The first prisoners came here in March 1812. They were chiefly some of those who had been hurried away from Wincanton and other towns in the west of England at the alarm that a general rising of war-prisoners in those parts was imminent1, and on account of the increasing number of escapes from those places; others were midshipmen from Peebles. In all from sixty to seventy prisoners were at Sanquhar. A letter from one of the men removed from Peebles to Mr. Chambers2 of that town says that they were extremely uncomfortable; such kind of people as the inhabitants had no room to spare; the greater part of the Frenchmen were lodged4 in barns and kitchens; they could get neither beef nor mutton, nothing but salted meat and eggs. They applied5 to the Transport Office, in order to be removed to Moffat.
The prisoners at Sanquhar left behind them, when discharged at the Peace of 1814, debts amounting to ￡160, but these were paid by the French Commissioners6 charged with effecting the final exchanges in that year.
One duel7 is recorded. It was fought on the Washing Green, and one of the combatants was killed. Mr. Tom Wilson, in his Memorials of Sanquhar Kirkyard, identifies the victim as Lieutenant8 Arnaud, whose grave bears the inscription9:
‘In memory of J. B. Arnaud, aged10 27 years, Lieutenant in the French Navy, prisoner of war on parole at Sanquhar. Erected11 by his companions in arms and fellow prisoners as a testimony12 of their esteem13 and attachment14. He expired in the arms of friendship, 9th November, 1812.’
It had been announced that he died of small-pox, but Mr. Wilson thinks this was put out as a blind.
Some changes of French names into English are to be noted15 here as elsewhere. Thus, Auguste Gregoire, cabin boy of the Jeune Corneille privateer, captured in 1803, was confined at Peebles, and later at Sanquhar. He married a Peebles girl, 339but as she absolutely refused to go with him to France when Peace was declared in 1814 he was obliged to remain, and became a teacher of dancing and deportment under the name of Angus MacGregor. So also one Etienne Foulkes became Etney Fox; Baptiste became Baptie, and Walnet was turned into Walden.
The banks of Crawick were a favourite resort of the prisoners, and on a rock in the Holme Walks is cut ‘Luego de Delizia 1812’, and to the right, between two lines, the word ‘Souvenir’. The old bathing place of the prisoners, behind Holme House, is still known as ‘The Sodger’s Pool’.
Hop-plants are said to have been introduced hereabouts by the prisoners—probably Germans.
Mr. James Brown thus writes about the prisoners at Sanquhar:
‘They were Frenchmen, Italians and Poles—handsome young fellows, who had all the manners of gentlemen, and, living a life of enforced idleness, they became great favourites with the ladies with whose hearts they played havoc16, and, we regret to record, in some instances with their virtue17.’
‘This’, says the Rev18. Matthew Dickie, of the South United Free Church, Sanquhar, ‘is only too true. John Wysilaski, who left Sanquhar when quite a youth and became a “settler” in Australia, was the illegitimate son of one of the officers. This John Wysilaski died between 25 and 30 years of age, and left a large fortune. Of this he bequeathed ￡60,000 to the Presbyterian Church of Victoria, and over ￡4,000 to the church with which his mother had been connected, viz. the South Church, Sanquhar, and he directed the interest of this sum to be paid to the Minister of the South Church over and above his stipend19. The same Polish officer had another son by another woman, Louis Wysilaski, who lived and died in his native town. I remember him quite well.’
Dumfries
The first detachment of officer-prisoners arrived at Dumfries in November 1811, from Peebles, whence they had marched the thirty-two miles to Moffat, and had driven from there. The 340agent at Dumfries was Mr. Francis Shortt, Town Clerk of the Burgh, and brother of Dr. Thomas Shortt, who, as Physician to the British Forces at St. Helena, was to assist, ten years later, at the post-mortem examination of Bonaparte.
At first the prices asked by the inhabitants for lodgings20 somewhat astonished the prisoners, being from fifteen to twenty-five shillings a week, but in the end they were moderately accommodated and better than in Peebles. Their impressions of Dumfries were certainly favourable22, for not only had they in Mr. Shortt a just and kindly23 Agent, but the townsfolk and the country gentry24 offered them every sort of hospitality. In a letter to Mr. Chambers of Peebles, one of them says: ‘The inhabitants, I think, are frightened with Frenchmen, and run after us to see if we are like other people; the town is pretty enough, and the inhabitants, though curious, seem very gentle.’
Another, after a visit to the theatre, writes in English:
‘I have been to the theatre of the town, and I was very satisfied with the actors; they are very good for a little town like Dumfries, where receipts are not very copious25, though I would have very much pleasure with going to the play-house now and then. However, I am deprived of it by the bell which rings at five o’clock, and if I am not in my lodging21 by the hour appointed by the law, I must at least avoid to be in the public meeting, at which some inhabitants don’t like to see me.’
It was long before the natives could get used to certain peculiarities27 in the Frenchmen’s diet, particularly frogs. A noted Dumfries character, George Hair, who died a few years ago, used to declare that ‘the first siller he ever earned was for gatherin’ paddocks for the Frenchmen’, and an aged inmate28 of Lanark Poorhouse, who passed his early boyhood at Dumfries, used to tell a funny frog story. He remembered that fifteen or sixteen prisoners used to live together in a big house, not far from his father’s, and that there was a meadow near at hand where they got great store of frogs. Once there was a Crispin procession at Dumfries, and a Mr. Renwick towered above all the others as King.
‘The Crispin ploy29, ye ken30, cam frae France, an’ the officers in the big hoose askit the King o’ the cobblers tae dine wi’ them. 341They had a gran’ spread wi’ a fine pie, that Maister Renwick thocht was made o’ rabbits toshed up in some new fangled way, an’ he didna miss tae lay in a guid stock. When a’ was owre, they askit him how he likit his denner, an’ he said “First rate”. Syne31 they lauched and speered him if he kent what the pie was made o’, but he said he wasna sure. When they tell’t him it was paddocks, it was a’ ane as if they had gien him a dose of pizzen. He just banged up an’ breenged oot the hoose. Oor bit winnock lookit oot on the Frenchmen’s backyaird, an’ we saw Maister Renwick sair, sair forfochen, but after a dainty bit warsle, he an’ the paddocks pairtit company.’
It is recorded that the French prisoners considered a good fat cat an excellent substitute for a hare.
At a fire, two French surgeons who distinguished32 themselves in fighting it, were, on a petition from the inhabitants to the Transport Board, allowed to return immediately to France. But another surgeon who applied to be sent to Kelso as he had a relative there, was refused permission—a refusal, which, it is quite possible, was really a compliment, for the records of parole life in Britain abound33 with evidence of the high estimation in which French prisoner-surgeons were held in our country towns.
Between thirty and forty officers tried to escape from Dumfries during the three years of its being a Parole Town; most of these were recaptured, and sent to Valleyfield Prison. Four officers took advantage of the fishing-licence usually extended to the officers on parole here, by which strict adherence34 to the mile limit was not insisted upon, and gradually got their belongings35 away to Lochmaben, eight miles distant, where were also parole prisoners. One of them actually wrote to the Colonel of the Regiment36 stationed in Dumfries, apologizing for his action, explaining it, promising37 that he would get an English officer-prisoner in France exchanged, and that he would not take up arms against her, and that he would repay all the civilities he had received in Scotland. But all were recaptured and sent to Valleyfield.
As instances of the strictness with which even a popular agent carried out his regulations, may be cited that of the officer here, who was sent to Valleyfield because he had written to a lady in Devonshire, enclosing a letter to a friend of his. 342a prisoner on parole there, without first showing it to the Agent. In justice to Mr. Shortt, however, it is right to say that had the letter been a harmless one, and not, as was generally the case, full of abuse of the Government and the country, so extreme a view would not have been taken of the breach38. Another instance was the refusal by the Agent of a request in 1812 from the officers to give a concert. In this case he was under orders from the Transport Office.
In March 1812, a number of the prisoners had at their own request copies of the Scriptures39 supplied them in English, French, German, Italian, and Spanish.
That the French officers on parole in Britain politically arranged their allegiance to the Powers that were, is exemplified by the following incidents at Dumfries. On the re-establishment of the Bourbon Dynasty, the following address was drawn41 up and sent to the French Commissioners for the release of prisoners:
‘Dumfries, le 6 Mai 1814.
‘Les officiers détenus sur parole donnent leur adhésion aux actes du Gouvernement Fran?ais qui rappelle l’illustre sang des Bourbons, au tr?ne de ses ancêtres. Puissent les Fran?ais compter une longue suite42 de rois du sang de Saint Louis et de Henri IV, qui a toujours fait leur gloire et assuré leur bonheur! Vive Louis XVIII! Vivent les Bourbons!’
On the 24th of the same month a French officer, seeing in the window of a bookseller’s shop a ludicrous caricature of Bonaparte, went into the shop in a violent passion, bought two copies, and tore them in pieces before a crowd of people, uttering dreadful imprecations against those who dared to insult ‘his Emperor’. The fact is that the army to a man was Bonapartist at heart, as after events showed, but at Dumfries, as elsewhere, personal interests rendered it politic40 to assume loyalty43 and devotion to the re-established Royalty44. Most of the prisoners, however, who elected to remain in Britain after the Declaration of Peace were unswerving Royalists. Lieutenant Guillemet at Dumfries was one of these. He became a professor of French at Dumfries Academy and also gave lessons in fencing, and was a great favourite with his pupils 343and the public. His son was for many years a chemist at Maxwelltown.
The average number of prisoners was about 100: they were mostly soldiers, and not sailors, on account of the proximity45 of Dumfries to the sea. I cannot refrain from adding to the frequent testimonies46 I have quoted as illustrating47 the good understanding which existed between captors and captives in Scotland, the following extract from a Farewell Letter which appeared in the Dumfries Courier, April 26, 1814, contributed by Lieutenant De Montaignac of the ‘Parisian Guard’.
‘I should indeed be very ungrateful were I to leave this country without publicly expressing my gratitude48 to the inhabitants of Dumfries. From the moment of my arrival in Scotland, the vexations indispensable in the situation of a prisoner have disappeared before me. I have been two years and five months in this town, prisoner on my parole of honour; and it is with the most lively emotion that I quit a place where I have found so many alleviations to my melancholy49 situation. I must express my thanks to the generous proceedings50 with which I have been loaded by the most part of the inhabitants of Dumfries during my captivity51, proceedings which cannot but give an advantageous52 opinion of the Scottish nation. I will add that the respectable magistrates53 of this town have constantly given proofs of their generous dispositions54 to mitigate55 the situation of the prisoners; and that our worthy56 Agent, Mr. Shortt, has always softened57 our lot by the delicate manner in which he fulfilled the duty of his functions. It is then with a remembrance full of gratitude, esteem, and consideration for the honest inhabitants of Dumfries, that I quit the charming banks of the Nith to return to the capital of France, my beloved country, from which I have been absent seven years.’
For the following romantic incidents I am indebted to Mr. William McDowell’s Memorials of St. Michael’s, Dumfries.
Polly Stewart, the object of one of Burns’s minor58 poems, married a Dumfries prisoner of war. She lived at Maxwelltown, and her father was a close friend of Burns. A handsome young Swiss prisoner, Fleitz by name, loved her and married her, and when Louis XVIII came to the French throne, he, being in the Swiss Guard, took her to France. When Louis Philippe became king, the Swiss body-guard was disbanded, and Mr. and Mrs. Fleitz went to Switzerland. It is said that 344poor Polly had an unhappy married life, but at any rate nothing was heard of her for thirty years, when she returned to Scotland, and not long after her husband died and she went to a cousin in France. Here her mind gave way, and she was placed in an asylum59, where she died in 1847, aged 71.
On the tombstone, in St. Michael’s churchyard, of Bailie William Fingass, who died in 1686, is an inscription to a descendant, Anna Grieve, daughter of James Grieve, merchant, who died in 1813, aged 19, with the following lines subjoined:
‘Ta main, bienfaisante et chérie,
D’un exil vient essuyer les pleurs,
Tu me vis loin de parens, de patrie,
Et le même tombeau, lorsque tu m’as ravie,
Renferme nos deux c?urs.’
The story is this. One of the French prisoners on parole at Dumfries fell in love with pretty Anna Grieve, and she regarded his suit with kindness. Had she lived they would probably have been married, for he was in a good position and in every way worthy of her hand. When she died in the flower in her youth, he was overwhelmed with grief, and penned the above-quoted epitaph. After a lapse60 of about forty-six years, a gentleman of dignified61 bearing and seemingly about seventy years old, entered St. Michael’s churchyard, and in broken English politely accosted62 Mr. Watson, who was busy with his chisel63 on one of the monuments. He asked to be shown the spot where Mademoiselle Grieve was buried, and on being taken to it exhibited deep emotion. He read over the epitaph, which seemed to be quite familiar to him, and it was apparent that it was engraved64 upon the tablets of his memory, he being none other than the lover of the lady who lay below, and for whom, although half a century had elapsed, he still retained his old attachment.
(I should say here that for many of the details about Sanquhar and Dumfries I am indebted in the first place to Mrs. Macbeth Forbes, for permission to make use of her late husband’s notes on the prisoner-life at these places, and in the second to the hon. secretary of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society, for the use of a résumé by him of those notes.)
345
Melrose
In the life of Dr. George Lawson, of Selkirk, the French prisoners on parole at Melrose are alluded65 to. The doctor astonished them with his knowledge of the old-world French with which they were unacquainted, and several pages of the book are devoted66 to the eloquent67 attempts of one of the prisoners to bring him to the Roman Catholic communion.
Appended to the minutes of the Quarterly Meeting of the Melrose Freemasons on September 25, 1813, in an account of the laying the foundation-stone of a public well, there is the following reference to the French prisoners interned68 at Melrose (the minutes of the Kelso, Selkirk, and other lodges69 record the fraternal exchange of courtesies, and the reception of these alien Brethren into the lodges, but at Melrose it would seem that these Brethren held a lodge of their own, which they no doubt worked in their native tongue and style, by leave and warrant of the Melrose Lodge):
‘The French Brethren of the Lodge of St. John under the distinctive70 appellation71 of Benevolence72 constituted by the French prisoners of war on parole here, were invited to attend, which the Master, office-bearers, and many of the Brethren accordingly did.’
The lodge has preserved in its archives a document with the names of the French prisoners, adhibited to an expression of their appreciation73 of the kindness they had received during their sojourn74 at Melrose, which was given to the Brethren at the conclusion of the war when they were permitted to return to their own country and homes.
Jedburgh
Mr. Maberley Phillips, F.S.A., from whose pamphlet on prisoners of war in the North I shall quote later (pp. 388–9) a description of an escape of paroled prisoners from Jedburgh, says:
‘Jedburgh had its share of French prisoners. They were for the most part kindly treated, and many of them were permitted a great amount of liberty. One of these had a taste for archaeology75 and visited all the ruins within the precincts of 346his radius76, namely, a mile from the Cross. There is a tradition that on one of his excursions, he was directed to a ruin about a quarter of a mile beyond his appointed mark, which happened to be a milestone77. He asked the Provost for permission to go beyond; that worthy, however, refused, but he quietly added: “If Mr. Combat did walk a short distance beyond the mile and nobody said anything, nothing would come of it.” But the Frenchman had given his word of honour, and he could not break it. A happy thought struck him. He borrowed a barrow one afternoon, and with it and the necessary implements78 proceeded out to the obnoxious79 milestone. Having “unshipped” the milestone, he raised it on to the barrow, and triumphantly81 wheeled it to the required distance, where he fixed82 it.... For a generation the stone stood where the Frenchman placed it, no one being any the worse for the extra extent of the Scotch83 mile.’
Many of the prisoners were naval84 officers and were deeply versed85 in science, including navigation and astronomy. A favourite resort of these was Inchbonny, the abode86 of James Veitch, the self-taught astronomer87. Inchbonny is situated88 up the Jed about half a mile from Jedburgh. Among the prisoners who made a point of visiting Veitch’s workshop we may mention Scot, an old naval lieutenant, who with a long grey coat was to be seen at every gleam of sunshine at the Meridian89 line with compasses in hand, resolving to determine the problem of finding the longitude90, and M. Charles Jehenne, who belonged to the navy, and who was captured at the battle of Trafalgar. He on that memorable91 day from the masthead of his vessel92 observed the British fleet under Nelson bearing down upon the French and Spanish vessels93. ‘They saw us’, he was wont94 to say, ‘before we saw them.’ He was a constant visitor to the workshop, and constructed a telescope there for his own use. He was most agreeable in his manner, and careful not to give any trouble when doing any work for himself with Veitch’s tools. He also was an astronomer, and would often stay out at Inchbonny, in order to view the stars through Veitch’s telescopes, until long after the tolling95 of the bell which warned the prisoners that the daily period of liberty had again expired. In order that he might escape being noticed by the observant eyes of any who might be desirous of obtaining the reward given for a conviction, he usually got the loan of Veitch’s plaid, and, muffled96 in this, reached his quarters undetected.
Jedburgh Abbey, 1812
From a painting by Ensign Bazin, a French prisoner of war
347Billeted along with Jehenne, and staying in the same room, was Ensign Bazin, of St. Malo, a man of quiet demeanour, captured on the Torche corvette in 1805. He was very talented with his pencil, and fond of drawing sketches97 of Jedburgh characters, many of which are preserved at Inchbonny. He made a painting of Jedburgh Abbey, which he dedicated98 to Mr. Veitch, dated 1812. In this picture the French prisoners are seen marching on the ramparts, and, in the original, their faces and forms, as also those of many local characters, are so admirably sketched99 as to be easily recognizable. A duplicate of this picture he sent home to his mother. Mrs. Grant of Laggan perhaps had Bazin in view when in her Memoir100 of a Highland101 Lady, she wrote:
‘A number of French prisoners, officers, were on parole at Jedburgh. Lord Buchanan, whom we met there, took us to see a painting in progress by one of them; some battlefield, all the figures portraits from memory. The picture was already sold and part paid for, and another ordered, which we were very glad of, the handsome young painter having interested us much.’
In October 1813, Bazin received a pass to be sent to Alresford, and he was noted, ‘to be exchanged at the first opportunity. Has been long imprisoned102, and is a great favourite.’ He was of wealthy parents, and got back to France some time before his fellow prisoners were released.
‘The ingenuity104 of the French prisoners of all ranks was amazing, only to be equalled by their industry; those of them unskilled in higher arts earned for themselves most comfortable additions to their allowance by turning bits of wood, bones, straw, almost anything in fact, into neat toys of many sorts, eagerly bought up by all who met with them.’
At Mr. Veitch’s house, Inchbonny, may be seen by those fortunate enough to have a personal introduction, much of the French prisoner handiwork—sketches, telescopes, and an electric machine with which the poor fellows had much fun, connecting it with wires to a plate on the window-sill below, 348whereto they would invite passers-by—generally girls—for a chat and a joke, the result being a shock which sent them flying.
It is stated that when the word came that the Frenchmen were to be allowed to return to their native land, they caused their manufactures and other articles to be ‘rouped’. One of the prisoners whose knowledge of the English language, even after his prolonged stay in this quarter, was very limited, was delegated to obtain the sanction of the Provost of the Burgh to hold such roup. He who at this time graced the office of provostship had a draper’s shop in Canongate, and hither the Frenchman went on his errand. His lack of knowledge of the popular tongue, however, proved to be an inconvenience, for, on arriving at the shop, he could only request ‘A rope! A rope!’ The draper had his customary supply of old ropes, and, willing to oblige, brought them out, to the perplexity of the visitor, and commenced to ‘wale out the best of them’. Seeing that his would-be benefactor105 was obviously mistaken, the French envoy106 reiterated107 his former request, and supplemented this by adding in a style which would have done credit to any auctioneer, ‘One, Two, Tree!’ Light dawned upon the Provost’s comprehension, and the necessary permission was not long in being granted.
Many of the prisoners are supposed to have rejoined Bonaparte on his return from Elba, and to have fallen at Waterloo.
The officers were billeted among private citizens, says Mr. Forbes, while several occupied quarters immediately under the Clock Tower. Being young and lusty, they were dowered with an exceedingly good appetite, and as they got little to eat so far as their allowance went, some of them used to have a pulley and hoist108 their loaves of bread to near the ceiling to prevent themselves from devouring109 them all, and to ensure something being left over for next repast.
The prisoners were not commonly spoken of by name, but were known by the persons with whom they resided, e.g., ‘Nannie Tamson’s Frenchman’, ‘Widow Ross’s Frenchman’. The boys were a great plague to the Frenchmen, for when a great victory was announced their dominie gave them a holiday, and the youngsters celebrated110 it too frequently by jeering111 the 349prisoners, and by shouting and cheering. The boys at a school then beside the road at No. 1 Milestone, were prominent in these triumphant80 displays, and sometimes pelted112 the prisoners with stones.
The manners of the Jedburgh prisoners are thus alluded to in the False Alarm, a local pamphlet:
‘They were very polite, and not infrequently put us rough-spun Scotchmen to the blush with their polished manners. They came in course of time to be liked, but it seems some of the older members of the community could never be brought to fraternize with them. One old man actually pointed26 his gun at them, and threatened to fire because they had exceeded their walking limit.’
An aged Jedburgh lady’s reminiscences are interesting. She says:
‘Among the officers was M. Espinasse, who settled in Edinburgh after the Peace and engaged in teaching; Baron113 Goldshord or Gottshaw, who married a Jedburgh lady, a Miss Waugh; another, whose name I do not remember, married a Miss Jenny Wintrope, who went with him to the South of France. There was a Captain Rivoli, also a Captain Racquet, and a number of others who were well received by the townspeople, and frequently invited to parties in their homes, to card-clubs, etc. They were for the most part pleasant, agreeable gentlemen, and made many friends. Almost all of them employed themselves in work of some kind, besides playing at different kinds of games, shooting small birds, and fishing for trout114. They much enjoyed the liberty granted them of walking one mile out of the town in any direction, as within that distance there were many beautiful walks when they could go out one road, turn, and come back by another. During their stay, when news had been received of one great British victory, the magistrates permitted rejoicing, and a great bonfire was kindled115 at the Cross, and an effigy116 of Napoleon was set on a donkey and paraded round the town by torchlight, and round the bonfire, and then cast into the flames. I have often heard an old gentleman, who had given the boots and part of the clothing, say he never regretted doing anything so much in his life, as helping117 on that great show, when he saw the pain it gave to these poor gentlemen-prisoners, who felt so much at seeing the affront118 put upon their great commander.
‘The French prisoners have always been ingenious in the use they made of their meat bones ... they took them and 350pounded them into a powder which they mixed with the soft food they were eating. It is even said that they flourished on this dissolved phosphate of lime and gelatine.
‘There was an old game called “cradles” played in those days. Two or three persons clasp each other’s hands, and when their arms are held straight out at full length, a person is placed on these stretched hands, who is sent up in the air and down again, landing where he started from. A farmer thought he would try the experiment on the Frenchmen. Some buxom119 lassies were at work as some of them passed, and he gave the girls the hint to treat the foreigners to the “cradles”. Accordingly two of them were jerked well up in the air to fall again on the sturdy hands of the wenches. The experiment was repeated again and again until the Frenchmen were glad to call a halt.’
Parole-breaking was rather common, and began some months after the officers arrived in the town. A party of five set out for Blyth in September 1811, but were brought to Berwick under a military escort, and lodged in jail. Next day they were marched to Penicuik under charge of a party of the Forfarshire Militia120. Three of them were good-looking young men; one in particular had a very interesting countenance121, and, wishing one day to extend his walk, in order to get some watercress for salad, beyond the limit of the one-mile stone, uprooted122 it, and carried it in his arms as far as he wished to go.
Three other officers were captured the same year, and sent to Edinburgh Castle, and in 1813 occurred the escape and capture to be described later (p. 388).
The highest number of prisoners at Jedburgh was 130, and there were three deaths during their stay.
Hawick
I owe my best thanks to Mr. J. John Vernon, hon. secretary of the Hawick Archaeological Society, for the following note on Hawick:
‘Not many of Napoleon’s officers were men of means, so to the small allowance they received from the British Government, they were permitted to eke123 out their income by teaching, sketching124, or painting, or by making little trifles which they disposed of as best they could among the townspeople. At other times they made a little money by giving musical and 351dramatic entertainments, which proved a source of enjoyment125 to the audience and of profit to themselves.
‘Though “prisoners”, they had a considerable freedom, being allowed to go about as they pleased anywhere within a radius of a mile from the Tower Knowe. During their residence in Hawick they became very popular among all classes of the people and much regret was expressed when the time came for their returning to the Continent. Hawick society was decidedly the poorer by their departure. Paradoxical it may seem, but most of those who were termed “French Prisoners” were in reality of German extraction: Fifteen of their number became members of the Freemasons, St. John’s Lodge, No. 111. They were lodged in private houses throughout the towns. No. 44 High Street was the residence of a number of them, who dwelt in it from June 1812 to June 1814.’
Speaking of Freemasonry in Hawick, Mr. W. Fred Vernon says:
‘Each succeeding year saw the Lodge more thinly attended. An impetus126 to the working and attendance was given about 1810 by the affiliation127 and initiation128 of several of the French prisoners of war who were billeted in the town, and from time to time to the close of the war in 1815, the attendance and prosperity of the Lodge was in striking contrast to what it had been previously129.’
The following extracts are from a book upon Hawick published by Mr. J. John Vernon in November 1911.
‘One of Bonaparte’s officers, compelled to reside for nearly two years in Hawick, thus expressed himself regarding the weather during the winter, and at the same time his opinion of the people. In reply to a sympathetic remark that the weather must be very trying to one who had come from a more genial130 climate, the officer said:
‘“It is de devil’s wedder, but you have de heaven contré for all dat. You have de cold, de snow, de frozen water, and de sober dress; but you have de grand constitution, and de manners and equality that we did fight for so long. I see in your street de priest and de shoemaker; de banker and de baker131, de merchant and de hosier all meet together, be companions and be happy. Dis is de equality dat de French did fight for and never got, not de ting de English newspapers say we want. Ah! Scotland be de fine contré and de people be de wise, good men.... De English tell me at Wincanton dat de Scots be a nation of sauvages. It was a lie. De English 352be de sauvages and de Scots be de civilized132 people. De high Englishman be rich and good; de low Englishman be de brute133. In Scotland de people be all de same! Oh! Scotland be a fine contré!
‘The fact that so many of the French prisoners of war were quartered in Hawick from 1812–14 did much towards brightening society during that time. Pity for their misfortunes prevailed over any feeling that the name “Frenchman” might formerly134 have excited, and they were welcomed in the homes of the Hawick people. It heartened them to be asked to dinner; as one of them remarked: “De heart of hope do not jump in de hungry belly”, and many valued friendships were thus formed.’
‘The presence of so many well-dressed persons for so long a period produced a marked reform in the costume of the inhabitants of Hawick,’ says James Wilson in his Annals of Hawick.
The first prisoners came to Hawick in January 1812. Of these, thirty-seven came from Wincanton, forty-one came direct from Spain a little later, thirty-seven from Launceston. The prisoners had been sent hither from such distant places as Launceston and Wincanton on account of the increasing number of escapes from these places, the inhabitants of both of which, as we have seen, were notoriously in sympathy with the foreigners. Two surgeons came from the Greenlaw dép?t to attend on them. Mr. William Nixon, of Lynnwood, acted as agent, or commissary, and by the end of 1812 he had 120 prisoners in his charge. A few of the Hawick prisoners were quite well-to-do. There is a receipt extant of a Captain Grupe which shows that he had a monthly remittance135 from Paris of ￡13 4s. 6d., in addition to his pay and subsistence money as a prisoner of war.
In the Kelso Mail of June 20, 1814, is the following testimony from the prisoners, on leaving, to the kind and hospitable136 treatment they had so generally received:
‘Hawick, May 2, 1814.
‘The French officers on parole at Hawick, wishing to express their gratitude to the inhabitants of the town and its vicinity for the liberal behaviour which they have observed to them, and the good opinion which they have experienced from them, 353unanimously request the Magistrates and Mr. Nixon, their Commissary, to be so kind as to allow them to express their sentiments to them, and to assure them that they will preserve the remembrance of all the marks of friendship which they have received from them. May the wishes which the French officers make for the prosperity of the town and the happiness of its inhabitants be fully137 accomplished138. Such is the most ardent139 wish, the dearest hope of those who have the honour to be their most humble140 servants.’
In some cases intercourse141 did not cease with the departure of the prisoners, and men who had received kindnesses as aliens kept up correspondence with those who had pitied and befriended them.
On May 18, 1814, the officers at Hawick, mostly, if not entirely142, Bonaparte’s soldiers, drifted with the Royalist tide, and sent an address to Louis XVIII, conceived in much the same terms as that from Dumfries already quoted, speaking of ‘the happy events which have taken place in our country, and which have placed on the throne of his ancestors the illustrious family of Bourbon’, and adding, ‘we lay at the feet of the worthy descendant of Henry IV the homage143 of our entire obedience144 and fidelity’.
The prisoners were always welcome visitors at the house of Goldielands adjoining the fine old peel tower of that name, and I give the following pleasant testimony of one of them:
‘To Mr. Elliott of Goldielands:
‘Sir,
‘Very sorry that before my leaving Scotland I could not have the pleasure of passing some hours with you. I take the liberty of addressing you these few lines, the principal object of which is to thank you for all the particular kindness and friendship you honoured me with during my stay in this country. The more lively I always felt this your kindness since idle prejudices had not the power over you to treat us with that coldness and reserve which foreigners, and the more so, prisoners of war in Britain, so often meet with.
‘If in the case only that my conduct whilst I had the honour of being acquainted with you, has not met with your disapproval145, I pray you to preserve me, even so far off, your friendship. To hear sometimes of you would certainly cause me great pleasure.
354‘Pray acquaint Mrs. Elliott and the rest of your family of the high esteem with which I have the honour to be, Sir,
‘Your humble servant,
‘G. de Tallard, Lieut.
‘Hawick, March 11, 1814.’
Lauder
I am indebted to the late Mr. Macbeth Forbes for these notes.
There hangs in one of the rooms of Thirlestane Castle, the baronial residence of the Earls of Lauderdale, an oil-painting executed by a French prisoner of war, Lieutenant-Adjutant George Maurer of the Hesse-Darmstadt Infantry146. He is described in the Admiralty Records as a youth of twenty, with hazel eyes, fresh complexion147, five feet nine and three-quarter inches in height, well made, but with a small sword scar on his left cheek. Although his production is by no means a striking work of art, it is nevertheless cherished as a memento148 of the time when—a hundred years ago—French prisoners were billeted in Lauder, Berwickshire, and indulged in pleasant intercourse with the inhabitants of this somewhat remote and out-of-the-way country town. In the left corner of the painting, which represents Lauder as seen from the west, is a portrait, dated August 1813, of the artist decked in a sort of Tam-o’-Shanter bonnet149, swallow-tailed coat, and knee breeches, plying150 his brush.
The average number of prisoners at Lauder was between fifty and sixty, and the average age was twenty-six. They appear to have conducted themselves with great propriety151 in the quiet town; none of them was ever sent to the Tolbooth. They resided for the most part with burgesses, one of whom was James Haswell, a hairdresser, whose son remembered two of the prisoners who lived in his father’s house, and who made for him and his brothers, as boys, suits of regimentals with cocked hats, and marched them through the town with bayonets at their sides.
About the end of January 1812, Captain Pequendaire, of L’Espoir privateer, escaped. At Lauder he never spoke a word of English to any one, and about six weeks after his arrival he disappeared. It came out that he had walked to Stow, near 355Lauder, and taken the coach there, and that he had got off because he spoke English so perfectly152 as to pass for a native!
Angot, second captain of L’Espoir, was released upon the representation of inhabitants of St. Valery, that he with others had saved the lives of seventy-nine British seamen153 wrecked154 on the coast.
A duel took place on a terrace on the east side of Lauderdale Castle between two prisoners armed with razors fastened to the end of walking-sticks. No harm was done on this occasion.
The prisoners were always kindly and hospitably155 treated by the inhabitants. On one occasion some of them were at a dinner-party at Mr. Brodie’s, a farmer of Pilmuir. The farm was beyond the one-mile limit, but no notice would have been taken if the prisoners had duly reported themselves and enabled the Agent to make the necessary declaration, but, unfortunately, a heavy snowstorm prevented them from getting back to Lauder, and the report went in that So-and-so had not appeared. The Transport Board at once dealt with the matter, and the parish Minister, the Rev. Peter Cosens, who had been one of the party at Pilmuir, wrote to the authorities by way of explaining, and the reply received was very severe, the authorities expressing surprise that one in his position should have given countenance to, and should seek to palliate or excuse, the offence. The result to the prisoners is not known, but they were probably let off with a fine stopped out of their allowance.
Many of the prisoners knew little or no English when they came to Lauder. On the occasion of a detachment coming into the town, some of the baggage had not arrived, and the interpreter of the party appeared before the Agent, and made a low bow, and held up a finger for each package that was wanting, and uttered the only appropriate English word he knew, ‘Box’. Another, who wished to buy eggs, went into a shop, and, drawing his cloak around him, sat down and clucked like a hen.
Many of the prisoners in the Scottish towns were Germans in French service. In January 1813, the Lauder St. Luke’s Lodge of Freemasons admitted eight Germans and one Frenchman, and it is related that on the occasion of their induction156, when the time for refreshments157 after business came, the foreign 356installations delighted the company with yarns158 of their military experiences. When the great movement for German liberty got into full swing, Britain encouraged the French prisoners of German nationality to fight for their own country. Accordingly the eleven German prisoners in Lauder, belonging to the Hesse-Darmstadt regiment, received ￡5 each at the end of February 1814, to pay their expenses to Hawick, whence to proceed to the seat of war. It is related that the joy they felt at their release was diminished by their regret at leaving the town where they had been treated by the inhabitants with so much marked hospitality and kindness. The evening previous to their departure, the magistrates gave them an entertainment at the Black Bull Inn, and wished them all success in their efforts to restore liberty and prosperity. The remaining twenty-two prisoners finally left Lauder, June 3, 1814; others having been previously removed to Jedburgh, Kelso, and Dumfries. While they were in Lauder some of the merchants gave them credit, and they were honourably159 repaid on the prisoners’ return to their own country. Maurer, the artist before alluded to, often revisited his friends in Lauder, and always called on and dined with the Agent, and talked over old times.
Lockerbie and Lochmaben
About a score of prisoners were at each of these places, but as the record of their lives here is of very much the same character as of prisoner life elsewhere, it hardly makes a demand upon the reader’s attention. In both places the exiles conducted themselves peaceably and quietly, and they, especially the doctors, were well liked by the inhabitants.
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1
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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13
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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stipend
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| n.薪贴；奖学金；养老金 | |
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lodgings
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| n. 出租的房舍, 寄宿舍 | |
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lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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inmate
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| n.被收容者；(房屋等的)居住人；住院人 | |
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ploy
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| n.花招，手段 | |
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ken
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| n.视野，知识领域 | |
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syne
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| adv.自彼时至此时，曾经 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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43
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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45
proximity
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| n.接近，邻近 | |
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testimonies
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| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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illustrating
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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50
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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51
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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52
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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53
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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54
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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55
mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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56
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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57
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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58
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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59
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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60
lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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61
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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62
accosted
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| v.走过去跟…讲话( accost的过去式和过去分词 )；跟…搭讪；（乞丐等）上前向…乞讨；（妓女等）勾搭 | |
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63
chisel
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| n.凿子；v.用凿子刻，雕，凿 | |
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64
engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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65
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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66
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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67
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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68
interned
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| v.拘留，关押( intern的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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lodges
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| v.存放( lodge的第三人称单数 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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71
appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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72
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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74
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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75
archaeology
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| n.考古学 | |
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76
radius
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| n.半径，半径范围；有效航程，范围，界限 | |
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77
milestone
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| n.里程碑；划时代的事件 | |
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78
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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80
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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81
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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82
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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83
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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84
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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86
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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astronomer
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| n.天文学家 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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meridian
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| adj.子午线的；全盛期的 | |
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longitude
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| n.经线，经度 | |
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91
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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92
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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94
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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95
tolling
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| [财]来料加工 | |
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muffled
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| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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99
sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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101
highland
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| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
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102
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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104
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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107
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
hoist
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| n.升高，起重机，推动；v.升起，升高，举起 | |
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109
devouring
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| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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110
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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111
jeering
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| adj.嘲弄的，揶揄的v.嘲笑( jeer的现在分词 ) | |
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112
pelted
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| （连续地）投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续抨击； 攻击； 剥去…的皮 | |
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113
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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114
trout
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| n.鳟鱼；鲑鱼(属) | |
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115
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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116
effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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117
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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118
affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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119
buxom
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| adj.（妇女）丰满的，有健康美的 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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122
uprooted
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| v.把（某物）连根拔起( uproot的过去式和过去分词 )；根除；赶走；把…赶出家园 | |
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123
eke
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| v.勉强度日，节约使用 | |
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124
sketching
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| n.草图 | |
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125
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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affiliation
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| n.联系，联合 | |
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128
initiation
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| n.开始 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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135
remittance
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| n.汇款，寄款，汇兑 | |
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136
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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138
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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139
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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143
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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144
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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145
disapproval
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| n.反对，不赞成 | |
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146
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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147
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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148
memento
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| n.纪念品，令人回忆的东西 | |
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149
bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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150
plying
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的现在分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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151
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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152
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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153
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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154
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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155
hospitably
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| 亲切地，招待周到地，善于款待地 | |
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156
induction
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| n.感应，感应现象 | |
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157
refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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158
yarns
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| n.纱( yarn的名词复数 )；纱线；奇闻漫谈；旅行轶事 | |
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159
honourably
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| adv.可尊敬地，光荣地，体面地 | |
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