In July 1805, the Transport Office, impressed by the serious crowding of war-prisoners on the hulks at Plymouth and in the Millbay Prison, requested their representative, Mr. Daniel Alexander, to meet the Hon. E. Bouverie, at the house of Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, warden2 of the Stannaries, at Tor Royal, with the view of choosing a site for a great war-prison to hold 5,000 men.
Mr. Baring-Gould more than hints that the particular spot chosen owed its distinction entirely3 to the personal interests of Sir Thomas. Says he:
‘It is on the most inclement4 site that could have been selected, catching5 the clouds from the South West, and condensing fog about it when everything else is clear. It is exposed equally to the North and East winds. It stands over 1,400 feet above the sea, above the sources of the Meavy, in the highest as well as least suitable situation that could have been selected; the site determined6 by Sir Thomas, so as to be near his granite7 quarries8.’
On March 20, 1806, the first stone was laid; on May 24, 1809, the first prisoners came to it; in July the first two prisoners got out of it by bribing9 the sentries10, men of the Notts Militia11. The Frenchmen were recaptured, one at a place called ‘The Jumps’, the other at Kingsbridge. The soldiers, four in number, confessed they had received eight guineas each for their help, and two of them were condemned12 to be shot.
236
DARTMOOR WAR-PRISON, IN 1812.
(Reproduced by kind permission of Mr. Basil Thomson and Col. Winn.)
Key to the Plan.
1A
Prison.
2A
Prison.
3A
Prison.
4A
Prison.
5A
Prison.
6A
Prison. (New Building).
7A
Prison. (New Building).
B
Cookeries.
C
D
Watch-houses.
E
Basins.
F
Petty Officers’ Prison.
G
Market-place.
H
Hospital.
I
Receiving-house.
J
K
Bathing-place.
L
Matron’s House.
M
Washing-house.
N
Storage.
N
Store-houses.
O
Storage.
P
Q
R1
Mr. Holmden’s (Clerk) House.
R2
Mr. Bennet’s House.
R3
Mr. Winkworth’s House.
S
Captain Cotgrave’s House.
T
Agent’s Office.
U
Agent’s Garden.
V
Doctor’s House.
W
Doctor’s Garden.
X
Stables.
Y
Reservoir.
Z
Barracks.
1
Mr. Carpenter’s House.
2
Bakehouse.
3
Bell.
4
Miller’s House.
5
Burial-ground.
6
Dead-house.
7
Military Walk.
8
Ramparts.
9
Iron Rails, inside of which prisoners are confined.
10
Streams of water running from the reservoir.
11
Tavistock Road.
12
Princetown Road.
13
Morton Road.
14
Prison where Mr. V. made his first entry on December 12, 1811, with the track.
15
Prison where Mr. V. lives now, and track of walk allowed.
16
Mr. V. has liberty to go as far as 5th Gate.
17
New latter wall, is a mile in circumference20.
237Thirty acres were enclosed by stone walls, the outer of which was sixteen feet high,[10] and was separated by a broad military way from the inner wall, which was hung with bells on wires connected with all the sentry21 boxes dotted along it. One half of the circle thus enclosed was occupied by five huge barracks, each capable of holding more than 1,000 men, with their airing grounds and shelters for bad weather, their inner ends converging22 on a large open space, where was held the market. Each barrack consisted of two floors, and above the top floor ran, the length of the building, a roof room, designed for use when the weather was too bad even for the outdoor shelters, but, as we shall see, appropriated for other purposes. On each floor, a treble tier of hammocks was slung23 upon cast-iron pillars. Each barrack had its own airing ground, supply of running water, and Black Hole. The other half-circle was occupied by two spacious24 blocks, one the hospital, the other the petty officers’ prison, by the officials’ quarters, the kitchen, washing-houses, and other domestic offices, and outside the main, the Western Gate, the barrack for 400 soldiers and the officers’ quarters. The cost of the prison was ￡135,000.
By the foreign prisoners of war Dartmoor was regarded, and not without reason, as the most hateful of all the British prisons. At Norman Cross, at Stapleton, at Perth, at Valleyfield, at Forton, at Millbay, they were at any rate within sight and hearing of the outer world. Escape from any one of these places was, of course, made as difficult as possible, but when once an exit was effected, the rest was comparatively easy. But escape from Dartmoor meant very much more than the mere26 evading27 of sentries, the breaching28 and scaling of walls, or the patient labour of underground burrowing29. When all this was accomplished30 the fugitive31 found himself not in a crowded city, where he could be lost to sight among the multitude, nor in the open country where starvation was at any rate impossible, nor by a water highway to freedom, nor, in short, in a world wherein he could exercise his five senses with at least a chance of success; but in the wildest, most solitary32, most shelterless, most pathless, and, above all, most weather-tormented region of Britain. Any one who has tried to take his bearings in a Dartmoor fog, or who has been caught by a Dartmoor snowstorm at the fall of day can realize this; those who have not had one or other of these experiences, cannot do better than read The American Prisoner, by Mr. Eden Phillpotts.
More than this: at the other prisons a more or less sympathetic 238public was near at hand which kept the prisoners in touch with the free life without, even if many of its members were merely curious gapers and gazers, or purchasers of manufactures. At Dartmoor the natives who came to the prison gates, came only to sell their produce. Being natives of a remote district, they were generally prejudiced against the prisoners, and Farmer Newcombe’s speech in Mr. Phillpotts’ Farm of the Dagger33, accurately34 reproduces the sentiments prevalent among them:
‘Dartymoor’s bettern they deserve anyway. I should like to know what’s too bad for them as makes war on us. ’Tis only naked savages36, I should have thought, as would dare to fight against the most civilized37 and God-fearing nation in the world.’
Finally, it is much to be feared that the jacks-in-office and petty officials at Dartmoor, secure in their seclusion38 as they thought, were exacting39 and tyrannical to a degree not ventured upon in other places of confinement40 more easily accessible to the light of inspection41, and unsurrounded by a desert air into which the cries of anguish42 and distress43 would rise in vain.
All the same, it was not long before the condition of prison life in Dartmoor became known, even in high places.
In July 1811, the Independent Whig published revelations of the state of Dartmoor which caused Lord Cochrane, member for Westminster, to bring the facts before the notice of the House of Commons, but he expressed his disappointment that his exposure had been without result, asserting that the Government was afraid of losing what little character it had. He declared that the soil of Dartmoor was one vast marsh44, and was most pestilential. Captivity45, said he, was irksome enough without the addition of disease and torture. He asserted that the prison had been built for the convenience of the town, and not the town for the convenience of the prison, inasmuch as the town was a speculative46 project which had failed. ‘Its inhabitants had no market, were solitary, insulated, absorbed, and buried in their own fogs.’ To remedy this it was necessary to do something, and so came about the building of the prison.
The article in the Independent Whig which attracted Lord Cochrane’s attention was as follows:
239
‘To foreigners, bred for the most part in a region the temperature of which is so comparatively pure to the air of our climate at the best of times, a transition so dreadful must necessarily have fatal consequences, and indeed it is related that the prisoners commonly take to their beds at the first arrival, which nothing afterwards can induce them to quit.... Can it bear reflection, much less inspection? Six or seven thousand human beings, deprived of liberty by the chance of war ... consigned48 to linger out probably many tedious years in misery49 and disease!
‘While we declaim against the injustice50 and tyranny of our neighbours, shall we neglect the common duties of humanity? If we submit to crowd our dungeons51 with the virtuous52 and the just of our country, confounding moral guilt53 with unintentional error, and subjecting them to indiscriminate punishment and the most inhuman54 privations, though we submit to this among ourselves, do not let us pursue the same system towards individuals thrown on our compassion55 by the casualties of war, lest we provoke a general spirit of retaliation56, and plunge57 again the civilized world into the vortex of Barbarism. Let us not forget that the prisoner is a living trust in our hands, not to be subject to the wayward fancy of caprice, but a deposit placed at our disposal to be required at a future hour. It is a solemn charge, involving the care of life and the principle of humanity.’
‘Humanitas’ wrote in the Examiner, commenting upon Whitbread’s defence and laudation of Dartmoor as a residence, and amazed at the selection of such a place as the site for a prison:
‘The most inclement climate in England; for nine months there is no sun, and four and a half times as much rain as in Middlesex. The regiments59 on duty there have to be changed every two months. Were not the deaths during the first three years 1,000 a year, and 3,000 sick? Did not from 500 to 600 die in the winter of 1809? Is it not true that since some gentlemen visited the prison and published their terrible experiences, nobody has been allowed inside?’
The writer goes on, not so much to condemn13 the treatment of the prisoners as to blame the Government for spending so much money on such a site.
The Transport Office took counsel’s opinion about prosecuting60 these two newspapers for libel. It was as follows:
‘In my opinion both these papers are libellous. The first is the strongest, but if the statement of deaths in the other is, 240as I conceive it is, wholly unsupported by the fact, this is equally mischievous61. It is not, however, by any means clear to me that a jury will take the same view of the subject, ... but unless some serious consequences are to be apprehended62 from suffering these publications to go unnoticed, I should not be inclined to institute prosecutions63 upon them.
V. Gibbs.’
Later on, Vicary Gibbs thinks that they should be prosecuted64, but wants information about the heavy mortality of November 1809 to April 1810, and also tables of comparison between the deaths in our own barracks and those in French prisons.
I cannot trace the sequel of this, but, reading by the light of the times, it is probable that the matter was hushed up in the same way as were the exposures of Messrs. Batchelor and Andrews at Stapleton a few years previously65. The heavy mortality of the six months of 1809–10 was due to an epidemic66 of measles67, which carried off no less than 419 persons in the four months of 1810 alone.
Violent deaths among Dartmoor prisoners, whether from suicide or duel68 or murder, were so frequent, even in the earliest years of the prison, that in 1810 the coroner of this division of the county complained, praying that on account of the large numbers of inquests held—greater, he said, since the opening of the prison than during the preceding fourteen years—the ordinary allowance to jurors of 8d. per man be increased to 1s. He emphasized the difficulty of collecting jurors, these being principally small farmers and artificers, who had in most cases to travel long distances. The Parish of Lydford paid the fees, and the coroner’s request was granted.
From the Story of Dartmoor Prison by Mr. Basil Thomson, I have, with the kind permission of the author, taken many of the following facts, and with these I have associated some from the pen of the French writer, Catel.
In the preface to the latter’s book we read:
‘About six leagues to the North of Plymouth, under a dark and melancholy69 sky, in a cold and foggy atmosphere, a rocky, dry and almost naked soil, covered eight months of the year with a mantle70 of snow, shuts in a space of some square leagues. This appearance strikes the view, and communicates a sort of bitterness to the soul. Nature, more than indifferent in 241complete stagnation71, seems to have treated with avaricious72 parsimony73 this corner of land, without doubt the ugliest in England. It is in this place, where no human thought dare hope for the smallest betterment, that British philanthropy conceived and executed the double project of building a prison in time of war for French prisoners, in time of Peace for her own criminals condemned to penal74 servitude. Comment is needless. The reader will appreciate the double humanitarian75 thought which is apparent in its conception.’
Mr. Thomson informs us that the present Infirmary was the old petty officers’ prison. Here were confined officers who had broken their parole and who had been recaptured. Some of Rochambeau’s San Domingo officers were here, and the building was known as the ‘Petit Cautionnement’. As most of the officers here had private means, they formed a refined little society, dressed and lived well, and had servants to attend on them, taken from the ordinary prisoners, who were paid 3d. a day. Duels76 were frequent. In 1809, on the occasion of some national or provincial77 festival, there was a procession with band and banners. One Souville, a ma?tre d’armes, felt himself slighted because he had not been chosen to carry the national flag, and snatched it from a youth of eighteen, to whom it had been entrusted78. The youth attacked him with his fists and gave him a thrashing, which so enraged79 the other, whose métier was that of arms, that he challenged him. The youth could not fence, but as the weapons were sticks with razor-blades affixed80, this was not of serious moment. Souville, however, cut one of the youth’s fingers off.
In 1812 two prisoners fought with improvised81 daggers82 with such ferocity that both died before they could be carried to the hospital. In 1814, two fencing masters, hitherto great friends, quarrelled over the merits of their respective pupils, and fought with fists. The beaten man, Jean Vignon, challenged the other to a more real trial by combat, and they fought in the ‘cock-loft’ of No. 4 Prison—where are now the kitchen and chapel83. Vignon killed his opponent while the latter was stooping to pick up his foil, was brought up before the civil court, and condemned to six months for manslaughter.
Every day, except Sunday, a market was held from nine to twelve. Here, in exchange for money and produce, the 242prisoners sold the multifarious articles of their manufacture, excepting woollen mittens84 and gloves, straw hats or bonnets85, shoes, plaited straw, obscene toys and pictures, or articles made out of prison stores.
The chief punishment was relegation86 to the cachot or Black Hole. At first this was a small building in the Infirmary Yard of such poor construction that it was frequent for the inmates87 to break out of it and mix with the other prisoners. But in 1811 the French prisoners built a new one, twenty feet square, arch-roofed, and with a floor of granite blocks weighing a ton each.
Some escapes from Dartmoor were notable, one, indeed, so much so that I have given the hero of it, Louis Vanhille, a chapter to himself. Sevegran, a naval88 surgeon, and Aunay, a naval officer, observing that fifty men were marched into the prison every evening to help the turnkeys to get the prisoners into their respective casernes, made unto themselves Glengarry caps and overcoats out of odds89 and ends of cloth and blanket and, with strips of tin to look like bayonets, calmly fell in at the rear of the guard as they left the prison, and, favoured by rain and darkness, followed out of the prison, and, as the troops marched into barracks, got away. They had money, so from Plymouth—whither they tramped that night—they took coach to London. In order that they should have time to get well away, their accomplices90 in the prison at the call-over the next morning got up a disturbance91 which put the turnkey out of his reckoning, and so they were not at once missed.
Next evening, three other prisoners, Keronel, Vasselin, and Cherabeau, tried the same trick. All went well. At the third gate, the keeper asked if the locking-up was finished, and as there was no reply he said: ‘All these lobsters92 are deaf with their caps over their ears.’ The men escaped.
Dr. Walker quotes an attempt of a similar character from Norman Cross:
‘A French prisoner made himself a complete uniform of the Hertfordshire Militia, and a wooden gun, stained, surmounted93 by a tin bayonet. Thus equipped, he mixed with the guard, and when they were ordered to march out, having been relieved, Monsieur fell in and marched out too. Thus far he was 243fortunate, but when arrived at the guard room, lo! what befell him.
‘His new comrades ranged their muskets94 on the rack, and he endeavoured to follow their example; but, as his wooden piece was unfortunately a few inches too long, he was unable to place it properly. This was observed, so of course his attempt to get away was frustrated96.’
The bribing of sentries was a very necessary condition of escape. One or two pounds would generally do it, and it was through the sky-light of the ‘cock-lofts’ that the prisoners usually got out of the locked-up barracks.
In February 1811, four privates of the Notts Militia were heavily bribed97 for the escape of two French officers. One of them, thinking he was unfairly treated in the division of the money, gave information, and a picket98 was in waiting for the escaping Frenchmen. The three men were sentenced to 900 lashes99 each. Two were pardoned, but one, who had given the prisoners fire-arms, got 450.
In March, 1812, Edward Palmer, a ‘moorman,’ was fined ￡5 and got twelve months’ imprisonment100 for procuring101 a disguise for a French prisoner named Bellaird.
Early in the same year three prisoners escaped with the connivance102 of a Roscommon Militiaman. The sequel moves one’s pity. Pat was paid in bank-notes. He offered them for exchange, and, to his amazement103, was informed not only that he could receive nothing for them, but that he must consider himself under arrest for uttering forged notes. It was too true. The three Frenchmen had paid him handsomely in notes fabricated by one Lustique. The Irishman would not say where he got the notes, and it really did not matter, for if he had admitted that he received them as the price of allowing French prisoners to escape, he would have been flogged to death: as it was, he and Lustique were hanged.
Forgery104 was a prominent Dartmoor industry. Bank of England notes were forged to some extent, but local banks such as Grant, Burbey and Co. of Portsmouth, Harris, Langholme, and Harris of Plymouth, the Plymouth Commercial Bank, the Tamar Bank, the Launceston and Totnes Bank, were largely victimized. To such an extent were these frauds carried out 244that it was ordered that an official should attend at the prison market to write his name on all notes offered by prisoners in payment for goods received.
It was no doubt with reference to the local knowledge of soldiers on guard being valuable to intending escapes from the prison that the authorities refused the application of the 1st Devon Militia to be on guard at Dartmoor, as there were ‘several strong objections to the men of that regiment58 being employed’.
There were distinct grades among the Dartmoor prisoners. First came ‘Les Lords’—‘broke parole’ officers, and people with money. Next came ‘Les Laboureurs’, the clever, industrious105 men who not only lived comfortably by the sale of the articles they manufactured, but saved money so that some of them left the prison at the Declaration of Peace financially very much better off than when they came. These were the ‘respectable prisoners’. After the labourers came the ‘Indifférents’—loafers and idlers, but not mischief107-makers or harm-workers; the ‘Misérables’, mischievous rascals108 for ever plotting and planning; and finally, the most famous of all, the ‘Romans’, so called because they existed in the cock-loft, the ‘Capitole’, of one of the barracks. These men, almost entirely privateersmen, the scum and sweepings109 of sea-port towns, or land rascals with nothing to lose and all to gain in this world, formed a veritable power in the prison. Gamblers to a man, they were mostly naked, and held so faithfully to the theory of Communism, that when it was necessary that someone should descend110 from the cock-loft eyrie in order to beg, borrow, or, what was more usual, to steal food or rags, the one pair of breeches was lent to him for the occasion. The only hammock among them belonged to the ‘General’ or, to be more correct, was his temporarily, for not even in Hayti were generals made and unmade with such dispatch. The sleeping arrangement was that, mention of which has already been made, known as the ‘spoon’ system, by which the naked men lay so close together for warmth that the turn-over of the ranks had to be made at certain intervals111 by word of command. Catel tells an excellent story of the ‘Romans’. These gentry112 held a parade on one of the anniversaries, and were drawn113 up in order when 245a fine plump rat appeared on the airing ground—a new arrival, clearly, or he would have kept carefully away. This was too much for half-famished men; the ranks were instantly broken and the chase began. As luck would have it, the rat ran into the garrison114 kitchens, where the day’s rations115 were being prepared, and in a very few minutes the pots and pans were cleared of their contents. Soldiers were at once hurried to the scene, but being few in number they were actually overpowered and disarmed116 by the ‘Romans’, who marched them to the Governor’s house. Here the ‘General’, with a profound salute117, spoke118 as follows:
‘Sir, we have come here to deliver over to you our prisoners and their arms. It is a happy little occurrence this, as regards your soldiers, quiet now as sheep. We beg, you, therefore, to grant them as reward double rations, and to make up the loss we have caused in the provisions of our honoured visitors.’
Catel adds that the rat was caught and eaten raw!
Gradually, their violence and their thieving propensities119 made them a terror to the other prisoners; the Americans, in particular, objected to their filthy120 habits, and at length their conduct became so intolerable that they were marched off to the Plymouth hulks, on which they were kept until the Peace of 1814.
It is an interesting fact that when an epidemic swept the prisons and carried off the decent and cleanly by hundreds, the impregnable dirt-armour of the ‘Romans’ kept them unscathed. This epidemic was the terrible visitation of malignant121 measles which from November 1809 to April 1810 inclusive, claimed about 400 victims out of 5,000 prisoners. The burial-ground was in the present gas-house field; the mortuary, where the bodies were collected for burial, was near the present General Hospital. No funeral rites122 were observed, and not more than a foot of earth heaped over the bodies.
Catel also relates a very clever and humorous escape. Theatricals123 were largely patronized at Dartmoor, as in the other prisons. A piece entitled Le Capitaine Calonne et sa dame125 was written in eulogy126 of a certain British garrison officer and his lady, and, being shown to them in manuscript, so flattered and delighted them, that, in order that the piece should not lack 246local colour at the opening performance, the Captain offered to lend a British suit of regimentals, and his lady to provide a complete toilette, for the occasion.
These, of course, were gladly accepted. The theatre was crowded, and the new piece was most successful, until the opening of the third act, when the manager stepped forward, and, amidst whistles and catcalls, said: ‘Messieurs, the play is finished. The English Captain and his lady are out of the prison.’ This was true. During the second act the prisoner-Captain and his lady quietly passed out of the prison, being saluted127 by guards and sentries, and got away to Tavistock. Catel relates with gusto the adventure of the real captain and his wife with the said guards and sentinels, who swore that they had left the prison some time before.
The delight of the prisoners can be pictured, and especially when it was rumoured129 two days later that the real Captain received his uniform, and his lady her dress, in a box with a polite letter of thanks from the escaped prisoners.
An escape of a similar character to the foregoing was effected from one of the Portsmouth hulks. On one occasion a prisoner acted the part of a female so naturally, that an English naval Captain was deceived completely. He proposed to the supposed girl to elope. The pseudo-maiden was nothing loth, and (said the late Rev35. G. N. Godwin in a lecture from which I take this) there is an amusing sketch showing the Captain in full uniform passing the gangway with the lady on his arm, the sentry presenting arms meanwhile. Of course, when the gallant130 officer discovered his mistake, there was nothing for it but to assist in the escape of the astute131 prisoner.
In 1812, Hageman, the bread contractor132, was brought up for fraudulent dealing133, and was mulcted in ￡3,000, others concerned in the transactions being imprisoned134 for long terms.
I am glad to be able to ring a change in the somewhat monotonous135 tone of the prisoners’ complaints, inasmuch as American prisoners have placed on record their experiences: one of them, Andrews, in a very comprehensive and detailed136 form.
From the autumn of 1812 to April of 1813, there were 900 American prisoners at Chatham, 100 at Portsmouth, 700 at Plymouth, ‘most of them destitute137 of clothes and swarming138 247with vermin.’ On April 2, 1813, the Transport Board ordered them all to Dartmoor, no doubt because of their ceaseless attempts to escape from the hulks. They were horrified139, for they knew it to have the reputation of being the worst prison in England.
From the Plymouth hulks Hector and Le Brave, 250 were landed at New Passage, and marched the seventeen miles to Dartmoor, where were already 5,000 French prisoners. On May 1, 1813, Cotgrave, the Governor, ordered all the American prisoners to be transferred to No. 4 caserne, where were already 900 French ‘Romans’.
Dartmoor. The Original Main Entrance.
(From a sketch by the Author.)
The garrison at Dartmoor consisted of from 1,200 to 1,500 men, who, says Andrews, without the smallest foundation of fact, had been told off for this duty as punishment for offences. The truth is, that as our small regular army was on duty in many places elsewhere, the Militia had to be drawn upon for the garrisoning140 of war-prisons, and that on account of the many ‘pickings’ to be had, war-prison duty was rather sought than shunned141. The garrison was frequently changed at all the war-prisons 248for no other reason than that between guards and guarded an undesirable142 intimacy143 usually developed.
The American prisoners, who, throughout the war, were generally of a superior type to the Frenchmen, very much resented this association of them with the low-class ruffians in No. 4. I may here quote Mr. Eden Phillpotts’s remarks in his Farm of the Dagger.
‘There is not much doubt that these earlier prisoners of war suffered very terribly. Their guards feared them more than the French. From the hulks came warnings of their skill and ingenuity144, their courage, and their frantic145 endeavours to regain146 liberty. The American Agent for Prisoners of War at Plymouth, one Reuben Beasley, was either a knave147 or a fool, and never have unhappy sufferers in this sort endured more from a callous148, cruel, or utterly149 inefficient150 and imbecile representative. With sleepless151 rigour and severity were the Americans treated in that stern time; certain advantages and privileges permitted to the French at Princetown were at first denied them, and to all their petitions, reasonable complaints, and remonstrances152, the egregious153 Beasley turned a deaf ear, while the very medical officer at the gaol154 at that season lacked both knowledge of medicine and humanity, and justified155 his conduct with falsehood before he was removed from office.’
Theirs was indeed a hard lot. This last-mentioned brute156, Dyer, took note of no sickness until it was too far gone to be treated, and refused patients admission to the hospital until the last moment: for fear, he said, of spreading the disease. They were, as Mr. Phillpotts says, denied many privileges and advantages allowed to Frenchmen of the lowest class; they were shut out from the usual markets, and had to buy through the French prisoners, at 25 per cent. above market prices.
On May 18, 1813, 250 more Americans came from the Hector hulk, and on July 1, 100 more.
July 4, 1813, was a dark day in the history of the prison. The Americans, with the idea of getting up an Independence Day celebration, got two flags and asked permission to hold a quiet festival. Captain Cotgrave, the Governor, refused, and sent the guard to confiscate157 the flags. Resistance was offered; there was a struggle and one of the flags was captured. In the 249evening the disturbance was renewed, an attempt was made to recapture the flag, the guard fired upon the prisoners and wounded two. The feeling thus fostered burst out into a flame on July 10, when the ‘Romans’ in the two upper stories of No. 4 Prison collected weapons of all sorts, and attacked the Americans unexpectedly, with the avowed158 purpose of killing159 them all. A terrible encounter was the result, in the midst of which the guards charged in and separated the two parties, but not until forty on both sides had been badly wounded. After this a wall fifteen feet high was built to divide the airing ground of No. 4.
Andrews describes the clothing of the prisoners as consisting of a cap of wool, one inch thick and coarser than rope yarn160, a yellow jacket—not large enough to meet round the smallest man, although most of the prisoners were reduced by low living to skeletons—with the sleeves half-way up the arms, a short waistcoat, pants tight to the middle of the shin, shoes of list with wooden soles one and a half inches thick.
An epidemic of small-pox broke out; complaints poured in to Beasley about the slack attention paid to it, about the overcrowding, the consequent vermin, and the frauds of the food contractors161, but without results. Then came remonstrances about the partiality shown in giving all lucrative162 offices to French prisoners, that is to say, positions such as one sweeper to every 100 men at threepence a day, one cook to every 200 at fourpence halfpenny; barber at threepence; nurses in the hospital at sixpence—all without avail. As a rule the Americans were glad to sell their ration106 of bad beef to Frenchmen, who could juggle163 it into fancy dishes, and with the money they bought soap and chewing-tobacco.
At length Beasley came to see for himself, but although he expressed surprise at the crowding of so many prisoners, and said he was glad he had not to be in Dartmoor, he could promise no redress164.
Andrews alludes165 to the proficiency166 of the French prisoners in the science of forging not only bank-notes, but shillings out of Spanish dollars which they collected from the outside of the market, making eight full-weight shillings out of every four dollars. The performers were chiefly officers who had broken parole. The ordinary run of Dartmoor prisoners, he says, somewhat surprisingly, so far from being the miserable167 suffering wretches168 we are accustomed to picture them, were light-hearted, singing, dancing, drinking men who in many cases were saving money.
250
Wooden Working Model of a French Trial Scene
Made by prisoners of war at Dartmoor
251Isaac Cotgrave he describes as a brutal169 Governor, who seemed to enjoy making the lot of the prisoners in his charge as hard as possible, and he emphasizes the cruelty of the morning out-of-door roll-call parade in the depth of winter; but he speaks highly of the kindness and consideration of the guards of a Scottish Militia regiment which took over the duty.
Hitherto the negroes, who formed no inconsiderable part of American crews, were mixed with the white men in the prisons. A petition from the American white prisoners that the blacks should be confined by themselves, as they were dirty by habit and thieves by nature, was acceded170 to.
Gradually the official dread47 of American determination to obtain liberty was modified, and a general freedom of intercourse171 was instituted which had not been enjoyed before. A coffee-house was established, trades sprang up, markets for tobacco, potatoes, and butter were carried on, the old French monopoly of trade was broken down, and the American prisoners imitated their French companions in manufacturing all sorts of objects of use and ornament172 for sale. The French prisoners by this time were quite well off, the different professors of sciences and arts having plenty of pupils, straw-plaiting for hats bringing in threepence a day, although it was a forbidden trade, and plenty of money being found for theatrical124 performances and amusements generally.
The condition of the Americans, too, kept pace, for Beasley presently announced further money allowances, so that each prisoner now received 6s. 8d. per month, the result being a general improvement in outward appearance.
On May 20, 1814, peace with France was announced amidst the frenzied173 rejoicings of the French prisoners. All Frenchmen had to produce their bedding before being allowed to go. One poor fellow failed to comply, and was so frantic at being turned back, that he cut his throat at the prison gate. 500 men were released, and with them some French-speaking American 252officers got away, and when this was followed by a rumour128 that all the Americans were to be removed to Stapleton, where there was a better market for manufactures, and which was far healthier than Dartmoor, the tone of the prison was quite lively and hopeful. This rumour, however, proved to be unfounded, but it was announced that henceforth the prisoners would be occupied in work outside the prison walls, such as the building of the new church, repairing roads, and in certain trades.
On July 3, 1814, two Argus men fought. One killed the other and was committed to Exeter for manslaughter.
On July 4, Independence Day celebrations were allowed, and money being comparatively abundant, a most successful banquet on soup and beef was held.
On July 8, a prisoner, James Hart, died, and over his burial-place the following epitaph was raised:
‘Your country mourns your hapless fate,
So mourn we prisoners all;
You’ve paid the debt we all must pay,
Each sailor great and small.
Your soul in Heaven doth rest;
Where Yankee sailors one and all,
Hereafter will be blest.’
The prison was much crowded in this year, 1814; in No. 4 barrack alone there were 1,500 prisoners, and yet the new doctor, Magrath, who is described by Andrews as being both skilful174 and humane175, gave very strong testimony176 to its healthiness.
In reply to a general petition from the prisoners for examination into their grievances177, a Commission was sent to Dartmoor in 1813, and the next year reported that the only complaints partially178 justifiable179 were that of overcrowding, which was largely due to the preference of the prisoners for the new buildings with wooden floors, which were finished in the summer of 1812; and that of the ‘Partial Exchange’, which meant that whereas French privateers when they captured a British ship, landed or put the crew in a neutral ship and kept the officers, British captors kept all.
Two desperate and elaborate attempts at escape by tunnelling were made by American prisoners in 1814. Digging was done 253in three barracks simultaneously—from No. 4, in which there were 1,200 men, from No. 5, which was empty, and from No. 6, lately opened and now holding 800 men—down in each case twenty feet, and then 250 feet of tunnel in an easterly direction towards the road outside the boundary wall. On September 2 Captain Shortland, the new Agent, discovered it; some say it was betrayed to him, but the prisoners themselves attributed it to indiscreet talking. The enormous amount of soil taken out was either thrown into the stream running through the prison, or was used for plastering walls which were under repair, coating it with whitewash180.
When the excitement attendant on this discovery had subsided181, the indefatigable182 Americans got to work again. The discovered shafts183 having been partially blocked by the authorities with large stones, the plotters started another tunnel from the vacant No. 5 prison, to connect with the old one beyond the point of stoppage. Mr. Basil Thomson has kindly185 allowed me to publish an interesting discovery relative to this, made in December, 1911:
‘While excavating186 for the foundations of the new hall at Dartmoor, which is being built on the site of IV. A and B Prison, the excavators broke into what proved to be one of the subterranean187 passages which were secretly dug by the American prisoners in 1814 with a view to escape. Number IV Prison, then known as Number V, was at that time empty, and, as Charles Andrews tells us, the plan was to tunnel under the boundary walls and then, armed with daggers forged at the blacksmith’s shop, to emerge on a stormy night and make for Torbay, where there were believed to be fishing boats sufficient to take them to the French coast. No one was to be taken alive. The scheme was betrayed by a prisoner named Bagley (of Portsmouth, New Hampshire), who, to save him from the fury of the prisoners, was liberated188 and sent home.... One of these tunnels was disclosed when the foundation of IV. C Hall were dug in 1881. The tunnel found last month may have been the excavation189 made after the first shaft184 had been filled up. It was 14 feet below the floor of the prison, 3 feet in height, and 4 feet wide. More than one person explored it on hands and knees as far as it went, which was about 20 feet in the direction of the boundary wall. A marlin spike190 and a ship’s scraper of ancient pattern were found among the débris, and are now in the Prison Museum.’
254At this time (Sept. 1814) there were 3,500 American prisoners at Dartmoor, and so constant were they in their petty annoyance191, almost persecution192, of their guardians193; so independent were they of rules and regulations; so constant with their petitions, remonstrances, and complaints; so untiring in their efforts to escape; so averse194 to anything like settling down and making the best of things, as did the French, that the authorities declared they would rather be in charge of 20,000 Frenchmen than of 2,000 Americans.
After the above-related attempts to escape, the prisoners were confined to Nos. 2 and 3 barracks, and put on two-thirds ration allowance to pay for damage done.
In October, 1814, eight escaped by bribing the sentries to procure195 them military coats and caps, and so getting off at night. Much amusement, too, was caused one evening by the jangling of the alarm bells, the hurrying of soldiers to quarters, and subsequent firing at a ‘prisoner’ escaping over the inner wall—the ‘prisoner’ being a dummy196 dressed up.
In November, 5,000 more prisoners came into the prison. There was much suffering this winter from the cold and scanty197 clothing. A petition to have fires in the barracks was refused. A man named John Taylor, a native citizen of New York City, hanged himself in No. 5 prison on the evening of December 1.
Peace, which had been signed at Ghent on December 24, 1814, was declared at Dartmoor, and occasioned general jubilation198. Flags with ‘Free Trade and Sailors’ Rights’ thereon paraded with music and cheering, and Shortland politely requested that they should be withdrawn199, but met with a flat refusal. Unfortunately much of unhappy moment was to happen between the date of the ratification200 of the Treaty of Ghent in March, 1815, and the final departure of the prisoners. Beasley was unaccountably negligent201 and tardy202 in his arrangements for the reception and disposal of the prisoners, so that although de jure they were free men, de facto they were still detained and treated as prisoners. Small-pox broke out, and it was only by the unwearying devotion and activity of Dr. Magrath, the prison surgeon, that the epidemic was checked, and that the prisoners were dissuaded203 from going further than giving Beasley a mock trial and burning him in effigy204.
255On April 20, 1815, 263 ragged205 and shoeless Americans quitted Dartmoor, leaving 5,193 behind. The remainder followed in a few days, marching to Plymouth, carrying a huge white flag on which was represented the goddess of Liberty, sorrowing over the tomb of the killed Americans, with the legend: ‘Columbia weeps and will remember!’ Before the prisoners left, they testified their gratitude206 to Dr. Magrath for his unvarying kindness to them, by an address.
‘Greenhorn,’ another American, gives little details about prison life at Dartmoor, which are interesting as supplementary207 to the fuller book of Andrews.
‘Greenhorn’ landed at Plymouth on January 30, 1815, after the Treaty of Ghent had been signed, but before its ratification, and was marched via Mannamead, Yelverton, and the Dursland Inn to Dartmoor.
He describes the inmates of the American ‘Rough Alleys’ as corresponding in a minor208 degree to the French ‘Romans’, the principal source of their poverty being a gambling209 game known as ‘Keno’.
He says—and it may be noted—that he found the food at Dartmoor good, and more abundant than on board ship. The American prisoners kept Sunday strictly210, all buying, selling, and gambling was suspended by public opinion, and every man dressed in his cleanest and best, and spent the day quietly. He speaks of the great popularity of Dr. Magrath, although he made vaccination211 compulsory212. Ship-model making was a chief industry. The Americans settled their differences in Anglo-Saxon fashion, the chief fighting-ground being in Bath Alley25. Announcements of these and of all public meetings and entertainments were made by a well-known character, ‘Old Davis,’ in improvised rhyme. Another character was the pedlar Frank Dolphin.
In dress, it was the aim of every one to disguise the hideous213 prison-garb as much as possible, the results often being ludicrous in the extreme.
Everybody was more or less busy. There were schoolmasters and music teachers, a band, a boxing academy, a dancing school, a glee-club, and a theatre. There were straw-basket making, imitation Chinese wood-carving, and much false 256coining, the lead of No. 6 roof coming in very handy for this trade. Washermen charged a halfpenny a piece, or one penny including soap and starch214.
No. 4 was the bad prison—the Ball Alley of the roughs. Each prison, except No. 4, was managed by a committee of twelve, elected by the inmates. From their decisions there was no appeal. Gambling was universal, ranging from the penny ‘sweet-cloth’ to Vingt-et-un. Some of the play was high, and money was abundant, as many of the privateersmen had their prize-money. One man possessed215 ￡1,100 on Monday, and on Thursday he could not buy a cup of coffee. The rule which precluded216 from the privilege of parole all but the masters and first mates of privateers of fourteen guns and upwards217 brought a number of well-to-do men into the prison, and, moreover, the American Government allowance of 2?d. a day for soap, coffee, and tobacco, circulated money.
The following notes from the Journal of a Young Man of Massachusetts, Benjamin Waterhouse by name, whom we have already met on the Chatham hulks, are included, as they add a few details of life at Dartmoor to those already given.
Waterhouse says:
‘I shall only say that I found it, take it all in all, a less disagreeable prison than the ships; the life of a prudent218, industrious, well-behaved man might here be rendered pretty easy, for a prison life, as was the case with some of our own countrymen and some Frenchmen; but the young, the idle, the giddy, fun-making youth generally reaped such fruit as he sowed. Gambling was the wide inlet to vice219 and disorder220, and in this Frenchmen took the lead. These men would play away everything they possessed beyond the clothes to keep them decent. They have been known to game away a month’s provision, and when they had lost it, would shirk and steal for a month after for their subsistence. A man with some money in his pocket might live pretty well through the day in Dartmoor Prison, there being shops and stalls where every little article could be obtained; but added to this we had a good and constant market, and the bread and meat supplied by Government were not bad; and as good I presume as that given to British prisoners by our own Government.’
Bone Model of Guillotine
Made by prisoners of war at Dartmoor
257He speaks very highly of the tall, thin, one-eyed Dr. Magrath, the prison doctor, but of his Scots assistant, McFarlane, as a rough, inhuman brute. Shortland, the governor, he describes as one who apparently221 revelled222 in the misery and discomfort223 of the prisoners under his charge, although in another place he defines him as a man, not so much bad-hearted, as an ill-educated, tactless boor224.
Waterhouse describes the peculiarly harsh proceeding225 of Shortland after the discovery of the tunnel dug from under No. 6 caserne. All the prisoners with their baggage were driven into the yard of No. 1: thence in a few days to another yard, and so on from yard to yard, so that they could not get time to dig tunnels; at the same time they were subjected to all kinds of petty bullyings, such as being kept waiting upon numbering days in the open, in inclement weather, until Shortland should choose to put in an appearance. On one of these occasions the Americans refused to wait, and went back to their prisons, for which offence the market was stopped for two days.
At the end of 1814 there were at Dartmoor 2,350 Americans. There seemed to be much prosperity in the prison: the market was crowded with food, and hats and boots and clothes; Jew traders did a roaring trade in watches, seals, trinkets, and bad books; sharp women also were about, selling well-watered milk at 4d. a gallon; the ‘Rough Alleys’ were in great strength, and kept matters lively all over the prison.
Number 4 caserne was inhabited by black prisoners, whose ruler was ‘King Dick,’ a giant six feet five inches in height, who, with a huge bearskin hat on head, and a thick club in hand, exercised regal sway, dispensing226 justice, and, strange to say, paying strict attention to the cleanliness of his subjects’ berths227. Nor was religion neglected in No. 4, for every Sunday ‘Priest Simon’ preached, assisted by ‘Deacon John’, who had been a servant in the Duke of Kent’s household, and who at first urged that Divine Service should be modelled on that customary on British men-of-war and in distinguished228 English families, but was overruled by the decision of a Methodist preacher from outside. ‘King Dick’ always attended service in full state. He also kept a boxing school, and in No. 4 were also professors of dancing and music and fencing, who had many white pupils, besides theatricals twice a week, performed with ludicrous solemnity by the black men, whose penchant229 was for serious 258and tragical230 dramas. Other dramatic performances were given by an Irish Regular regiment from Spain, which relieved the Derby Militia garrison, in the cock-loft of No. 6 caserne, the admission thereto being 6d.
Still, there was much hunger, and when it was rumoured that Jew clothes-merchants in the market were dealing with undue231 sharpness with unfortunate venders, a raid was made by the Americans upon their stalls and booths which wrought232 their destruction.
Beasley was still a bête noire. His studied neglect of the interests of those whose interests were in his charge, his failure to acquaint himself by personal attention with their complaints, made him hated far more than were the British officials, excepting Shortland. One day he was tried in effigy, and sentenced to be hung and burnt. A pole was rigged from the roof of No. 7 caserne, Beasley’s effigy was hung therefrom, was cut down by a negro, taken away by the ‘Rough Alleys’, and burnt. On the same day, ‘Be you also ready’ was found painted on the wall of Shortland’s house. He said to a friend:
‘I never saw or ever read or heard of such a set of Devil-daring, God-provoking fellows, as these same Yankees. I had rather have the charge of 5,000 Frenchmen, than 500 of these sons of liberty; and yet I love the dogs better than I do the d——d frog-eaters.’
On March 20, 1815, came the Ratification of Peace, but, although this made the Americans virtually free men, much of a lamentable233 nature was to happen ere they practically became so.
On April 4, 1815, the provision contractors thought to get rid of their stock of hard bread (biscuit) which they held in reserve by serving it out to the prisoners instead of the fresh bread which was their due. The Americans refused to have it, swarmed235 round the bakeries on mischief intent, and refused to disperse236 when ordered to. Shortland was away in Plymouth at the time, and the officer in charge, seeing that it was useless to attempt to force them with only 300 Militia at his command, yielded, and the prisoners got their bread. When Shortland 259returned, he was very angry at what he deemed the pusillanimous237 action of his subordinate, swore that if he had been there the Yankees should have been brought to order at the point of the bayonet, and determined to create an opportunity for revenge.
This came on April 6. According to the sworn testimony of witnesses at the subsequent inquiry238, some boys playing at ball in the yard of No. 7 caserne, knocked a ball over into the neighbouring barrack yard, and, upon the sentry on duty there refusing to throw it back, made a hole in the wall, crept through it, and got the ball. Shortland pretended to see in this hole-making a project to escape, and made his arrangements to attract all the prisoners out of their quarters by ringing the alarm bell, and, in order to prevent their escape back into them, had ordered that one of the two doors in each caserne should be closed, although it was fifteen minutes before the regulation lock-up time at 6 o’clock. It was sworn that he had said: ‘I’ll fire the d——d rascals presently.’
At 6 p.m. the alarm bell brought the prisoners out of all the casernes—wherein they were quietly settled—to see what was the cause. In the market square were ‘several hundred’ soldiers, with Shortland at their head, and at the same time many soldiers were being posted in the inner wall commanding the prison yards. One of these, according to a witness, called out to the crowd of prisoners to go indoors as they would be charged on very soon. This occasioned confusion and alarm and some running about. What immediately followed is not very clear, but it was sworn that Shortland ordered the soldiers to charge the prisoners huddled239 in the market square; that the soldiers—men of the Somerset Militia—hesitated; that the order was repeated, and the soldiers charged the prisoners, who retreated into the prison gates; that Shortland ordered the gates to be opened, and that the consequent confusion among hundreds of men vainly trying to get into the casernes by the one door of each left open, and being pushed back by others coming out to see what was the matter, was wilfully240 magnified by Shortland into a concerted attempt to break out, and he gave the word to fire.
It was said that, seeing a hesitation241 among his officers to 260repeat the command, Shortland himself seized a musket95 from a soldier and fired the first shot. Be that as it may, the firing became general from the walls as well as from the square; soldiers came to the doors of two of the casernes and fired through them, with the result, according to American accounts, that seven men were killed, thirty were dangerously wounded, and thirty slightly wounded; but according to the Return signed by Shortland and Dr. Magrath, five were killed and twenty-eight wounded.
A report was drawn up, after the inquiry instituted directly following the event, by Admiral Duckworth and Major-General Brown, and signed by the Assistant Commissioners242 at the Inquiry, King for the United States, and Larpent for Great Britain, which came to no satisfactory conclusion. It was evident, it said, that the prisoners were in an excited state about the non-arrival of ships to take them home, and that Shortland was irritated about the bread affair; that there was much unauthorized firing, but that it was difficult exactly to apportion243 blame. This report was utterly condemned by the committee of prisoners, who resented the tragedy being styled ‘this unfortunate affair’, reproached King for his lack of energy and unwarrantable self-restraint, and complained of the hurried and imperfect way in which the inquiry was conducted and the evidence taken. At this distance of time an Englishman may ask: ‘If it was known that peace between the two countries had been ratified244 on March 20, how came it that Americans were still kept in confinement and treated as prisoners of war on April 6?’ On the other hand, it is hardly possible to accept the American view that the tragedy was the deliberate work of an officer of His Majesty’s service in revenge for a slight.
By July, 1815, all the Americans but 450 had left, and the last Dartmoor war-prisoners, 4,000 Frenchmen, taken at Ligny, came in. These poor fellows were easy to manage after the Americans; 2,500 of them came from Plymouth with only 300 Militiamen as guard, whilst for Americans the rule was man for man.
Dartmoor Prison
Illustrating245 the ‘Massacre’ of 1815
A. Surgeon’s House. B. Captain Shortland’s House. C. Hospital. D. Barracks. E. Cachot, or Black Hole. F. Guard Houses. G. Store Houses.
261The last war-prisoners left Dartmoor in December, 1815, and from this time until 1850 it was unoccupied, which partially accounts for the utter desecration246 of the burial-ground, until, under Captain Stopforth, it was tidied up in garden fashion, divided into two plots, one for Americans, the other for Frenchmen, in the centre of each of which was placed a memorial obelisk247 in 1865.
The present church at Princetown was built by war-prisoners, the stone-work being done by the French, the wood-work by the Americans. The East Window bears the following inscription248:
‘To the Glory of God and in memory of the American Prisoners of War who were detained in the Dartmoor War Prison between the years 1809 and 1815, and who helped to build this Church, especially of the 218 brave men who died here on behalf of their country. This Window is presented by the National Society of United States Daughters of 1812. Dulce est pro15 patria mori.’
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1
moor
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| n.荒野，沼泽；vt.(使)停泊；vi.停泊 | |
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warden
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| n.监察员，监狱长，看守人，监护人 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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inclement
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| adj.严酷的，严厉的，恶劣的 | |
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catching
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| adj.易传染的，有魅力的，迷人的，接住 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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granite
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| adj.花岗岩，花岗石 | |
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quarries
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| n.（采）石场( quarry的名词复数 )；猎物（指鸟，兽等）；方形石；（格窗等的）方形玻璃v.从采石场采得( quarry的第三人称单数 )；从（书本等中）努力发掘（资料等）；在采石场采石 | |
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bribing
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| 贿赂 | |
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sentries
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| 哨兵，步兵( sentry的名词复数 ) | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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12
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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13
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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pro
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| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
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dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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pharmacy
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| n.药房，药剂学，制药业，配药业，一批备用药品 | |
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18
lodgings
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| n. 出租的房舍, 寄宿舍 | |
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lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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circumference
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| n.圆周，周长，圆周线 | |
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sentry
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| n.哨兵，警卫 | |
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converging
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| adj.收敛[缩]的，会聚的，趋同的v.（线条、运动的物体等）会于一点( converge的现在分词 )；（趋于）相似或相同；人或车辆汇集；聚集 | |
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slung
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| 抛( sling的过去式和过去分词 )； 吊挂； 遣送； 押往 | |
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spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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alley
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| n.小巷，胡同；小径，小路 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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evading
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| 逃避( evade的现在分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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breaching
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| 攻破( breach的过去式 )； 破坏，违反 | |
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burrowing
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| v.挖掘（洞穴），挖洞( burrow的现在分词 )；翻寻 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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42
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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43
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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44
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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45
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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46
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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47
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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48
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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49
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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50
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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51
dungeons
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| n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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52
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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53
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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54
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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55
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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56
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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57
plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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58
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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59
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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60
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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61
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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62
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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63
prosecutions
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| 起诉( prosecution的名词复数 )； 原告； 实施； 从事 | |
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64
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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65
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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66
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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67
measles
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| n.麻疹，风疹，包虫病，痧子 | |
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68
duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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69
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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70
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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71
stagnation
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| n. 停滞 | |
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72
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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73
parsimony
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| n.过度节俭，吝啬 | |
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74
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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75
humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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76
duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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77
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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78
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79
enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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80
affixed
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|
| adj.[医]附着的，附着的v.附加( affix的过去式和过去分词 )；粘贴；加以；盖（印章） | |
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81
improvised
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| a.即席而作的,即兴的 | |
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82
daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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83
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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84
mittens
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| 不分指手套 | |
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85
bonnets
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| n.童帽( bonnet的名词复数 )；（烟囱等的）覆盖物；（苏格兰男子的）无边呢帽；（女子戴的）任何一种帽子 | |
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86
relegation
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| n.驱逐，贬黜；降级 | |
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87
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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88
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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89
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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90
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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91
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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92
lobsters
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| 龙虾( lobster的名词复数 )； 龙虾肉 | |
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93
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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94
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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95
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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96
frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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97
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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98
picket
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| n.纠察队；警戒哨；v.设置纠察线；布置警卫 | |
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99
lashes
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| n.鞭挞( lash的名词复数 )；鞭子；突然猛烈的一击；急速挥动v.鞭打( lash的第三人称单数 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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100
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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101
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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102
connivance
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| n.纵容；默许 | |
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103
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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104
forgery
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| n.伪造的文件等，赝品，伪造（行为） | |
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105
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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106
ration
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| n.定量(pl.)给养，口粮；vt.定量供应 | |
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107
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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108
rascals
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| 流氓( rascal的名词复数 )； 无赖； （开玩笑说法）淘气的人（尤指小孩）； 恶作剧的人 | |
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109
sweepings
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| n.笼统的( sweeping的名词复数 )；（在投票等中的）大胜；影响广泛的；包罗万象的 | |
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110
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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111
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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112
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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113
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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114
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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115
rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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116
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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117
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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118
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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119
propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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120
filthy
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| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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121
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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122
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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123
theatricals
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| n.（业余性的）戏剧演出，舞台表演艺术；职业演员；戏剧的( theatrical的名词复数 )；剧场的；炫耀的；戏剧性的 | |
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124
theatrical
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| adj.剧场的，演戏的；做戏似的，做作的 | |
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125
dame
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| n.女士 | |
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126
eulogy
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| n.颂词；颂扬 | |
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127
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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128
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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129
rumoured
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| adj.谣传的；传说的；风 | |
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130
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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131
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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132
contractor
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| n.订约人，承包人，收缩肌 | |
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133
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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134
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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136
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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137
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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138
swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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139
horrified
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| a.(表现出)恐惧的 | |
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140
garrisoning
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的现在分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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141
shunned
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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143
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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144
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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145
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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146
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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147
knave
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| n.流氓；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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148
callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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149
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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150
inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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151
sleepless
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| adj.不睡眠的，睡不著的，不休息的 | |
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152
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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153
egregious
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| adj.非常的，过分的 | |
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154
gaol
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| n.(jail)监狱；(不加冠词)监禁；vt.使…坐牢 | |
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155
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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156
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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157
confiscate
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| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
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158
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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159
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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160
yarn
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| n.纱，纱线，纺线；奇闻漫谈，旅行轶事 | |
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161
contractors
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| n.（建筑、监造中的）承包人( contractor的名词复数 ) | |
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162
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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163
juggle
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| v.变戏法，纂改，欺骗，同时做；n.玩杂耍，纂改，花招 | |
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164
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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165
alludes
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| 提及，暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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166
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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167
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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168
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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169
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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170
acceded
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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171
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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172
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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173
frenzied
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| a.激怒的；疯狂的 | |
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174
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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175
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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176
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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177
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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178
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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179
justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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180
whitewash
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| v.粉刷，掩饰；n.石灰水，粉刷，掩饰 | |
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181
subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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182
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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183
shafts
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| n.轴( shaft的名词复数 )；（箭、高尔夫球棒等的）杆；通风井；一阵（疼痛、害怕等） | |
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184
shaft
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| n.(工具的)柄，杆状物 | |
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185
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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186
excavating
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| v.挖掘( excavate的现在分词 )；开凿；挖出；发掘 | |
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187
subterranean
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| adj.地下的，地表下的 | |
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188
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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189
excavation
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| n.挖掘，发掘；被挖掘之地 | |
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190
spike
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| n.长钉，钉鞋；v.以大钉钉牢，使...失效 | |
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191
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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192
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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193
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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194
averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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195
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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196
dummy
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| n.假的东西；(哄婴儿的)橡皮奶头 | |
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197
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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198
jubilation
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| n.欢庆，喜悦 | |
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199
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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200
ratification
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| n.批准，认可 | |
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201
negligent
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| adj.疏忽的；玩忽的；粗心大意的 | |
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202
tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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203
dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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204
effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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205
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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206
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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207
supplementary
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| adj.补充的，附加的 | |
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208
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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209
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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210
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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211
vaccination
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| n.接种疫苗，种痘 | |
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212
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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213
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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214
starch
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| n.淀粉；vt.给...上浆 | |
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215
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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216
precluded
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| v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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217
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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218
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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219
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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220
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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221
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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222
revelled
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| v.作乐( revel的过去式和过去分词 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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223
discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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224
boor
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| n.举止粗野的人；乡下佬 | |
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225
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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226
dispensing
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| v.分配( dispense的现在分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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227
berths
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| n.（船、列车等的）卧铺( berth的名词复数 )；（船舶的）停泊位或锚位；差事；船台vt.v.停泊( berth的第三人称单数 )；占铺位 | |
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228
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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229
penchant
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| n.爱好，嗜好；（强烈的）倾向 | |
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230
tragical
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| adj. 悲剧的, 悲剧性的 | |
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231
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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232
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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233
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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234
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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235
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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236
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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237
pusillanimous
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| adj.懦弱的，胆怯的 | |
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238
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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239
huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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240
wilfully
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| adv.任性固执地；蓄意地 | |
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241
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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242
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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243
apportion
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| vt.（按比例或计划）分配 | |
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244
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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245
illustrating
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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246
desecration
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| n. 亵渎神圣, 污辱 | |
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247
obelisk
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| n.方尖塔 | |
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248
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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