Satanism is one of the words that most of us simple people have heard others use; we guiltily feel that we ought to know what it means, but do not quite like to ask, lest we expose the nakedness of the land. Then comes Professor Gilbert Murray, one of the few learned men who are able to make a thing clear to people not quite like themselves, and tells us all about it in a cheap, small book, easy to read. It seems that the Satanists, or the pick of the sect1, were Bohemian Protestants at the start, and quite plain, poor men from the country.
"Every person in authority met them with rack and sword, cursed their religious leaders as emissaries of the Devil, and punished them for all the things which they considered holy. The earth was the Lord's, and the Pope and Emperor were the vicegerents of God upon the earth. So they were told; and in time they accepted the statement. That was the division of the world. On the one side God, Pope and Emperor, and the army of persecutors; on the other themselves, downtrodden and poor...."
How easy to understand! In crude works of non-imagination the wicked, repente turpissimus, suddenly says, some fine morning, "Evil, be thou my good." In life the conversion2 is slower. It is a gradual process of coming to feel that what has passed officially as true, right, and worshipful is so implicated3 in work manifestly dirty, and so easily made to serve the ends of the greedy, lazy, and cruel, that faith in its authenticity4 has to be given up as not to be squared with the facts of the world. From feeling this it is not a long step to the further surmise5 that the grand traditional foe6 of that old moral order of the world, now so severely7 discredited8, may be less black than so lying an artist has painted him. Does he not, anyhow, stand at the opposite pole to that which has just proved itself base? He, too, perhaps, is some helpless butt9 of the slings10 and arrows of an enthroned barbarity tormenting11 the world. The legend about his condign12 fall from heaven may only be some propagandist lie—all we are suffered to hear about some early crime in the long, beastly annals of governmental misdoing. So thought trips, fairly lightly, along till your worthy13 Bohemian peasant, literal, serious, and straight, like the plain working-man of all countrysides, turns, with a desperate logical integrity and courage, right away from a world order which has called itself divine and shown itself diabolic. He will embrace, in its stead, the only other world order supposed to be extant: the one which the former order called diabolic; at any rate, he has not wittingly suffered any such wrong at its hand as the scourges14 of Popes and of Emperors. So the plain man emerges a Satanist.
II
To-day the convert does not insist upon bearing the new name. He does not, except in the case of a few doctrinaire15 bigots, repeat any Satanist creed16. But in several portions of Europe the war made conversions17 abound18. Imagine the state of mind that it must have induced in many a plain Russian peasant, literal, serious, and straight, like the Bohemian. First the Tsar, in the name of God and of Holy Russia, sent him, perhaps without so much as a rifle, to starve and be shelled in a trench19. If he escaped, the Soviet20 chiefs, in the name of Justice, sent him to fight against those for whom the Tsar had made him fight before, while his wife and babies were starved by those whom he fought both for and against. When his fighting was done he was made, in the name of social right, an industrial conscript or wage-slave. If alive, to-day, he is probably overworked and starved, perhaps far from home, his family life broken up, his instinct or right of self-direction ignored or punished as treason by rulers whom he did not choose, his whole country in danger of lapsing21 into the abject22 miseries23 of an uncared-for fowl-run—all brought about in the name of human freedom.
Consider, again, the case of some German or Austrian widow with many young children. The Kaiser's Government, breathing the most Christian24 sentiments, gave the Fatherland war in her time; her husband was killed, her country is ruined, her children are growing up stunted25 and marred26 by all the years of semi-starvation; the Paris Press is crying out, in the name of moral order throughout the world, that they ought to be starved more drastically; part of the English Press complains, in the tone of an outraged27 spiritual director, that she has shown no adequate signs of repentance28 of the Kaiser's sins, and that she and hers are living like fighting cocks; the German Agrarian29 Party, in the name of Patriotism30, manoeuvres to keep her from getting her weekly ounce or two of butcher's meat from abroad more cheaply than they would like to sell it to her at home.
What could you say to such people if they should break out at last in despair and defiance31: "Anyhow, all these people, here and abroad, who take upon themselves to speak for God and duty and patriotism and liberty and loyalty32 are evil people, and do evil things. Shall not all these trees that they swear by be judged by their fruits? Away with them into the fire, God and country and social duty and justice and every old phrase that used to seem more than a phrase till the war came to show it up for what it was worth as a means to right conduct in men?" Of course you could say a great deal. But at every third word they could incommode you with some stumping33 case of the foulest34 thing done in the holiest name till you would be shamed into silence at the sight of all the crowns of thorns brought to market by keepers of what you still believe to be vineyards. So, throughout much of Europe, Satan's most promising35 innings for many long years has begun.
III
In their vices36 as well as their virtues37 the English preserve a distinguished38 moderation. They do not utterly39 shrink from jobbery, for example; they do from a job that is flagrant or gross. They give judgeships as prizes for party support, but not to the utterly briefless, the dullard who knows no more law than necessity. Building contractors41, when in the course of their rise they become town councillors, do not give bribes42 right and left: their businesses thrive without that. An Irishman running a Tammany in the States cannot thus hold himself in: the humorous side of corruption43 charms him too much: he wants to let the grand farce44 of roguery rip for all it is worth. But the English private's pet dictum, "There's reason in everything," rules the jobber40, the profiteer, the shirker and placeman of Albion as firmly as it controls the imagination of her Wordsworths and the political idealism of her Cromwells and Pitts. Like her native cockroaches45 and bugs46, whose moderate stature47 excites the admiration48 and envy of human dwellers49 among the corresponding fauna50 of the tropics, the caterpillars51 of her commonwealth52 preserve the golden mean; few, indeed, are flamboyants or megalomaniacs.
So, when the war with its great opportunities came we were but temperately53 robbed by our own birds of prey54. Makers55 of munitions56 made mighty57 fortunes out of our peril58. Still, every British soldier did have a rifle, at any rate when he went to the front. I have watched a twelve-inch gun fire, in action, fifteen of its great bales or barrels of high explosives, fifteen running, and only three of the fifteen costly59 packages failed to explode duly on its arrival beyond. Vendors61 of soldiers' clothes and boots acquired from us the wealth which dazzles us all in these days of our own poverty. They knew how to charge: they made hay with a will while the blessed suns of 1914-18 were high in the heavens. Still, nearly all the tunics62 made in that day of temptation did hold together; none of the boots, so far as I knew or heard tell, was made of brown paper. "He that maketh haste to be rich shall not be innocent." Still, there is reason in everything. "Meden agan," as the Greeks said—temperance in all things, even in robbery, even in patriotism and personal honour. Our profiteers did not bid Satan get him behind them; but they did ask him to stand a little to one side.
So, too, in the army. Some old Regular sergeant-majors would sell every stripe that they could, but they would not sell a map to the enemy. Some of our higher commanders would use their A.D.C. rooms as funk-holes to shelter the healthy young nephew or son of their good friend the earl, or their distant cousin the marquis. But there were others. Sometimes a part of our Staff would almost seem to forget the war, and give its undivided mind to major struggles—its own intestine63 "strafes" and the more bitter war against uncomplaisant politicians at home. But presently it would remember, and work with a will. There was, again, an undeniable impulse abroad, among the "best people" of the old Army, to fall back towards G.H.Q. and its safety as soon as the first few months made it clear that this was to be none of our old gymkhana wars, but almost certainly lethal64 to regimental officers who stayed it out with their units. But this centripetal65 instinct, this "safety first" movement, though real, was moderate. Lists of headquarter formations might show an appreciable66 excess of names of some social distinction. But not an outrageous67 excess. Some peers and old baronets and their sons were still getting killed, by their own choice, along with the plebs to the very end of the war. Again, all through the war one could not deny that those who had chosen the safer part, or had it imposed upon them, absorbed a stout68 and peckish lion's share of the rewards for martial69 valour. And yet they did not absolutely withhold70 these meeds from officers and men who fought. The king of beasts being duly served, these hard-bitten jackals got some share, though not perhaps, for their numbers, a copious71 one. Some well-placed shirkers were filled with good things, but the brave were not sent utterly empty away. Guardsmen and cavalrymen, the least richly brained soldiers we had, kept to themselves the bulk of the distinguished jobs for which brain-work was needed; and yet the poor foot-soldier was not expressly taboo72; quite a good billet would fall to him sometimes—Plumer commanded an army.
As with the moral virtues, so with the mental. Brilliancy, genius, scientific imagination in any higher command would have caused almost a shock; a general with the demonic insight to see that he had got the enemy stiff at Arras in 1917 and at Cambrai the same autumn, might have seemed an outré highbrow, almost unsafe. And yet the utter slacker was not countenanced73, and the dunce had been known to be so dull that he was sent home as an empty by those unexacting chiefs. There was reason in everything, even in reason.
IV
All this relative mildness in the irritants administered to the common Englishman as soldier had its counterpart in the men's ingrained moderateness of reaction. At Bray-sur-Somme during the battle of 1916 I saw a French soldier go so mad with rage at what he considered to be the deficiencies of his leaders that he brought out each article of his kit74 and equipment in succession to the door of his billet and threw it into the deep central mud of the road with a separate curse, at each cast, on war, patriotism, civilization, and the Commander-in-Chief. This Athanasian service of commination endured for a full quarter of an hour. But from an English private who witnessed the rite75 it only drew the phlegmatic76 diagnosis77: "He'll 'ave 'ad a drop o' sugar-water an' got excited." Firewater itself could not excite the English soldier to so rounded an eloquence78 or to so sweeping79 a series of judgements. He never thought of throwing his messing-tin and his paybook into the mud; still less of forming a Council of Soldiers and Workmen. Either step would have been of the abhorred80 nature of a "scene."
Unaggressive, unoriginal, anti-extreme, contemptuous of all "hot air" and windy ideas, he too was braked by the same internal negations that helped to keep his irredeemably middling commanders equidistant from genius and from arrant81 failure. Confronted now with the frustration82 of so many too-high hopes, the discrediting83 of so many persons or institutions hitherto taken on trust, he did not say, as the humbler sort of Bolshevist seems to have said in his heart: "What order, or disorder84, could ever be worse than this which has failed? Why not anything, any wild-seeming nihilism or fantasy of savage85 rudeness, rather than sit quiet under this old contemptible86 rule?" Instead of contracting a violent new sort of heat he simply went cold, and has remained so. Where a Slav or a Latin might have become a hundred per cent. Satanist he became about a thirty per center. The disbelief, the suspicion, the vacuous87 space in the disendowed heart, the spiritual rubbish-heap of draggled banners and burst drums—all that blank, unlighting and unwarming part of Satanism was his, without any other: a Lucifer cold as a moon prompted him listlessly, not to passionate88 efforts of crime, but to self-regarding and indolent apathy89.
From the day he went into the army till now he has been learning to take many things less seriously than he did. First what Burke calls the pomps and plausibilities of the world. He has tumbled many kings into the dust and proved the strongest emperor assailable90. I remember a little private, who seemed to know Dickens by heart, applying to William the Second in 1915 the words used by the Game Chicken about Mr. Dombey—"as stiff a cove91 as ever he see, but within the resources of science to double him up with one blow in the waistcoat." This he proved, too, he and his like, casting down the proud from their seats with little help from all that was highly placed and reverently92 regarded in his own country. Our ruling class had, on the whole, failed, and had to be pulled through by him and the French and Americans; that feeling, in one form or another, is clear in the common man's mind. He may not know in detail the record of French as commander-in-chief, nor the exact state of the Admiralty which let the Goeben and the Breslau go free, nor the inner side of the diplomacy93 which added Turkey, and even Bulgaria, to our enemies, nor yet the well-born underworld of war-time luxury, disloyalty, and intrigue94 which notorious memoirs95 have since revealed. But some horse instinct or some pricking96 in his thumbs told him correctly that in every public service manned mainly by our upper classes the war-time achievement was relatively97 low. There is very little natural inclination98 to class jealousy99 among plain Englishmen. Equalitarian theory does not interest them much. Their general relish100 for a gamble makes them rather like a lucky-bag or bran-tub society in which anyone may pick up, with luck, a huge unearned prize. By cheerfully helping101 to keep up the big gaming-hell, by giving Barnatos and Joels pretty full value for their win, the pre-war governing class gained a kind of strength which a prouder and more fastidious aristocracy would have forgone102. It stands in little physical danger now. But it lives, since the war, in a kind of contempt. The one good word that the average private had for bestowal103 among his unseen "betters" during the latter years of the war was for the King. "He did give up his beer" was said a thousand times by men whom that symbolic104 act of willing comradeship with the dry throat on the march and the war-pinched household at home had touched and astonished.
Other institutions, too, had been weighed in the balance. The War Office was only the commonest of many by-words. The Houses of Parliament, in which too many men of military age had demanded the forced enlistment106 of others, wore an air of insincerity, apart from the loss of prestige inevitable107 in a war; for armies always take the colour out of deliberative assemblies. To moderate this effect a large number of members who did not go to the war found means to wear khaki in London instead of black, but this well-conceived precaution only succeeded in further curling the lip of derision among actual soldiers. The churches, as we have seen, got their chance, made little or nothing of it, and came out of the war quite good secular108 friends with the men, but almost null and void in their eyes as ghostly counsellors, and stripped of the vague consequence with which many men had hitherto credited them on account of any divine mission they might be found to have upon closer acquaintance. Respect for the truthfulness109 of the Press was clean gone. The contrast between the daily events that men saw and the daily accounts that were printed was final. What the Press said thenceforth was not evidence. But still it had sent out plum puddings at Christmas.
Neither was anything evidence now that was said by a politician. A great many plain men had really drawn110 a distinction, all their lives, between the solemn public assurances of statesmen and the solemn public assurances of men who draw teeth outside dock-gates and take off their caps and call upon God to blast the health of their own darling children if a certain pill they have for sale does not cure colds, measles111, ring-worm, and the gripes within twenty-four hours of taking. A Swift might say there never was any difference, but the plain man had always firmly believed that there was. Now, after the war, he is shaken. Every disease which victory was to cure he sees raging worse than before: more poverty, less liberty, more likelihood of other wars, more spite between master and man, less national comradeship. And then the crucial test case, the solemn vow112 of the statesmen, all with their hands on their sleek113 bosoms114, that if only the common man would save them just that once they would turn to and think of nothing else, do nothing else, but build him a house, assure him of work, settle him on land, make all England a paradise for him—a "land fit for heroes to live in." And then the sequel: the cold fit; the feint at house-building and its abandonment; all the bankruptcy115 of promise; the ultimate bilking, done by way of reluctant surrender to "anti-waste" stunts116 got up by the same cheap-jacks of the Press who in the first year of the war would have had the statesmen promise yet more wildly than they did. Colds, measles, ring-worm, and gripes all flourishing, much more than twenty-four hours after, and new ailments117 added unto them.
No relief, either, by running from one medicine-man to the next. Few of our disenchanted men doubt that the lightning cure of the Communist is only just another version of the lightning cure of the Tory, the authoritarian118, the peremptory119 regimentalist. "Give me a free hand and all will be well with you." Both say exactly the same thing in the end. One of them may call it the rule of the fittest, the other the rule of the proletariat; each means exactly the same thing—the rule of himself, the enforcement on everyone else of his own darling theory of what is best for them, whether they know it or not. Small choice in rotten apples; one bellyful of east wind is a diet as poor as another. Not in the yells and counter-yells of this and that vendor60 of patent hot-air is the heart of the average ex-soldier engaged. Rather "Away with all gas-projectors alike" is his present feeling towards eloquent120 men, Left or Right. For the moment he knows them too well, and is tired of hearing of plans which might work if he were either a babe in arms or a Michael of super-angelic wisdom and power.
V
You may be disillusioned121 about the value of things, or about their security, either coming to feel that your house is a poor place to live in or that, pleasant or not, it is likely enough to come down on your head. Of these two forms of discomfort122 our friend experiences both. Much that he took to be fairly noble now looks pretty mean; and much that seemed reassuringly123 stable is seen to be shaky. Civilization itself, the at any rate habitable dwelling124 which was to be shored up by the war, wears a strange new air of precariousness125.
Even before the war a series of melancholy126 public mis-adventures had gone some way to awake the disquieting127 notion that civilization, the whole ordered, fruitful joint128 action of a nation, a continent, or the whole world, was only a bluff129. When the world is at peace and fares well, the party of order and decency130, justice and mercy and self-control, is really bluffing131 a much larger party of egoism and greed that would bully132 and grab if it dared. The deep anti-social offence of the "suffragettes," with their hatchets133 and hunger-strikes, was that they gave away, in some measure, the bluff by which non-criminal people had hitherto kept some control over reluctant assentors to the rule of mutual134 protection and forbearance. They helped the baser sort to see that the bluff of civilization is at the mercy of anyone ready to run a little bodily risk in calling it. Sir Edward Carson took up the work. He "called" the bluff of the Pax Britannica, the presumption135 that armed treason to the law and order of the British Empire must lead to the discomfiture136 of the traitor137, whoever he was; he presented Sinn Fein and every other would-be insurgent138 with proof that treason may securely do much more than peep at what it would; British subjects, he showed, might quite well conspire139 for armed revolt against the King's peace and not be any losers, in their own persons, by doing it.
The greatest of all bluffs140, the general peace of the world and the joint civilization of Europe, remained uncalled for a year or two more. It was a high moral bluff. People were everywhere saying that world-war was too appalling141, too frantically142 wicked a thing for any government to invite or procure143. Peace, they argued, held a hand irresistibly144 strong. Had she not, among her cards, every acknowledged precept145 of Christianity and of morality, even of wisdom for a man's self or a nation's? Potsdam called the world's bluff, and the world's hand was found to be empty. Potsdam lost the game in the end, but it had not called wholly in vain. To a Europe exhausted146, divided, and degraded by five years of return to the morals of the Stone Age it had suggested how many things are as they are, how many things are owned as they are, how many lives are safely continued, merely because our birds of prey have not yet had the wit to see what would come of a sudden snatch made with a will and with assurance. The total number of policemen on a race-course is always a minute percentage of the total number of its thieves and roughs. The bad men are not held down by force; they are only bluffed147 by the pretence148 of it. They have got the tip now, and the plain man is dimly aware how surprisingly little there is to keep us all from slipping back into the state we were in when a man would kill another to steal a piece of food that he had got, and when a young woman was not safe on a road out of sight of her friends.
The plain man, so far as I know him, is neither aghast nor gleeful at this revelation. For the most part he looks somewhat listlessly on, as at a probable dog-fight in which there is no dog of his. A sense of moral horror does not come easily when you have supped full of horrors on most of the days of three or four years; sacrilege has to go far, indeed, to shock men who have seen their old gods looking extremely human and blowing out, one by one, the candles before their own shrines149. Some new god, or devil, of course, may enter at any time into this disfurnished soul. Genius in some leader might either possess it with an anarchic passion to smash and delete all the
old institutions that disappointed in the day of trial or fire it with a new craving150 to lift itself clear of the wrack151 and possess itself on the heights. For either a Lenin or a St. Francis there is a wide field to till, cleared, but of pretty stiff clay. Persistently152 sane153 in his disenchantment as he had been in his rapture154, the common man, whose affection and trust the old order wore out in the war, is still slow to enlist105 out-and-out in any Satanist unit. There's reason, he still feels, in everything. So he remains155, for the time, like one of the angels whom the Renaissance156 poet represented as reincarnate157 in man; the ones who in the insurrection of Lucifer were not for Jehovah nor yet for his enemy.
点击收听单词发音
1 sect | |
n.派别,宗教,学派,派系 | |
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2 conversion | |
n.转化,转换,转变 | |
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3 implicated | |
adj.密切关联的;牵涉其中的 | |
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4 authenticity | |
n.真实性 | |
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5 surmise | |
v./n.猜想,推测 | |
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6 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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7 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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8 discredited | |
不足信的,不名誉的 | |
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9 butt | |
n.笑柄;烟蒂;枪托;臀部;v.用头撞或顶 | |
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10 slings | |
抛( sling的第三人称单数 ); 吊挂; 遣送; 押往 | |
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11 tormenting | |
使痛苦的,使苦恼的 | |
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12 condign | |
adj.应得的,相当的 | |
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13 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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14 scourges | |
带来灾难的人或东西,祸害( scourge的名词复数 ); 鞭子 | |
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15 doctrinaire | |
adj.空论的 | |
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16 creed | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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17 conversions | |
变换( conversion的名词复数 ); (宗教、信仰等)彻底改变; (尤指为居住而)改建的房屋; 橄榄球(触地得分后再把球射中球门的)附加得分 | |
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18 abound | |
vi.大量存在;(in,with)充满,富于 | |
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19 trench | |
n./v.(挖)沟,(挖)战壕 | |
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20 Soviet | |
adj.苏联的,苏维埃的;n.苏维埃 | |
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21 lapsing | |
v.退步( lapse的现在分词 );陷入;倒退;丧失 | |
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22 abject | |
adj.极可怜的,卑屈的 | |
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23 miseries | |
n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 );痛苦的事;穷困;常发牢骚的人 | |
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24 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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25 stunted | |
adj.矮小的;发育迟缓的 | |
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26 marred | |
adj. 被损毁, 污损的 | |
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27 outraged | |
a.震惊的,义愤填膺的 | |
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28 repentance | |
n.懊悔 | |
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29 agrarian | |
adj.土地的,农村的,农业的 | |
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30 patriotism | |
n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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31 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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32 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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33 stumping | |
僵直地行走,跺步行走( stump的现在分词 ); 把(某人)难住; 使为难; (选举前)在某一地区作政治性巡回演说 | |
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34 foulest | |
adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 );邪恶的;难闻的;下流的 | |
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35 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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36 vices | |
缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
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37 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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38 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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39 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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40 jobber | |
n.批发商;(股票买卖)经纪人;做零工的人 | |
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41 contractors | |
n.(建筑、监造中的)承包人( contractor的名词复数 ) | |
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42 bribes | |
n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 );向(某人)行贿,贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 );向(某人)行贿,贿赂 | |
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43 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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44 farce | |
n.闹剧,笑剧,滑稽戏;胡闹 | |
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45 cockroaches | |
n.蟑螂( cockroach的名词复数 ) | |
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46 bugs | |
adj.疯狂的,发疯的n.窃听器( bug的名词复数 );病菌;虫子;[计算机](制作软件程序所产生的意料不到的)错误 | |
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47 stature | |
n.(高度)水平,(高度)境界,身高,身材 | |
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48 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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49 dwellers | |
n.居民,居住者( dweller的名词复数 ) | |
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50 fauna | |
n.(一个地区或时代的)所有动物,动物区系 | |
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51 caterpillars | |
n.毛虫( caterpillar的名词复数 );履带 | |
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52 commonwealth | |
n.共和国,联邦,共同体 | |
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53 temperately | |
adv.节制地,适度地 | |
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54 prey | |
n.被掠食者,牺牲者,掠食;v.捕食,掠夺,折磨 | |
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55 makers | |
n.制造者,制造商(maker的复数形式) | |
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56 munitions | |
n.军火,弹药;v.供应…军需品 | |
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57 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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58 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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59 costly | |
adj.昂贵的,价值高的,豪华的 | |
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60 vendor | |
n.卖主;小贩 | |
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61 vendors | |
n.摊贩( vendor的名词复数 );小贩;(房屋等的)卖主;卖方 | |
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62 tunics | |
n.(动植物的)膜皮( tunic的名词复数 );束腰宽松外衣;一套制服的短上衣;(天主教主教等穿的)短祭袍 | |
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63 intestine | |
adj.内部的;国内的;n.肠 | |
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64 lethal | |
adj.致死的;毁灭性的 | |
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65 centripetal | |
adj.向心的 | |
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66 appreciable | |
adj.明显的,可见的,可估量的,可觉察的 | |
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67 outrageous | |
adj.无理的,令人不能容忍的 | |
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69 martial | |
adj.战争的,军事的,尚武的,威武的 | |
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70 withhold | |
v.拒绝,不给;使停止,阻挡 | |
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71 copious | |
adj.丰富的,大量的 | |
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72 taboo | |
n.禁忌,禁止接近,禁止使用;adj.禁忌的;v.禁忌,禁制,禁止 | |
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73 countenanced | |
v.支持,赞同,批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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74 kit | |
n.用具包,成套工具;随身携带物 | |
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75 rite | |
n.典礼,惯例,习俗 | |
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76 phlegmatic | |
adj.冷静的,冷淡的,冷漠的,无活力的 | |
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77 diagnosis | |
n.诊断,诊断结果,调查分析,判断 | |
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78 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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79 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
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80 abhorred | |
v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 );(厌恶地)回避;拒绝;淘汰 | |
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81 arrant | |
adj.极端的;最大的 | |
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82 frustration | |
n.挫折,失败,失效,落空 | |
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83 discrediting | |
使不相信( discredit的现在分词 ); 使怀疑; 败坏…的名声; 拒绝相信 | |
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84 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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85 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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86 contemptible | |
adj.可鄙的,可轻视的,卑劣的 | |
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87 vacuous | |
adj.空的,漫散的,无聊的,愚蠢的 | |
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88 passionate | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
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89 apathy | |
n.漠不关心,无动于衷;冷淡 | |
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90 assailable | |
adj.可攻击的,易攻击的 | |
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91 cove | |
n.小海湾,小峡谷 | |
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92 reverently | |
adv.虔诚地 | |
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93 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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94 intrigue | |
vt.激起兴趣,迷住;vi.耍阴谋;n.阴谋,密谋 | |
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95 memoirs | |
n.回忆录;回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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96 pricking | |
刺,刺痕,刺痛感 | |
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97 relatively | |
adv.比较...地,相对地 | |
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98 inclination | |
n.倾斜;点头;弯腰;斜坡;倾度;倾向;爱好 | |
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99 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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100 relish | |
n.滋味,享受,爱好,调味品;vt.加调味料,享受,品味;vi.有滋味 | |
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101 helping | |
n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的,辅助的 | |
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102 forgone | |
v.没有也行,放弃( forgo的过去分词 ) | |
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103 bestowal | |
赠与,给与; 贮存 | |
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104 symbolic | |
adj.象征性的,符号的,象征主义的 | |
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105 enlist | |
vt.谋取(支持等),赢得;征募;vi.入伍 | |
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106 enlistment | |
n.应征入伍,获得,取得 | |
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107 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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108 secular | |
n.牧师,凡人;adj.世俗的,现世的,不朽的 | |
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109 truthfulness | |
n. 符合实际 | |
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110 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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111 measles | |
n.麻疹,风疹,包虫病,痧子 | |
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112 vow | |
n.誓(言),誓约;v.起誓,立誓 | |
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113 sleek | |
adj.光滑的,井然有序的;v.使光滑,梳拢 | |
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114 bosoms | |
胸部( bosom的名词复数 ); 胸怀; 女衣胸部(或胸襟); 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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115 bankruptcy | |
n.破产;无偿付能力 | |
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116 stunts | |
n.惊人的表演( stunt的名词复数 );(广告中)引人注目的花招;愚蠢行为;危险举动v.阻碍…发育[生长],抑制,妨碍( stunt的第三人称单数 ) | |
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117 ailments | |
疾病(尤指慢性病),不适( ailment的名词复数 ) | |
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118 authoritarian | |
n./adj.专制(的),专制主义者,独裁主义者 | |
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119 peremptory | |
adj.紧急的,专横的,断然的 | |
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120 eloquent | |
adj.雄辩的,口才流利的;明白显示出的 | |
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121 disillusioned | |
a.不再抱幻想的,大失所望的,幻想破灭的 | |
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122 discomfort | |
n.不舒服,不安,难过,困难,不方便 | |
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123 reassuringly | |
ad.安心,可靠 | |
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124 dwelling | |
n.住宅,住所,寓所 | |
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125 precariousness | |
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126 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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127 disquieting | |
adj.令人不安的,令人不平静的v.使不安,使忧虑,使烦恼( disquiet的现在分词 ) | |
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128 joint | |
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
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129 bluff | |
v.虚张声势,用假象骗人;n.虚张声势,欺骗 | |
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130 decency | |
n.体面,得体,合宜,正派,庄重 | |
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131 bluffing | |
n. 威吓,唬人 动词bluff的现在分词形式 | |
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132 bully | |
n.恃强欺弱者,小流氓;vt.威胁,欺侮 | |
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133 hatchets | |
n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 );恶毒攻击;诽谤;休战 | |
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134 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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135 presumption | |
n.推测,可能性,冒昧,放肆,[法律]推定 | |
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136 discomfiture | |
n.崩溃;大败;挫败;困惑 | |
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137 traitor | |
n.叛徒,卖国贼 | |
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138 insurgent | |
adj.叛乱的,起事的;n.叛乱分子 | |
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139 conspire | |
v.密谋,(事件等)巧合,共同导致 | |
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140 bluffs | |
恐吓( bluff的名词复数 ); 悬崖; 峭壁 | |
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141 appalling | |
adj.骇人听闻的,令人震惊的,可怕的 | |
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142 frantically | |
ad.发狂地, 发疯地 | |
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143 procure | |
vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
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144 irresistibly | |
adv.无法抵抗地,不能自持地;极为诱惑人地 | |
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145 precept | |
n.戒律;格言 | |
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146 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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147 bluffed | |
以假象欺骗,吹牛( bluff的过去式和过去分词 ); 以虚张声势找出或达成 | |
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148 pretence | |
n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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149 shrines | |
圣地,圣坛,神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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150 craving | |
n.渴望,热望 | |
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151 wrack | |
v.折磨;n.海草 | |
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152 persistently | |
ad.坚持地;固执地 | |
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153 sane | |
adj.心智健全的,神志清醒的,明智的,稳健的 | |
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154 rapture | |
n.狂喜;全神贯注;着迷;v.使狂喜 | |
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155 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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156 renaissance | |
n.复活,复兴,文艺复兴 | |
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157 reincarnate | |
v.使化身,转生;adj.转世化身的 | |
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