Russia he would have recollected7 as a powerful autocracy9 rooted in a superstitious10 belief by the peasantry in the divinity of its head. He would find it now a revolutionary area ruled by the exiles of yesterday, shunned11 by the rest of the world because of the violence of its communistic doctrines12; tsardom, with its gilded13 retinue14 of splendour, flung into a hideous15 doom16, and the sceptre of Peter the Great enforcing the doctrines of Karl Marx. He would see the Austrian empire as much a thing of the past as the empire of Nebuchadnezzar, a poor province lifted out of beggary by the charity of her foes17: new states, which had been dead and buried[Pg 27] for centuries, risen from the dead, casting off their shrouds19, marching in full panoply20; Trieste an Italian port; the Dolomites an Italian bastion. The Turk alone quite unchanged, a few more amputating operations performed upon him, but still preserving sufficient vitality21 to massacre22 Christians24 irrespective of denomination25 or race, and to become a sore trial and perplexity to the rest of the world.
If our returned voyager travelled through Europe he would find even more fundamental changes in the world of finance, trade and commerce. He would find impoverishment26, dislocation; the elaborate and finely-spun web of commerce rent to pieces, and its torn threads floating in the wind. With a few sovereigns in his pocket, he would expect in return 25 francs, 20 marks, and about 26 lire. Instead of that, with a paper sovereign he would find that he could buy 70 francs, nearly 100 lire, 250,000 German marks, 300,000 Austrian kronen, and millions of Russian roubles. The money-changers who once prospered28 on decimal fractions now earning a precarious29 livelihood30 in the flights of the multiplication31 table. That would give him a better indication perhaps of the reality of the change than even the fall of empires. On his journeys he would[Pg 28] travel through prosperous provinces rutted and overturned as by a gigantic earthquake; he would pass vast cemeteries32 where 10,000,000 young men fallen in the Great War were having their last sleep; he would see on all hands signs of mutilation of men who had been engaged in the great struggle. Taxation33 everywhere quintupled with nothing but debt to show for it; industry with its back bent34 under a burden of taxation which when he left existed only in the nightmares of the dyspeptic rich. He would then be able to realise something of the tremendous upheaval35 that had taken place in the world.
But what would surprise him more than all these amazing and bewildering transformations36 would be the one thing in which there was no change. He would naturally expect that after such terrifying experiences, the world would have learnt its lesson, turned its back finally on war, its crimes and its follies37, and set its face resolutely39 toward peace. It is the one thing he discovers has not changed—the world has not learned one single syllable40. Suspicions amongst nations exist just as ever, only more intense; hatreds41 between races and peoples, only fiercer; combinations forming everywhere for[Pg 29] the next war; great armies drilling; conventions and compacts for joint43 action when the tocsin sounds; general staffs meeting to arrange whether they should march, where they should march, how they should march, and where they should strike; little nations only just hatched, just out of the shell, staggering under the burden of great armaments, and marching along towards unknown battlefields; new machinery44 of destruction and slaughter45 being devised and manufactured with feverish46 anxiety; every day science being brought under contribution to discover new methods to destroy human life—in fact, a deep laid and powerfully concerted plot against civilisation, openly organised in the light of the sun. And that after his experience of four or five years ago! Man the builder, and man the breaker, working side by side in the same workshop, and apparently48 on the best of terms with each other, playing their part in the eternal round of creation and dissolution, with characteristic human energy. What a complex creature is man! It is little wonder that God gave him up repeatedly in despair. He is unteachable.
I wonder whether it is realised that if war were to break out again, the calamity49 would be a [Pg 30]hundredfold greater than that of the last experience. Next time, cities will be laid waste. Possible, and I am sorry to say, probable enemy nations are more closely intertwined, and the engines of havoc50 are becoming more and more terrible. I have called attention repeatedly to the developments which took place during the late War, in the variety, the range, and the power of destructive weapons. Compare the a?roplane at the beginning of the war, and its small bomb which could easily be manhandled, with the same machine at the end. By the end of the war machines had been built, and but for the armistice51 would have been used, the devastating52 power of which was terrific. Since then the power of the machine, the weight of the explosive, and the incendiary material it drops, have grown, and are still growing. Science is perfecting old methods of destruction, and searching out new methods. One day, in its exploration, it may hit on something that may make the fabric53 of civilisation rock.
Can anything be done to avert54 this approaching catastrophe55? That is the problem of all problems for those who love their fellowmen. I warn you that it is madness to trust to the hope that mankind,[Pg 31] after such an experience, will not be so rash as to court another disaster of the same kind. The memory of the terrors, the losses, the sufferings of the war, will not restrain men from precipitating56 the world into something which is infinitely57 worse, and those who think so, and, therefore, urge that it is not necessary to engage in a new crusade for peace, have not studied the perverse58, the stubborn, and the reckless nature of man. There is the danger that the last war may even make some nations believe in war.
I have talked to many young soldiers who were fortunate enough to have passed unscathed through some of the worst experiences of the war, to many who suffered mutilation in some of these experiences; they have given me one common impression that the memory of fear is evanescent, and that they cannot now re-create in their own minds the sensations of terror through which they passed. If that is true of those who went through the furnace, what of the multitudes who simply looked on?—the multitudes of those who were too young to take part, and can only recall the excitement produced by the conflict and the glory of victory? The recollection of the headaches of an orgy never lasts as long as[Pg 32] that of its pleasures. It is useless to recall memories of the terror and torture of the war, and expect them to crusade for peace. Memory is a treacherous59 crusader. It starts with a right purpose fresh and hot on its path, but its zeal60 gets fainter as the days roll past, and it ends by handing over its banner to the foe18.
You can only redeem61 mankind by appealing to its nobler instincts. Fear is base, and you cannot lift mankind by using it as a lever. The churches alone can effectively rouse the higher impulses of our nature. That is where their task comes in.
There is another reason why we cannot regard the danger as having passed away. You have all the elements which made for the Great War of 1914 more potent62 than ever to-day. The atmosphere of Europe is charged with them.
What made the last war? Armed international dislikes, rivalries63, and suspicions. The dislikes were based on age-long racial feuds65 stimulated66 by memories of recent wrongs. Celt and Teuton disliking each other; Slav and Teuton suspicious of each other; the hatred42 of the Slav for the Teuton intensified67 by the arrogance68 with which Germany humiliated69 Russia at the moment of her weakness [Pg 33]immediately after the Japanese War, when she was peculiarly sensitive to insult. You will recollect8 the peremptoriness71 and the insolence72 of her gesture over the Bosnian annexation73, and insolences are always more painful than wrongs and rankle74 longer. They corrode75 the flesh, and burn into the soul of a nation, keeping its anger aflame. I wish nations always remembered that. There was the hatred of the Celt for the Teuton deepened by the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine, and by the incidents inseparable from the invasion of a foreign soil. There was Germany suspecting that every railway constructed by Russia was aimed at her heart. There was France convinced that Germany was only waiting her opportunity to pick a quarrel which would enable her to deprive France of her much-coveted colonies. There was England watching with vigilant76 insight and increasing anger the growth of Germany's great fleet, which she was convinced was aimed at her shores. There were great armies in every continental77 country ready to march at a moment's notice, fully47 equipped, each commander firmly persuaded that his own legions were irresistible78. You had there all the conditions that made for war. Had it come of set purpose? I have read[Pg 34] most of the literature concerning the events that led up to that war, and it is full of warning as to how wars happen. They do not come because the majority of those who are concerned are bent upon bloodshed, not even the majority who have the decisive voice if they exercised it in time. Had a plebiscite been taken in every country in Europe a week before war was declared as to whether they wished to engage in a European conflict, the proposal would have been turned down by a majority so overwhelming as to show that the proposition was one that no nation had the slightest idea of entertaining. That is not the reason why it came. But you have always in control of the affairs of nations some men who hesitate; many who are apathetic79, many who are merely inefficient81 and stupid; and then most men, even in a government, have their minds concentrated on their own immediate70 tasks.
I will give you an illustration of how war is begun, once you have the predisposition to quarrel, without anybody wanting it and with the vast majority of the people who are to be engaged in it opposed to it. Austria issued an ultimatum82 to Serbia. There is nothing a big bully83 likes better than to[Pg 35] hector a little man who is near the point of his toe. Serbia was so near the boot that Austria was constantly tempted84 to give it a kick, and it did. It issued an ultimatum, which was a very insolent85 one. The Serbian reply was a practical acceptance of the Austrian demands. This is the note the kaiser wrote on it: "A brilliant performance this. But with it disappears"—listen to this written by the Kaiser of Germany just a few days before war was declared—"but with it disappears every reason for war, and the Austrian minister ought to have remained quietly in Belgrade. After that I would never have given orders for mobilisation." In three days there was war.
Let me give another illustration. Admiral Tirpitz said he saw Von Jagow two days after the Austrian reply. Von Jagow, the German foreign minister, was so little interested in the Austro-Serbian conflict that he confessed to the German ambassador to Austria on July 27th, two days after the reply had been received, that he had not yet found time to read the Serbian reply to Austria. Here is the document on which ten million young men who had no responsibility for it have been slain86, homes have been desolated87, and a debt of[Pg 36] taxation, confusion and sorrow incurred88 which will not be wiped out as long as this generation lasts.
It is inconceivable, if one had not some knowledge of the carelessness and the procrastination89 which are bred in official circles by long practice. That was only three days before war was declared. This high official in the Wilhelmstrasse, who subsequently agreed to the fateful decision to declare war against Russia, had not even read the critical document which ought to have averted90 the struggle. But there are always the vigilant few, the very few resolute38 men whose whole mind and energy and skill is engaged ceaselessly in driving forward the chariots of war. Whilst others are asleep, they are craftily91 dodging92 the traffic, and stealing along unawares, slowly getting their chariots into position for the next push forward. Whilst others are asleep, they lash93 the fiery94 steeds along their destructive course. In the press, on the platform, in the council chambers95, in the chancelleries, in society of all kinds, high and low, they are always pressing along. When the precipice96 is reached, they dash through the feeble resistance of the panic-stricken mob of counsellors and officials, and nations are plunged97 into the abyss before they know it.
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This is the way most wars come.
Read the history of the war of 1870. It came about in the same confused, clumsy, purposeless way. In all these cases there is always in the background the sinister98 figure of that force for mischief99 which used to be known by our Puritan fathers as the devil. Have these hatreds and suspicions abated100? Are there no rivalries to-day? Are there no men whose one joy is in war? Was the devil numbered amongst the slain in the last war? I have never seen his name in any casualty list. Look around. His agents are more numerous, more active, more pressing and efficient than ever. Europe to-day is a cauldron of suspicions and hatreds. It is well to speak frankly101. Celt and Teuton are now interlocked in a conflict which is none the less desperate because one of the parties is disarmed102. There is a suppressed savagery104 which is but ill concealed105, and there are new hatreds which, if they have not been brought into existence during the war, have at any rate come to the surface. Mankind has learnt no lesson from the four or five years of war, although it has been scourged106 with scorpions107. There was nothing that contributed more to the last catastrophe than the annexation by Germany[Pg 38] of Alsace-Lorraine. As long as that act of folly108 remained uncorrected there was no real peace possible in Europe. The nations concerned were just abiding109 their opportunity, and the opportunity came. Now you have two Alsace-Lorraines at least. There is the annexation of Vilna by force; there is the annexation of Galicia by force, by violence, by the use of arms against the will of the population. Elsewhere you have the German and the Pole quarrelling over Silesia; the Russian and the Pole over doubtful boundaries; the Czech and the Magyar; the Serbian and the Bulgarian; the Russian and the Rumanian; the Rumanian and the Magyar. There is the age-long feud64 between Greek and Turk. All have an air of biding110 opportunity, all are armed ready for slaughter. Europe is a seething111 cauldron of international hates, with powerful men in command of the fuel stores feeding the flames and stoking the fires. It is no use blaming the treaty of Versailles. This state of things has nothing to do with treaties. Here it is the spirit that killeth and not the letter. Sometimes wrongs are imaginary. Where the wrongs are imaginary time will heal the sense of hurt, but sometimes they are real, and time will[Pg 39] fester the wound, but everywhere and always the hatreds are real enough. Can nothing be done? If it can, let it be done in time. Let it be done at once. Yet, once more I remind you that if the gun is loaded—and it is loaded in every land—when the quarrel begins it is apt to go off, not because the trigger is deliberately112 pulled, but because some clumsy fellow in his excitement stumbles against it.
In a continent which is nominally113 Christian23, the churches surely are not impotent. When the West was all Catholic, and it had the good fortune to have a high-minded and capable occupant of the throne of St. Peter, many a struggle was averted by his intervention114. Can the churches not once more display their power? They can only do so by moving together, not merely every denomination in Britain, but every Christian community throughout Europe—Catholic and Protestant—Catholics even more than Protestants, for the countries where the peril115 is most imminent116 are more under the domination of the Catholic churches than of the Protestant faiths. If all the heroism117 of millions, their sacrifice and their sufferings, are to be thrown away, it will be the most colossal118, criminal and [Pg 40]infamous waste ever perpetrated in human history. Millions of men endangered their lives willingly. Millions lost their lives for the sake of establishing peace on earth on the basis of international right. A temple to human right was built with material quarried119 out of all that is choicest in the soul of man. But its timbers are being drenched120 with the kerosene121 of hatred, and one day a match will be lit by some careless or malignant122 hand which will set fire to this magnificent edifice123; its splendour will be reduced to black embers, and the hope of mankind will be once more laid in ashes. The task of the churches is to put forth124 the whole of their united strength to avert that catastrophe.
Peace is only possible when you introduce into the attitude of nations towards each other principles which govern the demeanour of decent people in a community towards their neighbours. If international methods were introduced into the dealings of neighbours with each other life would become intolerable—the unconcealed suspicions, distrusts and ill-will which rule everywhere, the eternal expectancy125 of and preparation for blows, the readiness of the strong to use violence, either to enforce his will on his weaker neighbour or to deprive him of his[Pg 41] liberty or his possessions, or even his life, to satisfy anger, revenge, or greed. Had this been the rule in private affairs, we should all have to live in caves, or in castles, according to our means. As a matter of fact, man is only half civilised. In international matters he is still a savage103, in his heart he recognises no law but that of force. The savage has his restraints. His instinct warns him not to pounce126 save when he thinks he can do so effectively and with impunity127, and for some purpose which he thinks worth his while. Whether he hates or covets128, he has no other restraint. I wish I could say that in essence nations to-day obey any other impulse. Man must be civilised in his international relations, otherwise wars will go on as long as mankind remains129 on this earth.
I have seen a city wrenched130 from its people. I have seen a whole province appropriated against the protests of its people, and all within the last four years, since the Great War to establish international right. There was no conceivable justification131 for either of these depredations132 except that both the city and the province were desirable, were at hand, were very tempting133, and that the owners were too feeble to resist their pillagers.
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The lesson must be taught that larceny134 does not diminish in turpitude135 as it increases in the scale of its operations. A nation that feloniously steals, takes, and carries away a city or province is just as criminal as the thief sentenced to imprisonment137 for robbery by violence on the high-road. And these national felonies will assuredly bring trouble one day. They invariably do so, and unfortunately international trouble is never confined to the felon136. Human retribution, once it begins, is as indiscriminating and uncontrollable as a prairie fire. The flames consume the wheat as well as the tares138. Hell fire administered by the hand of man scorches139 the innocent equally with the guilty. The doom of Germany involved millions in its tortures who were outside her gates, abominated140 her crimes, and did all they could to prevent their perpetration. That is why it is written: "'Vengeance141 is mine, I will repay,' saith the Lord." It is the supreme142 duty of the churches to teach nations to understand that the moral law is just as applicable to them in their corporate143 capacity as it is to the individuals who compose them; to teach them that hatred is just as unseemly between nations as it is between individuals, and far more dangerous. Goodwill144 must[Pg 43] be assiduously cultivated between nations. It must be ingeminated in every way—in schools, in the press, in sermons, in classes. The men who are always sowing distrust and dislike of men of other races and lands should be picked out, condemned145, shown up, hunted by the scorn, the contempt and the wrath146 of their fellowmen. They are more dangerous than the incendiary who burns down an occasional hay-rick or habitation.
Let the best side of every nation be better known. Each nation has made its contribution to the sum of human greatness. Dwell on that, and not on the failings and the deficiencies, the errors, and the crimes which are unhappily common to all nations. Name me the land that has no stain on its record. There is no end to the resourcefulness of hate. Its variety is infinite. I recollect, not so long ago, a time when you were not a patriot147 if you were pro-French; the fact that you were pro-French stamped you as a Little Englander. France was supposed to be a busy and malignant foe of Britain all the world over, scheming everywhere against British interests. She stood for all that was unpleasant and repugnant to the British mind—in her thought, her literature, her politics, and her manners.[Pg 44] France heartily148 reciprocated149 our dislike. There were at least two occasions when war between the two countries was apprehended150, was openly talked of, and was even likely. The atmosphere of the press in both capitals was charged with brimstone.
Now it is to Germany you must not utter one word of toleration or even fair play. I am not counselling the abandonment of the just measure of our national rights as against either of these two countries, but they are both great nations. They are both nations that have contributed richly of the things that make for the elevation151, for the happiness, for the splendour of mankind. If Germany is the land of Bismarck with its blood and iron, all Protestants will remember that she is also the land of Luther and the Reformation. If she fought in the late war for four years to establish a military domination in Europe, she fought for thirty years with enduring valour and much suffering to establish the freedom of conscience in Europe. She has given to the world great literature, great painters, great philosophers, great explorers in all the continents of thought. She is the land of unrivalled song. Even in the middle of the bloody152 conflict with Germany, every Sunday we praised God in[Pg 45] our churches to the notes of German music. Let us give credit for these things in our efforts to reconstitute the reign27 of goodwill. And if we feel angry with France, let us remember her dazzling array of great writers, her gigantic struggles for liberty, the penetrating153 imagination devoted154 to scientific research, which has brought incalculable blessings155 to humanity. Let us not judge France by the fussy156 little men that give expression to her petulance157 in the fits of temper that overtake every nation, but by the great men who have given noble expression to her immortal158 soul. France is the land of Victor Hugo, of Pascal, of Renan, and many another teacher who has taken humanity by the hand along the upward road.
Everything depends on a consistent, determined159, continuous inculcation of the principles and the ideal of goodfellowship, between nations. Goodwill on earth means to think well of and dwell on the best side of others, and goodwill on earth and peace have been linked together. Without the one you will not have the other. Let us, therefore, cultivate the spirit of brotherhood160 amongst men. The church must appeal to the noblest sentiments of the human heart. Mankind can only be redeemed[Pg 46] by an appeal to those higher instincts. Not by an appeal to ignoble161 fear. War means terror, war means death, war means anguish162. That will not prevent war, and never has. Man is the most fearless of God's creatures, and when his passions are roused there is no fear that will restrain him. The fire of his passion burns the restraints of self-preservation like bands of tow, so that fear will not restrain the nations and make peace among them. War destroys trade, it brings unemployment. Look at all the losses, reckoning them up in cash. That will not prevent war: it never has. Selfish interests have a means of deluding163 themselves. Greed has a blind side. Do not trust to selfishness and selfish interest to ensure peace. Selfishness will ensure nothing which is worth keeping in the world. Selfishness pays good dividends164, but it wastes capital. The nation or the individual that makes self-love the managing-director of the soul will end in bankruptcy165—bankruptcy of respect, bankruptcy of ideals—bankruptcy of honour—bankruptcy of friendships. What is it that Germany is suffering from now? Her great tragedy is not her indemnity166, not even her gigantic casualties, not even the destruction of her trade. The one[Pg 47] great tragedy of Germany is that she has lost the respect of mankind. It affects her trade, it affects her business, it makes it difficult for her to climb to the pitch whence she fell. The rope is gone. She has done things of which she herself is now ashamed. Her people—I can see it when I meet them—are ashamed. That is the tragedy. They are a gallant167 people, they are a brave people, they fought bravely, but they are broken-spirited. Why? They have lost their self-respect because they have done something that they know in their hearts was wrong. These are the things that have to be taught to nations.
A public opinion must be worked up that will be strong enough to sustain international right. No law is possible without an active public opinion for its enforcement, least of all international law. Without it the League of Nations is a farce168. You might as well have a wooden cannon169; however splendidly mounted it may be, however imposing170 its appearance, every one knows that the moment it is fired it will burst. Unless the world is taught to respect its authority, it will become a butt171 of derision. It is no use keeping up pretences172. Pretences never delude173 events. The League of [Pg 48]Nations may gather together representatives of all the great powers of the earth, and yet it may be a futile174, barren, costly175 nothing unless it has behind it the spirit of the people who constitute those nations. The real danger of the moment is lest the League of Nations should become a mere80 make-believe, whilst the same old intrigues176, the same old schemes, the same old international greed and hatred, should be working their will freely outside. The decision of the League of Nations has been, within the last two or three years, openly flouted177 by a member of that league, a member which owes its national independence to the treaty which founded that league. Another nation, one of the principal authors of the league, refuses to refer a question in which is it concerned, and in which Europe is concerned, to the arbitrament of the league. Both these nations prefer to resort to force. The rest of the world looks on feebly with indifference178, accepting the rebuff to their league in each case. Why? Because there is no public opinion in the recalcitrant179 countries to bring pressure to bear on the respective governments, and there is no public opinion strong enough outside to exercise the necessary insistence180.
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The churches alone can remedy this. There ought to be an international movement of all the churches, Catholic and Protestant, Protestant and Catholic. I know it is difficult to compass. The divisions in Christendom are too often fatal to common action for the attainment181 of common aims. They ought to be overcome. They must be overcome. There was a time in the Middles Ages when religion exercised a direct as well as an indirect influence in the domain182 of government and social relations. It helped to win for Englishmen their great charter. It gradually emancipated183 the serfs. It preserved the peace of Europe many a time when it was gravely imperilled by the quarrels of kings. In the days of Puritanism, and the days of the Covenant184, the partnership185 between religion and politics won for us the two great boons186 of parliamentary liberty and liberty of conscience. When Methodism spurred the conscience of England, its influence was felt in the political movement that emancipated the slaves throughout the British Empire.
That was one of the greatest feats187 of disinterested188 righteousness ever exhibited by a nation. The tasks awaiting religion to-day in the sphere of government are even greater—emancipation of the[Pg 50] worker from the tyrannies of economic greed, the saving of the nation from the curse of alcohol, and the spreading of the angels' message heard on the hills of Bethlehem until the obdurate189 heart of man shall at last re-echo it: "Peace on earth and goodwill amongst men."
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wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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agitations
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| （液体等的）摇动( agitation的名词复数 )； 鼓动； 激烈争论； （情绪等的）纷乱 | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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recollected
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| adj.冷静的；镇定的；被回忆起的；沉思默想的v.记起，想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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superstitious
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shunned
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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doctrines
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gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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retinue
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hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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doom
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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shrouds
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panoply
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vitality
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massacre
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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Christians
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denomination
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impoverishment
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reign
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28
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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30
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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31
multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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32
cemeteries
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| n.（非教堂的）墓地，公墓( cemetery的名词复数 ) | |
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33
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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34
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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35
upheaval
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| n.胀起，(地壳)的隆起；剧变，动乱 | |
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36
transformations
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| n.变化( transformation的名词复数 )；转换；转换；变换 | |
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37
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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38
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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39
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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40
syllable
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| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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41
hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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42
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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43
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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44
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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45
slaughter
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|
| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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46
feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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47
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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48
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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49
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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50
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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51
armistice
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| n.休战，停战协定 | |
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52
devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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53
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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54
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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55
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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56
precipitating
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|
| adj.急落的，猛冲的v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的现在分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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57
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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58
perverse
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|
| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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59
treacherous
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|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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60
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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61
redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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62
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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63
rivalries
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| n.敌对，竞争，对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
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64
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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65
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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66
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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67
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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69
humiliated
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| 感到羞愧的 | |
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70
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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71
peremptoriness
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| n.专横，强制，武断 | |
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72
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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73
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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74
rankle
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| v.（怨恨，失望等）难以释怀 | |
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75
corrode
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| v.使腐蚀，侵蚀，破害；v.腐蚀，被侵蚀 | |
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76
vigilant
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|
| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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77
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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78
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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79
apathetic
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| adj.冷漠的，无动于衷的 | |
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80
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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81
inefficient
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|
| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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82
ultimatum
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| n.最后通牒 | |
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83
bully
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|
| n.恃强欺弱者，小流氓；vt.威胁，欺侮 | |
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84
tempted
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|
| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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85
insolent
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|
| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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86
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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87
desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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88
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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89
procrastination
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|
| n.拖延，耽搁 | |
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90
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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91
craftily
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| 狡猾地，狡诈地 | |
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92
dodging
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| n.避开，闪过，音调改变v.闪躲( dodge的现在分词 )；回避 | |
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93
lash
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| v.系牢；鞭打；猛烈抨击；n.鞭打；眼睫毛 | |
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94
fiery
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|
| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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95
chambers
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|
| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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96
precipice
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| n.悬崖，危急的处境 | |
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97
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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98
sinister
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|
| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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99
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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100
abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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101
frankly
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|
| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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102
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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103
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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104
savagery
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| n.野性 | |
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105
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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106
scourged
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| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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107
scorpions
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| n.蝎子( scorpion的名词复数 ) | |
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108
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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109
abiding
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| adj.永久的，持久的，不变的 | |
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110
biding
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| v.等待，停留( bide的现在分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待；面临 | |
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111
seething
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| 沸腾的，火热的 | |
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112
deliberately
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|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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113
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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114
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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115
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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116
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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117
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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118
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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119
quarried
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| v.从采石场采得( quarry的过去式和过去分词 )；从（书本等中）努力发掘（资料等）；在采石场采石 | |
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120
drenched
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| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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121
kerosene
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| n.(kerosine)煤油，火油 | |
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122
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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123
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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124
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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125
expectancy
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| n.期望，预期，（根据概率统计求得）预期数额 | |
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126
pounce
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| n.猛扑；v.猛扑，突然袭击，欣然同意 | |
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127
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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128
covets
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| v.贪求，觊觎( covet的第三人称单数 ) | |
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129
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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130
wrenched
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| v.（猛力地）扭( wrench的过去式和过去分词 )；扭伤；使感到痛苦；使悲痛 | |
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131
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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132
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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133
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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134
larceny
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| n.盗窃（罪） | |
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135
turpitude
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| n.可耻；邪恶 | |
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136
felon
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| n.重罪犯；adj.残忍的 | |
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137
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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138
tares
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| 荑；稂莠；稗 | |
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139
scorches
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| 烧焦，烤焦( scorch的第三人称单数 )； 使（植物）枯萎，把…晒枯； 高速行驶 | |
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140
abominated
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| v.憎恶，厌恶，不喜欢( abominate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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142
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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143
corporate
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| adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的 | |
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144
goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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145
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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146
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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147
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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148
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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149
reciprocated
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| v.报答，酬答( reciprocate的过去式和过去分词 )；（机器的部件）直线往复运动 | |
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150
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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151
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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152
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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153
penetrating
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|
| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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154
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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155
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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156
fussy
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|
| adj.为琐事担忧的，过分装饰的，爱挑剔的 | |
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157
petulance
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| n.发脾气，生气，易怒，暴躁，性急 | |
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158
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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159
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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160
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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161
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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162
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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163
deluding
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的现在分词 ) | |
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164
dividends
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| 红利( dividend的名词复数 )； 股息； 被除数； （足球彩票的）彩金 | |
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165
bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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166
indemnity
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| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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167
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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168
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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169
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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170
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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171
butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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172
pretences
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| n.假装( pretence的名词复数 )；作假；自命；自称 | |
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173
delude
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| vt.欺骗；哄骗 | |
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174
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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175
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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176
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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177
flouted
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| v.藐视，轻视( flout的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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178
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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179
recalcitrant
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| adj.倔强的 | |
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180
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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181
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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182
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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183
emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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184
covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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185
partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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186
boons
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| n.恩惠( boon的名词复数 )；福利；非常有用的东西；益处 | |
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187
feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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188
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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189
obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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