But most strongly does he condemn3 the conduct of the idle curious who would come off from the shore to see the prisoners on the hulks.
‘Les femmes même ont montré une indifférence vraiment choquante. On en a vu rester des heures entières les yeux fixés sur le Parc où se tiennent les prisonniers, sans que e spectacle de misère qui affecterait si vivement une Fran?aise ait fait couler une seule larme; le rire insultant était, au contraire, sur leurs lèvres. Les prisonniers n’ont connu qu’un seul exemple d’une femme qui s’évanou?t à la vue du Parc.’
In the House of Commons on December 26, 1812, during a debate upon the condition of the foreign prisoners of war in England, Croker, Secretary to the Admiralty, declared that he had inspected the hulks at Portsmouth, and had found the prisoners thereon ‘comfortable and happy and well provided with amusement’, and Sir George Warrender said much the same about Chatham.
Colonel Lebertre remarks on this:
‘Men sensual and hardened by pleasures! You who in full Parliament outrage6 your victims and declare that the prisoners are happy! Would you know the full horror of their condition, come without giving notice beforehand; dare to descend7 before daylight into the tombs in which you 76bury living creatures who are human beings like yourselves; try to breathe for one minute the sepulchral8 vapour which these unfortunates breathe for many years, and which sometimes suffocates9 them; see them tossing in their hammocks, assailed10 by thousands of insects, and wooing in vain the sleep which could soften11 for one moment their sufferings!’
He describes, as did the Baron12 de Bonnefoux, the Raffalés who sold all their clothes, and went naked in obedience13 to one of the laws of their camaraderie14, who slept huddled15 together for warmth in ranks which changed position by words of command. He says that some of the prisoners were so utterly16 miserable17 that they accepted pay from the authorities to act as spies upon their fellows. He describes the rude courts of justice held, and instances how one man who stole five louis received thirty blows with a rope’s end; he refers to the terrible vice18 prevalent upon the prison ships, and remarks that ‘life on them is the touchstone of a man’s character’.
When he arrived on the Canada there was no vacant sleeping place, but for 120 francs he bought a spot in the middle of the battery, not near a port, ‘just big enough to hold his dead body’. Still, he admits that the officers treated him with as much consideration as their orders would allow.
On August 11, 1812, in response to many urgent remonstrances19 from influential20 prisoners against the custom of herding21 officers and men together, all the officers on the hulks at Chatham were transferred to the lower or thirty-six gun battery of the Brunswick, in number 460. Here they had to submit to the same tyranny as on the other ships, except that they were allowed to have wine if they could afford to pay six francs a bottle for it, which few of them could do. Later, General Pillet and other ‘broke paroles’, on account of the insulting letters they wrote on the subject of being allowed rum or other spirits, were confined to the regulation small beer. The Transport Office wrote: ‘Indeed, when the former unprincipled conduct of these officers is considered, with their present combination to break through the rules, obviously tending to insurrection and a consequent renewal23 of bloodshed, we think it proper that they should immediately be removed to separate prison ships.’
77We now come to the most rabid of the Frenchmen, General Pillet. Pillet was severely24 wounded and taken prisoner at Vimiero in 1808, and—in violation25, he says, of the second article of the Convention of Cintra, which provided that no French should be considered prisoners of war, but should be taken out of Portugal with arms, &c., by British ships—was brought to England, with many other officers. He was at once allowed to be on parole at Alresford, but, not considering himself bound by any parole terms, attempted to escape with Paolucci, Captain of the Friedland captured in 1808 by the Standard and Active, but was recaptured and sent to the dép?t at Norman Cross. Here his conduct was so reprehensible27 that he was sent to the Brunswick at Chatham. From the Brunswick he tried to escape in a vegetable boat, but this attempt failed, and it is to the subsequent rigour of his treatment that must be attributed his vitriolic28 hatred29 of Britain.
General Pillet is of opinion that the particular branch of the Navy told off for duty on the prison ships was composed of the most miserable scum of English society; of men who have either been accomplices30 in or guilty of great crimes, and who had been given by the magistrates31 the alternative of being marines or of being hanged!
He speaks of the Chatham hulks as abominably33 situated34 near foul35 marshes36—which is undeniably true. The quarters of the prisoners were in no place high enough for a man to stand upright; fourteen little ports, unglazed but barred, of seventeen inches square, on each side of the deck, gave all the light and air obtainable. When they were shut they were fast shut, so that during the winter months the prisoners breathed foul air for sixteen hours a day. Hence they went naked, and so, when the cold air was admitted the results were fatal. The overcrowding of the hulks, says Pillet, was part of the great Government design of killing37 the prisoners, and asserts that even a London newspaper, quoting the opinion of a medical board in London, said that the strongest of men, after six years’ life on the hulks, must be physically38 wrecked39 for life.
The hammock space allowed was six feet in length, but swinging reduced them to four and a half. Newcomers were often obliged to sleep on the bare deck, as there was no other vacant space, and there was no distinction of ranks. However, 78officers were generally able to buy spaces, upon which practice Pillet remarks:
‘C’est une misérable spéculation pour un pauvre prisonnier affamé; il consent à vendre sa place afin de se procurer un peu plus de vivre pendant quelques jours, et afin de ne pas mourir de faim il accélère la destruction de sa santé, et se réduit dans cette horrible situation à coucher sur un plancher ruisselant d’eau, l’évaporisation des transpirations forcées qui a lieu dans ce séjour d’angoisses et de la mort.’
He declares that the air is so foul when the decks are shut up that the candles will not burn, and he has heard even the guards call for help when they have opened the hatches and the air has escaped. The food he describes as execrable, so that the two boats which had the monopoly of coming alongside to sell butter, tea, coffee, sugar, potatoes, candles, and tobacco at a price one-third above that on land, did a roaring trade. The general reply to complaints was that any food was good enough for French dogs.
If they were badly fed, says Pillet, they were worse clothed. Nominally42 they received every eighteen months a coat, waistcoat, breeches, two pairs of stockings, two shirts, a pair of shoes, and a cap. He declares he can prove that the prisoners did not receive this complete rig-out once in four years, and that if a prisoner had any rags of his own, or received any money, he got no clothes! What clothes they did get were so badly made that they generally had to be re-made. He says that at Portsmouth, where the hulk agent Woodriff was at any rate conscientious43 enough to issue the clothes on the due dates, his secretary would buy back the shirts at one shilling each, and so, as Government paid three shillings each for them, and there were at Portsmouth, Forton, and Portchester some twelve thousand prisoners on the average, his ‘pickings’ must have been considerable!
In a note he gives the instance of the reply of Commander Mansell, who commanded the prison-ship police at Chatham in 1813, when the fact that not one quarter of the clothing due to the prisoners had been delivered to them, was proved clearly: ‘I am afraid it is too true, but I have nothing to do with it. I cannot help it.’
79From the Carnet d’étapes du Sergt.-Maj. Beaudouin, 31e demi-brigade de ligne, I take the following account of life on the hulks.
‘On October 31st, 1809, Beaudouin left Valleyfield where he had been confined since June 10th, 1804, and came on board the Bristol hulk at Chatham. At this time the hulks were the Glory, three decker, Bristol, Crown Prince, Buckingham, Sampson (mauvais sujets), Rochester, Southwick, Irresistible44, Bahama (Danes), and Trusty, hospital ship, holding in all 6,550 prisoners.’
Beaudouin says:
‘The difference between the land prisons and the hulks is very marked. There is no space for exercise, prisoners are crowded together, no visitors come to see them, and we are like forsaken45 people. There is no work but the corvées to get our water, and to scrape in winter and wash in summer our sleeping place. In a word, only to see them is to be horrified46. The anchorage at Chatham is bounded by low and ill-cultured shores; the town is two miles away—a royal dockyard where there is much ship-building. At the side of it is a fine, new, well-armed fort, and adjoining it a little town named Rochester, where there are two windmills, and two more in Chatham. By the London road, three miles off, there are four windmills. The people of this country are not so pleasant and kind as in Scotland, in fact I believe “the sex” is not so beautiful.’
Very soon the Bristol was condemned47 and its prisoners transferred to the Fyen, and at the same time the Rochester and Southwick were replaced by the Canada and Nassau. On the Fyen were 850 prisoners, but during 1810 and 1811 a great many Chatham prisoners were sent to Norman Cross and Scotland.
Beaudouin comments thus bitterly:
‘It is unfortunate for me that my circle of acquaintances is so limited, and that I cannot therefore make sufficiently48 known the crimes of a nation which aims at the supremacy49 in Europe. It poses as an example among nations, but there are no brigands50 or savages51 as well versed52 in wickedness as it is. Day by day they practise their cruelties upon us, unhappy prisoners. That is where they are cowardly fighters! against defenceless men! Half the time they give us provisions which the very dogs refuse. Half the time the bread is not baked, and is only good to bang against a wall; the meat 80looks as if it had been dragged in the mud for miles. Twice a week we get putrid54 salt food, that is to say, herrings on Wednesday, cod55-fish on Saturday. We have several times refused to eat it, and as a result got nothing in its place, and at the same time are told that anything is good enough for a Frenchman. Therein lies the motive56 of their barbarity.’
A short description of the terrible Sampson affair is given elsewhere (p. 93), but as Beaudouin was evidently close by at the time, his more detailed57 account is perhaps worth quoting.
‘On the Sampson the prisoners refused to eat the food. The English allowed them to exist two days without food. The prisoners resolved to force the English to supply them with eatable provisions. Rather than die of hunger they all went on deck and requested the captain either to give them food or to summon the Commandant of the anchorage. The brute58 replied that he would not summon the Commandant, and that they should have no other provisions than those which had been served out to them two days previously59. The prisoners refused to touch them. The “brigand” then said: “As you refuse to have this food, I command you to return below immediately or I will fire upon you.” The prisoners could not believe that he really meant what he said and refused to go below.
‘Hardly had they made this declaration, when the Captain gave the word to the guard to fire, which was at once done, the crowd being fired upon. The poor wretches60, seeing that they were being fired upon without any means of defence, crowded hastily down, leaving behind only the killed and wounded—fifteen killed and some twenty wounded! Then the Captain hoisted61 the mutiny signal which brought reinforcements from the other ships, and all were as jubilant as if a great victory had been won.
‘I do not believe that any Frenchman lives who hates this nation more than I do; and all I pray for is that I may be able to revenge myself on it before I die.’
Beaudouin wrote a poem of 514 alexandrines, entitled:
Les Prisons d’Albion.
Ou la malheureuse situation des prisonniers en Angleterre.
Bellum nobis haec mala fecit.
I give in the original the first and last ‘chants’ of this embittered62 production.
81I
‘Tu veux, mon cher ami, que ranimant ma verve
Je te peigne sans fard, sans crainte, et sans réserve,
Sous lesquels sont plongés les captifs d’Albion.
Va chanter sur des tons, hélas! bien douloureux,
Les maux, les maux cuisans de bien des malheureux.’
LXIV
‘Je t’ai dépeint sans fard l’exacte vérité,
Tels sont les maux cruels de la captivité.
O vous qui de bonheur go?tez en paix les charmes,
Si vous lisez mes vers, donnez-nous quelques larmes;
S’ils n’impriment chez vous une tendre affection,
Vous êtes, plus que nous, dignes de compassion65!’
Speaking of the horrible moral effects of the bad treatment he says:
‘The ruin of their comrades and the depravities which were daily committed in public, impressed right thinking men with so frightful66 force that this place means a double suffering to them.’
In 1812 it was reported that a batch67 of incurables68 would be sent home to France, and Beaudouin resolved to get off with them by making himself ill. He starved himself into such a condition that he was sent into hospital, but the doctor would not pass him as an incurable69. He swallowed tobacco juice, and at last, in a miserable state, turned up with the candidates. Then it was announced that no privateersmen, but only regular seamen70, would be sent. Beaudouin, being a soldier, and being among the privateersmen, was in despair. However, a kindly71 English doctor pitied him, cured him of his self-inflicted illness, and got him leave to go.
On June 2, 1812, he was ready to sail, but was searched first for letters. Luckily none were discovered, although he had sixty sewn between the soles of his shoes, and 200 in a box with a double bottom. He sailed on June 4, the king’s birthday—that day eight years previously he had arrived at Greenock amidst the Royal salutes—arrived at Morlaix, and so home 82to Boiscommun (Loiret), canton of Beaune-la-Rolande, arrondissement of Pithiviers.
The following experiences of an American prisoner of war are from The Journal of a Young Man of Massachusetts, (1816), who was a surgeon, by name Benjamin Waterhouse, captured at sea in May 1813, and confined on Melville Island, Halifax, whence he was transported to Chatham, and then to Dartmoor. The account is interesting as showing the very marked difference between the American and the French prisoners of war, and is otherwise remarkable72 for the hatred and contempt of the writer for Britons in general and for Scotsmen in particular, entire pages being devoted73 to their vilification74. Waterhouse, with a hundred of his countrymen, was shipped to England on the Regulus, and his complaints are bitter about the shameful75 treatment on board—the filth76, the semi-starvation, the vermin, the sleeping on stone ballast, the lack of air owing to the only opening to the lower deck being a hatchway two feet square, the brutal77 rule of allowing only two prisoners to go on deck at a time, and the presence in their midst of the only latrine. The captain, a Scotsman, would only yield to constant petitions and remonstrances so far as to sanction the substitution of iron bars for the hatchway.
After a miserable voyage the prisoners reached Portsmouth, and, starved, vermin-eaten, and in rags, were shipped off to the Crown Prince, Captain Hutchison, at Chatham, where were thirteen other prison ships and some 1,200 Americans. On this hulk, Waterhouse says, they fared ‘as well as could be expected ... not that we fared so well as British prisoners fare in America’, the daily allowance being half a pound of beef, one gill of barley78, one and a half pounds of bread, on five days of the week, and on the others one pound cod fish, and one pound potatoes, or one pound smoked herring, porter and beer being purchasable. He dilates79 bitterly on the extraordinary lack of humanity in John Bull, as evidenced by the hard fare of soldiers and sailors, the scoundrelism of some officers, especially those of the provisioning departments, and, above all, the shockingly cruel punishments in the Army and Navy. During the daytime, he says, life on a prison ship was not so unpleasant, but at night the conditions were very bad—especially as 83American prisoners were more closely watched and guarded than were men of other nationalities. ‘The French were always busy in some little mechanical employ, or in gaming, or in playing the fool, but the Americans seemed to be on the rack of invention to escape.’
Amongst themselves, the Americans elected by voting, every four weeks, a President, and twelve Committee men, whose functions were to make wholesome80 laws, to define crimes and award punishments, and particularly to insist upon personal cleanliness. The punishments were fines, whippings, and in very extreme cases the Black Hole. The volubility and the eloquence81 of the orators82 at these Committee Meetings very much impressed the British officers. The Frenchmen, Waterhouse says, were almost to a man gamblers:
‘Their skill and address at these games of apparent hazard were far superior to the Americans. They seemed calculated for gamesters; their vivacity84, their readiness, and their everlasting85 professions of friendship were nicely adapted to inspire confidence in the unsuspecting American Jack86 Tar4, who has no legerdemain87 about him. Most of the prisoners were in the way of earning a little money; but almost all of them were deprived of it by the French gamesters. Our people stood no chance with them, but were commonly stripped of every cent, whenever they set out seriously to play with them. How often have I seen a Frenchman capering88, singing, and grinning in consequence of his stripping one of our sailors of all his money; ... the officers among them are the most adroit89 gamesters. We have all tried hard to respect them; but there is something in their conduct so much like swindling, that I hardly know what to say of them. When they knew that we had received money for the work we had been allowed to perform, they were very attentive90, and complaisant91 and flattering.... They would come round and say: “Ah! Boston fine town, very pretty—Cape Cod fine town, very fine! Town of Rhode Island superb! Bristol Ferry very pretty! General Washington très grand homme, General Madison brave homme!” With these expressions and broken English, they would accompany, with their monkey tricks, capering and grinning and patting us on the shoulder, with: “The Americans are brave men—fight like Frenchmen;” and by their insinuating92 manners allure93 our men once more to their wheels of fortune and billiard-tables, and as sure as they did, so sure did they strip them of all their money.’
84Waterhouse adds that ‘if an American, having lost all his money, wanted to borrow of a Frenchman under promise of repayment94, the latter would say: “Ah mon ami! I am sorry, very sorry, indeed; it is la fortune de guerre. If you have lost your money you must win it back again; that is the fashion in my country—we no lend, that is not the fashion!”...
‘There were here some Danes as well as Dutchmen. It is curious to observe their different looks and manners.... Here we see the thick-skulled plodding95 Dane, making a wooden dish; or else some of the most ingenious making a clumsy ship; while others submitted to the dirtiest drudgery96 of the hulk, for money; and there we see a Dutchman, picking to pieces tarred ropes ... or else you see him lazily stowed away in some corner, with his pipe ... while here and there and every where, you find a lively singing Frenchman, working in hair, or carving97 out of a bone, a lady, a monkey, or the central figure of the crucifixion! Among the specimens98 of American ingenuity99 I most admired their ships, which they built from three to five feet long.... Had not the French proved themselves to be a very brave people, I should have doubted it by what I have observed of them on board the prison-ship. They would scold, quarrel and fight, by slapping each other’s chops with the flat hand, and cry like so many girls.... Perhaps such a man as Napoleon Bonaparte could make any nation courageous100.’
Very bitter were the complaints of the Americans about the supine and indifferent attitude towards them of Beasley, their agent, who was supposed to keep constant watch and ward53 over the interests of his unfortunate countrymen. He lived in London, thirty-two miles away, paid no attention to complaints forwarded to him, and was heartily101 hated and despised. Once he paid a visit to the hulks in Gillingham Creek102, but seemed anxious to avoid all interviews and questionings, and left amidst a storm of hisses103 and jeers104.
Waterhouse dwells severely on the fact that the majority of the Americans on the Crown Prince and the other hulks were not men who had been fairly taken in open combat on the high seas, but men who had been impressed into the British Navy from American merchant ships previous to the war between the two countries and who, upon the Declaration of War, had given themselves up as prisoners of war, being naturally unwilling105 to fight against their own country, but who had been kept prisoners 85instead of being exchanged. This had been the British practice since 1755, but after the War of Independence it had ceased. All the same the British authorities had insisted upon the right of search for British subjects on American ships, and to the arbitrary and forcible exercise of this ‘right’ was very largely owing the War of 1812.
Waterhouse admits that on the whole he was treated as well on the Crown Prince as were the British prisoners at Salem or Boston. Recruiting sergeants106 for the British service came on board and tried to tempt26 Americans with a bounty107 of sixteen guineas, but they were only chaffed and sent off.
Later on, 500 more prisoners arrived from America in a pitiable condition, mostly Maryland and Pennsylvania men—‘Colonel Boerstler’s men who had been deceived, decoyed and captured near Beaver108 Dams on January 23rd, 1813’. With their cruel treatment on board the Nemesis109 on their trans-Atlantic voyage, Waterhouse contrasts favourably110 the kind treatment of the prisoners brought by the Poictiers 74, Captain Beresford, after his capture of the American Wasp111 and her prize the Frolic.
The author gives a glaring instance of provision cheating. By the terms of his contract, if the bread purveyor112 failed to send off to the hulks fresh bread when the weather was favourable113, he forfeited114 half a pound of bread to each man. For a long time the prisoners were kept in ignorance of this agreement, but they found it out, and on the next occasion when the forfeit115 was due, claimed it. Commodore Osmore refused it, and issued hard ship’s bread. The prisoners refused to take it. Osmore was furious, and ordered his marines to drive the prisoners, now in open mutiny, below. A disturbance116 was imminent117, but the Americans remained firm, and the commodore gave way.
The American prisoners took in newspapers, as they were mostly intelligent and well-educated men, but paid dearly for them.
The papers were the Statesman, Star, Bell’s Weekly Messenger, and Whig. The Statesman cost 28s. a month, plus 16s. a month for conveyance118 on board.
As the weather grew milder, matters were more comfortable 86on board until small-pox broke out. Vaccination119 was extensively employed, but many prisoners refused to submit to it, not from unbelief in its efficacy, but from misery120 and unwillingness121 to live! Then came typhus, in April 1814. There were 800 prisoners and 100 British on the ship. The hospital ship being crowded, part of the Crown Prince was set apart for patients, with the result that the mortality was very high. Still Beasley, the American agent, never came near the ship to inquire into affairs.
The gambling122 evil had now assumed such proportions that the Americans determined123 to put it down. In spite of the vigorous opposition124 of the Frenchmen, the ‘wheels of fortune’ were abolished, but the billiard-tables remained, it being urged by the Frenchmen that the rate of a halfpenny per game was not gambling, and that the game afforded a certain amount of exercise. There remained, however, a strong pro-gambling party among the Americans, and these men insisted upon continuing, and the committee sent one of them to the Black Hole without a trial. This angered his mates; a meeting was held, violent speeches were made in which the names of Hampden, Sidney, and Wilkes were introduced, and he was brought out. He was no ordinary rough tar, but a respectable well-educated New England yeoman, with the ‘gift of the gab’; and the results of his harangue125 were that the committee admitted their error, and he was released.
Finally the billiard-tables were abolished; a great improvement was soon manifest among the captives, education was fostered, and classes formed, although a few rough characters still held aloof126, and preferred skylarking, and the slanging and chaffing of passers-by in boats on the river.
In May 1814 four men went on deck and offered themselves for British service. Two got away, but two were caught by their mates, tried, and sentenced to be marked with indian ink on their foreheads with the letter T (= Traitor). The Frenchmen were now being shipped home. Some of them had been prisoners since 1803. Waterhouse comments upon the appalling127 ignorance among English people in the educated class of all matters American, and quotes the instance of the lady who, wishing to buy some of the articles made by the American 87prisoners, was confronted by the difficulty of ‘not knowing their language’!
Waterhouse describes the surroundings of the Crown Prince thus:
‘The Medway is a very pleasant river ... its banks are rich and beautiful.... The picture from the banks of the river to the top of the landscape is truly delightful128, and beyond any thing I ever saw in my own country, and this is owing to the hedges.... Nearly opposite our doleful prison stands the village of Gillingham, adorned129 with a handsome church; on the side next Chatham stands the castle, defended by more than an hundred cannon130.... This place is noted131 for making sulphate of iron.... Near to this village of Gillingham is a neat house with a good garden, and surrounded by trees, which was bequeathed by a lady to the oldest boatswain in the Royal Navy.’
Waterhouse complains strongly of the immorality132 on board: ‘Such a sink of vice, I never saw, or ever dreamt of, as I have seen here,’ He relates a daring escape. A hole was cut through the ship’s side near the stern, the copper133 being removed all round except on one side so as to lap over and be opened or closed at will. Sixteen men escaped through this, and swam ashore134 one dark night, the sentry135 on duty close by being allured136 away by the singing of droll137 songs and the passing of a can of grog. At the numbering of the prisoners next morning, the correct tale was made up by the passing through a hole cut in the bulk-head of sixteen men who had been already counted. At another attempt two men slipped into the water; one of them got tired and benumbed with cold, and turned back. The sentry heard him breathing and said: ‘Ah! Here is a porpoise138, and I’ll stick him with my bayonet,’ and only the crying out of the poor would-be refugee saved him. The ship’s officers on examining the hole were amazed, and one of them remarked that he did not believe that the Devil himself could keep these fellows in hell if they made up their minds to get out. The next day the other poor chap was seen lying dead on the beach, and to the disgust of the prisoners was allowed to remain there two days before he was buried.
Commodore Osmore was always the butt41 of the American 88prisoners. A yarn139 got about that he had procured140 a sheep from a farmer ashore without paying for it. Thereupon his appearance was the signal for a chorus of ‘Baa! Baa!’ He was mad with rage, and ordered the port through which the insulting chorus had been made to be closed. The Americans forced it open. The marines drove the prisoners from the fo’c’sle into the ‘Pound’. As more ‘Baa!’s resounded141, they were driven below decks, and all market boats were stopped from approaching the ship, so that for two days the prisoners were without extra food. However, Captain Hutchison instituted an inquiry142, and peace was arranged.
In June 1814 three men escaped in a water tank. Others would have followed, but one of the former party had stupidly written an ironical143 letter of thanks to Captain Hutchison, in which he described the method of escape.
A daring escape was made from the Irresistible in broad daylight. Four Americans saw a jolly-boat made fast to the accommodation-ladder under the charge of a sentry. One of them was a big, strong Indian of the Narragansett tribe from Rhode Island. The four men dashed down, seized the sentry, disarmed144 him, threw him into the boat, and pulled off. They were fired at from all sides, and boats put off from all the ships to chase them, but only one man was wounded. They reached shore and struck across the fields, which were soon covered by people in chase from the farms and brickfields, who soon ran all the prisoners down except the Indian, who out-distanced the prisoners, and would have got away had he not sprained145 his ankle in getting over a fence, and even then, as he was sitting down, none of the country folk would approach him, until the marines came up. The chase had been closely followed with great excitement on the ship, and on the arrival of the captured men alongside, they were loudly cheered, their healths drunk, and the Indian at once dubbed146 ‘Baron Trenck’. Said the boys: ‘If it took 350 British seamen and marines to capture four Yankees, how many British sailors and marines would it take to catch ten thousand of us?’
Two Scotsmen Waterhouse excepted from his condemnation147 of their nation: Galbraith, the master-at-arms, and Barnes, the sailing-master, who was wont148 to reprove them for misdeeds, 89saying: ‘I expect better things of you as Americans, I consider you all in a different light from that of a d—d set of French monkeys.’
The British officers were clearly uneasy about their custody149 of the Americans, and felt it to be an ignoble150 business. Said they: ‘The Yankees seemed to take a pleasure in making us uneasy, and in exciting our apprehensions151 of their escape, and then they laugh and make themselves merry at our anxiety. In fact, they have systematized the art of tormenting152.’
The Government, too, appreciated ‘the difficult task which the miserable officers of this miserable Medway fleet had to perform’. It did not wish them to be more rigorous, yet knew that more rigour was necessary. Rumours153 got about that in desperation the Government was about to transfer all the Americans from the prison ships to Dartmoor—the place which, it was said, had been lost by the Duchess of Devonshire at a game of hazard to the Prince of Wales, who determined to utilize154 it profitably by making a prison there.
The national festival on July 4 was duly celebrated155 on board the two prison ships Crown Prince and Nassau. An additional allowance of drink was sanctioned, but the American flag was only allowed to be flown as high as the ‘railings’. There were drums and pipes which played Yankee Doodle on the fo’c’sle: cheers were exchanged between the ships, and the toast of the day was drunk in English porter. There was, of course, much speechifying, especially on the Nassau, where one orator83 declaimed for half an hour, and another recited a poem, ‘The Impressment of an American Sailor Boy’, which is too long to be quoted, but which, says our author, brought tears into many eyes. All passed off quietly, and acknowledgement is made of the ‘extraordinary good behaviour of all the British officers and men on board the Crown Prince‘.
Although Commodore Osmore was unpopular with the Americans, his charming wife exercised a good influence in the ship by her amiability156 and appreciation157 of the fact that American prisoners were not all a gang of vagabonds; and gradually a better feeling developed between captors and captured.
90In August 1814 the news of the transfer to Dartmoor was confirmed, and, says Waterhouse, was received with regret on the Crown Prince—the ship being ‘actually viewed with feelings of attachment’. The last scene, however, was marked by a disturbance.
Thirty prisoners had been told off to prepare for embarkation158 on a tender. At the appointed hour no tender appeared, and the embarkation was put off. But all hammocks had been packed, and upon application to Osmore for hammocks, the prisoners were told to shift as they could for the night, as the tender would arrive early the next morning, and it was not worth while to unpack159 the hammocks. Upon hearing this the prisoners resolved that if they were to be deprived of their night’s rest, nobody else should have any. So they harnessed themselves to benches, and ran about the deck, shouting and singing, and bumping the benches against everything which would make a noise, jammed down the marines’ crockery and brought into play every article which could add to the pandemonium160. Osmore sent a marine32 down to quiet them. The marine returned, dishevelled, and disarmed. Osmore was furious. ‘I’ll be d—d if I do not fire on them!’ he roared: ‘Fire, and be d—d,’ was the response. As it was useless to attempt to quiet them, and to fire would have been criminal, the commodore retired161, and did what he could to sleep amid the infernal din22 of bumping benches, jangling metal, shouts and songs, which lasted throughout the night.
When the tender took the men off in the morning it was to the accompaniment of a great roar of ‘Baa! Baa!’ as a parting shot.
The remainder of the Crown Prince Americans were transferred to the Bahama on October 15, 1814. Here they found 300 of their countrymen of the vicious, baser sort, gamblers all, and without any men of influence to order them. Danes occupied the main deck and Americans the lower. Jail fever had played havoc162 among Danes and Americans—no less than 84 of the latter being buried in the marshes in three months.
Next to the Bahama lay the Belliqueux hulk, full of harmless and dull Scandinavians, so that the captain thereof, having nothing to do in his own ship, started to spy upon the doings 91aboard the Bahama, and succeeded in getting a marine punished for smuggling163 liquor. Next day, the rations40 were fish and potatoes. The Americans collected all their potatoes, and watched for the appearance of the Belliqueux commander for his spying promenade164 on his quarter deck, the result being that when he did appear, he was greeted with such a hail of potatoes that he was fain to beat an undignified retreat. Soon he came off in his boat to complain to Commander Wilson of the Bahama of his treatment. Wilson, a passionate165, hot-tempered, but just and humane166 man, said he was very sorry, but could do nothing, so back the discomfited167 officer had to go, pelted168 with more potatoes and some coals. Said Wilson: ‘These Americans are the sauciest169 dogs I ever saw; but d—n me if I can help liking170 them, nor can I ever hate men who are so much like ourselves.’
In October 1814 two hundred Americans were sent to Plymouth, where they were at once boarded by an army of loose women.
With Waterhouse’s experiences at Dartmoor I deal in the chapter devoted to that prison.
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1
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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tar
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| n.柏油，焦油；vt.涂或浇柏油/焦油于 | |
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muse
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| n.缪斯（希腊神话中的女神），创作灵感 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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sepulchral
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| adj.坟墓的，阴深的 | |
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suffocates
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| （使某人）窒息而死( suffocate的第三人称单数 )； （将某人）闷死； 让人感觉闷热； 憋气 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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camaraderie
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| n.同志之爱，友情 | |
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huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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19
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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21
herding
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| 中畜群 | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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reprehensible
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| adj.该受责备的 | |
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vitriolic
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| adj.硫酸的，尖刻的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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abominably
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| adv. 可恶地，可恨地，恶劣地 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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41
butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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42
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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43
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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44
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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45
Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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46
horrified
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| a.(表现出)恐惧的 | |
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47
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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48
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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49
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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50
brigands
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| n.土匪，强盗( brigand的名词复数 ) | |
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51
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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52
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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53
ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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54
putrid
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| adj.腐臭的；有毒的；已腐烂的；卑劣的 | |
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55
cod
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| n.鳕鱼；v.愚弄；哄骗 | |
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56
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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57
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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58
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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59
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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60
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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61
hoisted
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| 把…吊起，升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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62
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63
tableau
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| n.画面，活人画（舞台上活人扮的静态画面） | |
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64
plaintive
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| adj.可怜的，伤心的 | |
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compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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66
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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67
batch
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| n.一批(组，群)；一批生产量 | |
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68
incurables
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| 无法治愈，不可救药( incurable的名词复数 ) | |
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incurable
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| adj.不能医治的，不能矫正的，无救的；n.不治的病人，无救的人 | |
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70
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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71
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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72
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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73
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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74
vilification
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| n.污蔑，中伤，诽谤 | |
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75
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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76
filth
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| n.肮脏，污物，污秽；淫猥 | |
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77
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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78
barley
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| n.大麦，大麦粒 | |
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79
dilates
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| v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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80
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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81
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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82
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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83
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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84
vivacity
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| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
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85
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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86
jack
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| n.插座，千斤顶，男人；v.抬起，提醒，扛举；n.（Jake）杰克 | |
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87
legerdemain
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| n.戏法，诈术 | |
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88
capering
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| v.跳跃，雀跃( caper的现在分词 )；蹦蹦跳跳 | |
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89
adroit
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| adj.熟练的，灵巧的 | |
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90
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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91
complaisant
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| adj.顺从的，讨好的 | |
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92
insinuating
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| adj.曲意巴结的，暗示的v.暗示( insinuate的现在分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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93
allure
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| n.诱惑力，魅力；vt.诱惑，引诱，吸引 | |
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94
repayment
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| n.偿还，偿还款；报酬 | |
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95
plodding
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| a.proceeding in a slow or dull way | |
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96
drudgery
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| n.苦工，重活，单调乏味的工作 | |
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97
carving
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| n.雕刻品，雕花 | |
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98
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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99
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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100
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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101
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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102
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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103
hisses
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| 嘶嘶声( hiss的名词复数 ) | |
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104
jeers
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| n.操纵帆桁下部（使其上下的）索具；嘲讽( jeer的名词复数 )v.嘲笑( jeer的第三人称单数 ) | |
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105
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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106
sergeants
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| 警官( sergeant的名词复数 )； （美国警察）警佐； （英国警察）巡佐； 陆军（或空军）中士 | |
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107
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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108
beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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109
nemesis
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| n.给以报应者，复仇者，难以对付的敌手 | |
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110
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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111
wasp
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| n.黄蜂，蚂蜂 | |
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112
purveyor
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| n.承办商，伙食承办商 | |
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113
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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114
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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116
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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117
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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118
conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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119
vaccination
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| n.接种疫苗，种痘 | |
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120
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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122
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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125
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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129
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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130
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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131
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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132
immorality
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| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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133
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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134
ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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135
sentry
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| n.哨兵，警卫 | |
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136
allured
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| 诱引，吸引( allure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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droll
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| adj.古怪的，好笑的 | |
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138
porpoise
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| n.鼠海豚 | |
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139
yarn
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| n.纱，纱线，纺线；奇闻漫谈，旅行轶事 | |
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140
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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141
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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142
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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143
ironical
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| adj.讽刺的，冷嘲的 | |
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144
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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sprained
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| v.&n. 扭伤 | |
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146
dubbed
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| v.给…起绰号( dub的过去式和过去分词 )；把…称为；配音；复制 | |
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147
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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148
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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149
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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150
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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151
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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152
tormenting
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| 使痛苦的，使苦恼的 | |
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153
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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154
utilize
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| vt.使用，利用 | |
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155
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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156
amiability
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| n.和蔼可亲的，亲切的，友善的 | |
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157
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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158
embarkation
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| n. 乘船, 搭机, 开船 | |
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159
unpack
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| vt.打开包裹（或行李），卸货 | |
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160
pandemonium
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| n.喧嚣，大混乱 | |
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161
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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163
smuggling
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| n.走私 | |
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164
promenade
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| n./v.散步 | |
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165
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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166
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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167
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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168
pelted
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| （连续地）投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续抨击； 攻击； 剥去…的皮 | |
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169
sauciest
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| adj.粗鲁的( saucy的最高级 )；粗俗的；不雅的；开色情玩笑的 | |
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170
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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