No amount of organisation1 or propaganda can excite real feeling in an electorate2 over trivial and unreal issues. Why did the coalition3 of 1915 fall? And why did the Liberal party split in 1916? Who was responsible? Should the general election have taken place in 1918 or 1919? Ought open and declared opponents of the government of the day to have then received government support or at least government neutrality? These are questions which agitate4 a few who are personally interested, but they leave the nation cold.
The war was real enough. But the war was [Pg 292]supported by men of all parties, and, therefore, provoked no political controversy5. The minority which opposed it was negligible, and challenged no parliamentary discussion on the question. The treaty of peace was, on the whole, accepted by all parties when it was first submitted to Parliament. The leaders of the opposition6 parties in the Lords and Commons at the time of its presentation offered no serious criticism of its provisions.
The legislation proposed by the Coalition, although in ordinary seasons much of it would have aroused angry passions, coming as it did after the war had exhausted7 emotion, passed with no more than a feeble murmur8 of protest. Take, for instance, such controversial topics as adult suffrage9, the enfranchisement10 of women, the wholesale11 reductions in hours of labour, representative government in India, and notably12 the conferring upon Ireland of a measure of Home Rule more complete than any proposed by Gladstone.
Any one of these measures proposed before the war would have led to heated discussion throughout the land. The case of Ireland is perhaps the most significant of the changed temper of the nation immediately after the great war. The conflict[Pg 293] over Irish Home Rule has now culminated13 in a treaty accepted by the nation as a whole and acquiesced14 in by the most violent amongst its opponents.
But fiercer political passions were stirred up by the struggle between parties over Ireland than by any political question of modern times. The causes underlying15 the conflict dealt with two of the most powerful motives16 which make the human heart throb—race and religion. There was the old feud17 between Saxon and Gael extending over at least seven centuries. It drenched18 the moors19 of Ireland with the blood of both races before a keener edge was given to its hatreds20 by the introduction of an acute religious quarrel.
After the Reformation the religious differences which rent Europe with fratricidal wars added fresh fury to the racial enmities which made poor Ireland a cauldron of perpetual strife21. When Mr. Gladstone proposed to settle this raging tumult22 by wresting23 supremacy24 from a race which had been dominant25 in that island for 700 years and a faith which had been supreme26 there for 400 years and transferring it to the race and religion which all that time had been in a condition of servitude, and[Pg 294] when in order to attain27 his ends he had to secure the adhesion of men of the ruling blood and creed28 to his proposals, the passions raised were deeper and angrier than any witnessed in British politics for many a day. It led for the first time in the history of parliament to scenes of physical violence on the floor of the House. It shows what we may expect when there are genuine divisions of opinion which profoundly move masses of men and women in a democracy. Those who recall the tropical heat of parliamentary debates in 1893 naturally regard their voyage through the frigid29 proceedings30 of the last parliament as they would a sail through Arctic seas. That voyage is now over, and there are signs that the waters will soon be lashed31 into fury.
For years political controversy between parties has been suspended in the presence of a common danger. Reaction was inevitable32, and the greater the suppression the more violent the rebound33. That does not, however, altogether account for the visible omens34 of a coming struggle unprecedented35 in its gravity. Fundamental issues have been raised of such moment to millions that they cannot be settled without a struggle that will rock society.
The scene enacted36 in the Commons a few days[Pg 295] ago was by no means as exciting as that which some of us witnessed in 1893. But it gave me an uneasy feeling that the period of calm is definitely over, and that Parliament henceforth must expect gusts38 and gales—and worse. Emotions are once more welling up, and there are signs of a great stir coming in British politics.
The cause is easily explained. The sense of exhaustion39 is passing away, and issues containing a serious challenge to the privileges and rights of powerful classes in the community and vital to the interests of all classes have been raised by one of the great political parties that divide Britain. The momentous40 character of that challenge may be gathered from the terms of the motion submitted by Mr. Philip Snowden to the judgment41 of the House of Commons:—
"That in view of the failure of the capitalist system to adequately utilise and organise42 natural resources and productive power, or to provide the necessary standard of life for vast numbers of the population, and believing that the cause of this failure lies in the private ownership and control of the means of production and distribution, this[Pg 296] House declares that legislative43 effort should be directed to the gradual supersession44 of the capitalist system by an industrial and social order based on the public ownership and democratic control of the instruments of production and distribution."
This motion will receive the full support of every member of the Labour party. A few men outside the Socialist45 party who have acquainted themselves with the publications of that party were quite prepared for this demand of a complete change in the organisation of society. And as they saw that party grow with startling rapidity they knew we should not have long to wait before these subversive46 ideas would be formulated47 in the House of Commons. Still, even for the students of Socialist literature, the actual tabling of the resolution on behalf of the second largest party in the State came as a surprise and a shock. Too much credit was given to the restraining influence of the trade union section of the party. Sir Lynden Macassey, in his informing book on "Labour Policy, False and True," points out that it was in 1885 that the avowed48 advocates of this proposal for the abolition49 of private property and for the nationalisation of[Pg 297] all the means of production and distribution first stood for Parliament. There were only two candidates standing50 on this platform, and they polled 32 and 29 votes respectively. Last election the aggregate51 Socialist poll reached the imposing52 figure of 4,251,011 votes. The party that secured a majority of members in the House of Commons only polled 5,457,871 votes. Mr. Ramsay MacDonald states categorically that he knows that the Independent Liberal members—exclusive of their leaders—favour nationalisation and the capital levy53. If that be an accurate statement of the views of the majority of these gentlemen, and of those who elect them, nearly one-half the British electorate are already prepared to assent54 to Socialism by easy stages—which is the purport55 of Mr. Philip Snowden's motion.
On that assumption we are on the eve of greater and more fundamental changes affecting the lives of every class and condition of men and women than have yet been seen in this country. Hence the new sense of struggle with which the political atmosphere is palpitating. Capitalism56 is to be arraigned57 before the Supreme Court of the Nation, condemned58, sentenced, and executed by [Pg 298]instalments—Chinese fashion. The composition of that court is not to-day favourable59 to the prosecution60. But who will be the judge after the next general election? It is customary in political controversy to state that the election which is for the moment impending61 will be the most epoch-making in history. Without exaggeration, the next British election may well turn out to be so. The British people, with their inherited political instinct, are beginning to realise that grave decisions must then be taken. Hence the greater keenness shown by the voters at by-elections—hence the new interest taken by the public in the proceedings of Parliament. There is still a good deal of apathy62 and indifference63. The average comfortable citizen is still inclined to think these Socialist schemes so crazy as to be impossible. They cannot believe that 21,000,000 of sane64 people can possibly contemplate65 giving their sanction to such fantasies.
There are two cardinal66 facts which are constantly overlooked by the complacent67. The men and women who have no property for the State to seize constitute an overwhelming majority of the electors of the country. The second fact to note is the great preponderance of the industrial population over[Pg 299] the steadier and more stolid68 agricultural population. America, in spite of its gigantic manufacturing and distributing industries, still retains 60 per cent. of its population on the land. The same proportion of the French and Italian populations is agrarian69. Barely 10 per cent. of the British workers are engaged in cultivating the soil. Most of our workers breathe and have their being in the crowded and excitable atmosphere of factories, workshops, and mines. The air is filled with germs of all kinds, and isolation70 in these thronging71 areas is impossible. Hence the rapidity with which the fever has spread.
Can it be arrested? Nothing will be done until the danger is visible to every eye. To vary the metaphor72, no one will believe in the flood until it is upon us. Trained weather prophets who forecast its coming will be laughed at or told they have a personal or party interest in ark building. It is an old tale—as old as the dawn of history. "As in the days before the flood, they were eating and drinking and knew not until the flood came and took them all away."
The trouble can only be averted73 in two ways. One is the systematic74 inculcation of sound doctrines[Pg 300] of economic truth into the minds of the working people of this country. The second, and the more important, is the rooting out of the social evils which furnish the revolutionary with striking and indisputable object-lessons of the failure of the capitalistic system as an agent of human happiness. Without the latter the former effort will be futile75. Arguments in favour of the existing order will be refuted by glaring and painful facts. Meanwhile, let the champions of that order take note of the efforts put forth37 by the Socialists76 to advertise their eagerness to redress77 the wrongs of the ex-service men and to soften78 the asperities79 of discipline for the soldier. The Socialist leaders have shrewdly taken note of the causes that produced the overthrow80 of their Italian brethren, and they mean to take such steps as will ensure that if Fascism comes in Britain it will be an ally, and not a foe81.
London, April 16th, 1923.
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1 organisation | |
n.组织,安排,团体,有机休 | |
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2 electorate | |
n.全体选民;选区 | |
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3 coalition | |
n.结合体,同盟,结合,联合 | |
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4 agitate | |
vi.(for,against)煽动,鼓动;vt.搅动 | |
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5 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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6 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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7 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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8 murmur | |
n.低语,低声的怨言;v.低语,低声而言 | |
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9 suffrage | |
n.投票,选举权,参政权 | |
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10 enfranchisement | |
选举权 | |
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11 wholesale | |
n.批发;adv.以批发方式;vt.批发,成批出售 | |
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12 notably | |
adv.值得注意地,显著地,尤其地,特别地 | |
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13 culminated | |
v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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14 acquiesced | |
v.默认,默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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15 underlying | |
adj.在下面的,含蓄的,潜在的 | |
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16 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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17 feud | |
n.长期不和;世仇;v.长期争斗;世代结仇 | |
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18 drenched | |
adj.湿透的;充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 );在某人(某物)上大量使用(某液体) | |
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19 moors | |
v.停泊,系泊(船只)( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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20 hatreds | |
n.仇恨,憎恶( hatred的名词复数 );厌恶的事 | |
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21 strife | |
n.争吵,冲突,倾轧,竞争 | |
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22 tumult | |
n.喧哗;激动,混乱;吵闹 | |
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23 wresting | |
动词wrest的现在进行式 | |
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24 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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25 dominant | |
adj.支配的,统治的;占优势的;显性的;n.主因,要素,主要的人(或物);显性基因 | |
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26 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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27 attain | |
vt.达到,获得,完成 | |
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28 creed | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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29 frigid | |
adj.寒冷的,凛冽的;冷淡的;拘禁的 | |
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30 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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31 lashed | |
adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 );煽动;紧系;怒斥 | |
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32 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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33 rebound | |
v.弹回;n.弹回,跳回 | |
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34 omens | |
n.前兆,预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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35 unprecedented | |
adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
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36 enacted | |
制定(法律),通过(法案)( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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37 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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38 gusts | |
一阵强风( gust的名词复数 ); (怒、笑等的)爆发; (感情的)迸发; 发作 | |
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39 exhaustion | |
n.耗尽枯竭,疲惫,筋疲力尽,竭尽,详尽无遗的论述 | |
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40 momentous | |
adj.重要的,重大的 | |
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41 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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42 organise | |
vt.组织,安排,筹办 | |
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43 legislative | |
n.立法机构,立法权;adj.立法的,有立法权的 | |
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44 supersession | |
取代,废弃; 代谢 | |
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45 socialist | |
n.社会主义者;adj.社会主义的 | |
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46 subversive | |
adj.颠覆性的,破坏性的;n.破坏份子,危险份子 | |
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47 formulated | |
v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 );规划;确切地阐述;用公式表示 | |
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48 avowed | |
adj.公开声明的,承认的v.公开声明,承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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49 abolition | |
n.废除,取消 | |
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50 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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51 aggregate | |
adj.总计的,集合的;n.总数;v.合计;集合 | |
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52 imposing | |
adj.使人难忘的,壮丽的,堂皇的,雄伟的 | |
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53 levy | |
n.征收税或其他款项,征收额 | |
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54 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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55 purport | |
n.意义,要旨,大要;v.意味著,做为...要旨,要领是... | |
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56 capitalism | |
n.资本主义 | |
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57 arraigned | |
v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 );控告;传讯;指责 | |
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58 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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59 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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60 prosecution | |
n.起诉,告发,检举,执行,经营 | |
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61 impending | |
a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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62 apathy | |
n.漠不关心,无动于衷;冷淡 | |
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63 indifference | |
n.不感兴趣,不关心,冷淡,不在乎 | |
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64 sane | |
adj.心智健全的,神志清醒的,明智的,稳健的 | |
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65 contemplate | |
vt.盘算,计议;周密考虑;注视,凝视 | |
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66 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
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67 complacent | |
adj.自满的;自鸣得意的 | |
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68 stolid | |
adj.无动于衷的,感情麻木的 | |
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69 agrarian | |
adj.土地的,农村的,农业的 | |
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70 isolation | |
n.隔离,孤立,分解,分离 | |
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71 thronging | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的现在分词 ) | |
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72 metaphor | |
n.隐喻,暗喻 | |
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73 averted | |
防止,避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 ); 转移 | |
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74 systematic | |
adj.有系统的,有计划的,有方法的 | |
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75 futile | |
adj.无效的,无用的,无希望的 | |
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76 socialists | |
社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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77 redress | |
n.赔偿,救济,矫正;v.纠正,匡正,革除 | |
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78 soften | |
v.(使)变柔软;(使)变柔和 | |
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79 asperities | |
n.粗暴( asperity的名词复数 );(表面的)粗糙;(环境的)艰苦;严寒的天气 | |
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80 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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81 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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