had been upset and new ambitions kindled194, so that men must have felt as if they had been emancipated195 from the dead past and told to make trial of a new form of life, one that was already brilliant and delightful196, but was most of all thrilling in its unknown possibilities. The peoples that walked in darkness thought they had seen a great light.
One fact, however, and that of prime importance, has been left out of count in this description of the situation. Hellenism in the East had a fatal deficiency; it lacked the keen patriotism that inspired the life of the old Greek cities. In Athens men had known that only by the maintenance of their best ideals could Athens lead the intellect of Greece, only by discipline and self-sacrifice could the foe be driven from Athenian fields, could Athens rule the seas, could Athens be free and Athens glorious. But citizens of some Hellenised city of Syria experienced no such sentiments. Their politics were urban not imperial, academic not matter of life and death. To be a captain in the armies of Ptolemy or Seleucus might be a convenient way of gaining a livelihood and might lead to fame, fortune and favour; but after all, to fight in those ranks was to fight for kings’ glories, not for hearth197 and home. The ambitions of the petty states of Greece had had certain evil aspects; strifes, jealousies, envyings were ever present among them, bleeding the higher interests of their common civilisation. Nevertheless the need for passionate198 devotion to one’s city had been the root of Hellenic virtue106, and that not even Alexander’s genius could transplant to Asiatic soil.
Moreover, even such faint assistance as Greek religion{95} gave to morality failed the Hellenism of the East. By Alexander’s time the early conceptions of the gods had been riddled199 by criticism, and as yet neither philosophy nor mysticism had discovered for morality a basis intelligible200 and acceptable to ordinary men. The earnest spirits of the day were aware of the danger ahead. They foresaw that, if society continued on its present course unchecked, its moral bankruptcy201 must bring disaster. For not all the Greeks were eating, drinking, and making money: some were asking questions about life to which a demoralised Hellenism could give no satisfying answer. And the problem was more than merely intellectual. The perils and pains of actual life made the enigma202 a personal agony for many men, who saw that “they were being carried onward103 into a future of unknown possibilities, and whatever might lie on the other side of death, the possibilities on the hither side were disquieting203 enough. Even in our firmly ordered and peaceful society, hideous204 accidents may befall the individual, but in those days when the world showed only despotic monarchies205 and warring city-states, one must remember that slavery and torture were contingencies206 which no one could be sure that the future did not contain for him.” In the old days it had been possible to appeal for succour to deities207 not wholly inhuman208 in their ways and thoughts. “If now that hope faded into an empty dream, man found himself left naked to fortune. With the mass of passionate desires and loves he carried in his heart, the unknown chances of the future meant ever-present fear.”[43] The situation called for remedy. Hellenism itself evolved the Stoic209 philosophy as a possible solution for its urgent problems.[44]{96} Our contention210 is that in their own sphere and in their own fashion the Jewish proverbs, as used at this period by the Wise in Jerusalem, were, like Stoicism, an answer to the moral instability which contemporary Hellenism had spread abroad.
But even if Hellenism could have entered Syria in its purest form, it would have needed all its nobility to overcome the vices211 ingrained in the East. When it came to the task with faith in the high gods shaken and falling, with the spur of patriotism left behind in Greece, no wonder that the ugly elements hitherto held in check in the city-states fed themselves fat amid the ancient evils of the Oriental world. Particularly in Syria did the baser tendencies of Hellenism run riot. Life there did indeed become richer, richer in iniquity212. If facts have any meaning, then the history of Syria and Egypt in the Hellenic age cries aloud in witness of the futility213 of a civilisation, however brilliant, that lacks a basis of moral idealism: “Other foundation can no man lay than that which is laid.” The fine culture of the Hellenised lands was dependent on the wrongs and miseries214 of countless215 slaves; the cities were filled with glittering, venal216 women; and the general population sank deeper and deeper in corruption217, gluttony, and license218. Even the games in Syria were made to pander219 to the base side of human nature; and, although ideally the cult30 of athletics220 might be an excellent thing, “in its actual embodiment it could show all degrees of degradation.” Life in the Syrian towns became for the most part a studied gratification of the grosser senses. Here is the accusation221 of an eye-witness, a Syrian Greek named Poseidonius, who lived about{97} 100 B.C.: “The people of these cities are relieved by the fertility of their soil from a laborious222 struggle for existence. Life is a continual series of social festivities. Their gymnasiums they use as baths, where they anoint themselves with costly223 oils and myrrhs. In the public banqueting halls they practically live, filling themselves there for the better part of the day with rich foods and wines; much that they cannot eat they carry away home. They feast to the prevailing music of strings224. The cities are filled from end to end with the noise of harp-playing.”
And yet it was a great and wonderful age. Although the nobler qualities of the Greek cities could not be made to grow in the new soil, the genius of the Greek intellectual attitude to life was rescued from the bickerings and fatal factions225 of the little states and was successfully communicated to the larger world, to become in time the priceless heritage of Western civilisation. Rightly conceiving that the spiritual aspect of human life is the supreme thing, we are accustomed to divide history into the period before and the period after the birth of Christ; but were attention to be confined solely226 to the mental development of mankind, the dividing line would be found in the coming of the Hellenic methods of thought.
The bearing of these facts upon our subject is not far to seek. In face of the subtle influences that were transforming their environment how fared it with the Palestinian Jews? Jerusalem was sheltered by its outlying position from the full tide of Hellenism. Had it not been so, its special characteristics could scarcely have been preserved; it would have become as one of the cities of the coast. But if Jerusalem was not swept away by the flood, that does not imply that the rain of new ideas was not falling in its streets and markets. From 300 to 200 B.C. Palestine was controlled by the Ptolemaic Kings of Egypt, from 198 B.C. by the Syrian Seleucids. This change of authority imposed no{98} check upon the progress and vigour of the Hellenistic movement. Greek cities sprang up throughout the land, and older towns were eager to adapt themselves to the new models. Shortly after the death of Alexander, Samaria and Ptolemais (Acco) had already become centres of Greek influence, and there was a group of Greek cities beyond Jordan. Imagine too how quickly and how effectively the ideas of the Jews in Jerusalem would be affected by intercourse227 with the flourishing colonies of their brethren now thoroughly at home in the great centres of Greek dominion176 in Egypt, Syria and Babylon. It is not surprising therefore to find a Greek writer about 250 B.C. observing that “many of the traditional ordinances228 of the Jews are losing their hold.” And if any reader wishes further confirmation229, he need only turn to the works of Josephus, and note the relish230 with which that writer tells the story of Joseph the son of Tobiah, nephew of the High-Priest, who by his insolent231 wit won favour at the Egyptian Court, and battened for a while on the extortionate taxes he wrung232 from the towns of southern Syria: a repulsive233 character but quite evidently a popular hero in the estimation of many of his Jewish contemporaries. Picture the coming and going of Greek traders in the bazaars234 of Jerusalem, and the journeying of Jewish merchants to and from the markets of the Hellenic cities. Consider what it meant that the immense mercantile centre of Alexandria, with its tempting235 opportunities to the acute and enterprising Jew, lay only a few days’ journey to the south. In short, Hellenism was swiftly becoming the very atmosphere men breathed. Certainly its manifold allurements236 were only too visibly and temptingly displayed before the eyes of the young and ambitious in Jerusalem. And yet Hellenism had met its match in the strange city of Zion. Greek met Jew, and in the struggle the Wise-men of Israel played no insignificant part. For they marshalled and moulded their proverbs till they represented the Wisdom{99} of Israel set over against the worldly-wisdom[45] of Greece. They counselled a way of life which was not the seductive Greek way. They sturdily opposed another doctrine237 to the fashionable immorality238 of Hellenism with its overwhelming prestige and ostensible239 success. For several generations the attack of the new civilisation came by way of peaceful penetration240, which was perhaps harder to resist than open enmity, since nobody could deny the good in Hellenism, its beauty, and its cleverness, if only it had been pure in heart. Later, as we shall see, the campaign was to be conducted with all the devices of reckless and inhuman violence. Hebraism against Hellenism! All Egypt, Syria, and Persia had made scarcely an effort to resist the spell of the new learning and the new ways. At first sight then how unequal the contest! A stiff moralism preaching against the pleasures of sin to hot-blooded, able, and ambitious men. A clique of obscurantists arrayed not against a kingdom or an empire but against a magnificent, world-conquering civilisation. The Jews maintain their ground? Impossible! No, not wholly so; for this battle, like another which touches us more closely, was ultimately spiritual; and because the Jews held a conception of the nature and destiny of man deeper, truer, than even the Greeks had found, Hebraism in the end proved stronger than Hellenism with all its genius and all its works.
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1
insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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stifle
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| vt.使窒息；闷死；扼杀；抑止，阻止 | |
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acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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pervades
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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concisely
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| adv.简明地 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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insistent
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| adj.迫切的，坚持的 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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perennial
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| adj.终年的；长久的 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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specious
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| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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philistine
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| n.庸俗的人；adj.市侩的，庸俗的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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ravage
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| vt.使...荒废，破坏...；n.破坏，掠夺，荒废 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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influx
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| n.流入，注入 | |
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desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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nomadic
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| adj.流浪的；游牧的 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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smote
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| v.猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去式 ) | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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looms
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| n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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nomads
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| n.游牧部落的一员( nomad的名词复数 )；流浪者；游牧生活；流浪生活 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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craftsman
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| n.技工，精于一门工艺的匠人 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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gall
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| v.使烦恼，使焦躁，难堪；n.磨难 | |
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blotted
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| 涂污( blot的过去式和过去分词 )； （用吸墨纸）吸干 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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deplore
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| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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apathetically
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| adv.不露感情地；无动于衷地；不感兴趣地；冷淡地 | |
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92
spurn
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| v.拒绝，摈弃；n.轻视的拒绝；踢开 | |
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cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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94
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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95
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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96
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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97
daunt
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| vt.使胆怯，使气馁 | |
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98
vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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99
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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100
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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101
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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102
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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103
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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104
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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105
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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106
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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107
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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108
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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109
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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110
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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111
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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112
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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113
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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114
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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115
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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116
nomadism
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| n.游牧生活，流浪生活 | |
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117
clique
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| n.朋党派系，小集团 | |
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118
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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119
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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120
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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121
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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123
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
corporate
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| adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的 | |
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125
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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126
rigidity
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| adj.钢性，坚硬 | |
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127
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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128
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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129
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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130
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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131
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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132
piquancy
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| n.辛辣，辣味，痛快 | |
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133
electorate
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| n.全体选民；选区 | |
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134
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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135
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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136
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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137
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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138
rhythmic
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| adj.有节奏的，有韵律的 | |
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139
grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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140
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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141
emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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142
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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143
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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144
constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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145
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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146
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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147
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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148
altruism
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| n.利他主义，不自私 | |
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149
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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150
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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151
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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152
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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153
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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154
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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155
brilliance
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| n.光辉，辉煌，壮丽，（卓越的）才华，才智 | |
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156
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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157
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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158
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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159
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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160
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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161
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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162
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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163
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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164
stagnation
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| n. 停滞 | |
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165
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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166
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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167
ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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168
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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169
requital
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| n.酬劳；报复 | |
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170
horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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171
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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172
crumbled
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| （把…）弄碎， （使）碎成细屑( crumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 衰落； 坍塌； 损坏 | |
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173
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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174
deliberately
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|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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175
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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176
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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177
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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178
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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179
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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180
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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181
subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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182
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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183
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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184
persevered
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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185
guilds
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| 行会，同业公会，协会( guild的名词复数 ) | |
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186
broached
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| v.谈起( broach的过去式和过去分词 )；打开并开始用；用凿子扩大（或修光）；（在桶上）钻孔取液体 | |
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187
embroideries
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| 刺绣( embroidery的名词复数 )； 刺绣品； 刺绣法 | |
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188
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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189
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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190
perpetuation
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| n.永存，不朽 | |
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191
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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192
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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193
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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194
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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195
emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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196
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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197
hearth
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| n.壁炉炉床，壁炉地面 | |
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198
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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199
riddled
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| adj.布满的；充斥的；泛滥的v.解谜，出谜题(riddle的过去分词形式) | |
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200
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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201
bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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202
enigma
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| n.谜，谜一样的人或事 | |
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203
disquieting
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| adj.令人不安的，令人不平静的v.使不安，使忧虑，使烦恼( disquiet的现在分词 ) | |
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204
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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205
monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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206
contingencies
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| n.偶然发生的事故，意外事故( contingency的名词复数 )；以备万一 | |
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207
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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208
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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209
stoic
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| n.坚忍克己之人，禁欲主义者 | |
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210
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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211
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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212
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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213
futility
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| n.无用 | |
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214
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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215
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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216
venal
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| adj.唯利是图的，贪脏枉法的 | |
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217
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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218
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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219
pander
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| v.迎合；n.拉皮条者，勾引者；帮人做坏事的人 | |
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220
athletics
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| n.运动，体育，田径运动 | |
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221
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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222
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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223
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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224
strings
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| n.弦 | |
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225
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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226
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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227
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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228
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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229
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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230
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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231
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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232
wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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233
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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234
bazaars
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| （东方国家的）市场( bazaar的名词复数 )； 义卖； 义卖市场； （出售花哨商品等的）小商品市场 | |
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235
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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236
allurements
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| n.诱惑( allurement的名词复数 )；吸引；诱惑物；有诱惑力的事物 | |
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237
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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238
immorality
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| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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239
ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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240
penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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