“During the seventeenth century, and indeed the whole period of our history previous to it, the prices of wheat were subject to great fluctuations2, and the average price was very high. For fifty years before the year 1700, the average price of wheat per quarter was ￡3 0s. 11d., and before 1650 it was ￡6 8s. 10d. From the time of the completion of the corn laws in 1700 and 1706, the prices became extraordinarily3 steady, and the average price for forty years previous to the year 1750, sunk as low as ￡1 16s. per quarter. This was the period of our greatest exportations. In 1757 the laws were suspended, and in 1773 they were totally altered. The exports of corn have since been regularly decreasing, and the imports increasing. The average price of wheat for the forty years ending in 1800, was ￡2 9s. 5d., and for the last five years of this period ￡3 6s. 6d. During this last term the balance of the imports of all sorts of grain is estimated at 2,938,357.”
Mr. Malthus observes that it is totally contrary to the habits and practice of farmers to save the superfluity of six or seven years. Great practical inconvenience generally attends the keeping of so large a reserved store. Difficulties often occur from a want of proper accommodation for it. It is at all times liable to damage from vermin and other causes. When very large it is apt to be viewed with a jealous and grudging4 eye by the common people. And in general, the farmer may either not be able to remain so long without the returns, or may not be willing to employ so considerable a capital in a way in which the returns must necessarily be distant and precarious5.
Mr. Malthus was in favour of a bounty6 on the exportation of corn, because the effect of such a bounty was to repress slightly the increase of population in years of plenty, whilst it encouraged 91it comparatively in years of scarcity7. This effect, he maintained, was one of the greatest advantages which could possibly occur to a society, and contributed more to the happiness of the labouring poor than could easily be conceived by those who had not deeply considered the subject. “In the whole compass of human events,” he says, “I doubt if there be a more fruitful source of misery8, or one more invariably productive of disastrous9 consequences, than a sudden start of population from two or three years of plenty, which must necessarily be repressed on the first return of scarcity, or even of average crops.” From 1637 to 1700, both inclusive, the average price of corn, according to Adam Smith, was ￡2 11s.; yet in 1681 the growing price was only ￡1 8s. This high average price, according to Malthus, would not proportionally encourage the cultivation10 of corn. Though the farmer might feel very sanguine11 during one or two years of high price, and project many improvements, yet the glut12 in the market which would follow, would depress him in the same degree, and destroy all his projects. Sometimes, indeed, a year of high prices really tends to impoverish13 the land, and prepare the way for future scarcity.
In a foot-note in page 264, Chapter X., Mr. Malthus makes the remark that, “On account of the tendency of population to increase in proportion to the means of subsistence, it had been supposed by some that there would always be a sufficient demand at home for any quantity of corn which could be grown. But this is an error. It is undoubtedly15 true that if the farmers could gradually increase their growth of corn to any extent, and could sell it sufficiently16 cheap, a population would arrive at home to demand the whole of it. But in this case, the great increase of demand arises solely17 from the cheapness, and must therefore be totally of a different nature from such a demand as, in the actual circumstances of this country, would encourage an increased supply. If the makers18 of superfine broadcloth would sell their commodity for a shilling a yard, instead of a guinea, it cannot be doubted that the demand would increase more than tenfold, but the certainty of such an increase of demand, in such a case, would have no tendency whatever, in the actual circumstances of any known country, to encourage the manufacture of broad cloths.”
In page 267 Mr. Malthus adverts19 to what has recently been commented upon by a great French statistician, Mr. Maurice Block, viz.: the danger of a country becoming too dependent on others for its supplies of food. “A rich and commercial 92nation is by the natural course of things led more to pasture than to tillage, and is tempted20 to become daily more dependent upon others for its supplies of corn. If all the nations of Europe could be considered as one great country, and if any one state could be as sure of its supplies from others, as the pasture district of a particular state are from the corn districts in their neighbourhood, there would be no harm in this dependence21, and no person would think of proposing corn laws. But can we safety consider Europe in this light? The fortunate condition of this country, and the excellence22 of its laws and government, exempt23 it, above any other nation, from foreign invasion and domestic tumult24, and it is a pardonable love for one’s country, which under such circumstances produces an unwillingness25 to expose it, in so important a point as the supply of its principal food, to share in the dangers and chances which may happen on the Continent. How would the miseries26 of France have been aggravated27 during the revolution if she had been dependent on foreign countries for the support of two or three millions of her people.”
It is instructive to read what was thought might be the magnitude of our future imports of wheat in 1806. In page 268 Mr. Malthus writes: “We can hardly doubt that in the course of some years we shall draw from America, and the nations bordering on the Baltic, as much as two millions of quarters of wheat, besides other corn, the support of above two millions of people. If under these circumstances, any commercial discussion, or other dispute, were to arise with these nations, with what a weight of power they would have to negociate! Not the whole British Navy could offer a more convincing argument than the single threat of shutting all their ports. I am not unaware28 that in general, we may securely depend upon people not acting29 directly contrary to their interest. But this consideration, all powerful as it is, will sometimes yield voluntarily to national indignation, and it is sometimes forced to yield to the resentment30 of a sovereign. It is of sufficient weight in practice when applied31 to manufactures; because a delay in their sale is not of such immediate32 consequence. But in the case of corn, a delay of three or four months may produce the most complicated misery; and from the great bulk of corn, it will generally be in the power of the sovereign to execute almost completely his resentful purpose.” This is the argument of Mr. Block, with respect to our dependence on the United States for so much of our food supplies. He remarks that it might easily 93happen that some party in the United States might take to prohibiting the export of corn, and in such a case there can be no doubt that the people of this country would at once be plunged33 into the severest trouble with respect to their food supplies. A war with the United States is of course most unlikely, too, but alas34! even such a catastrophe35 is possible in the present position of human affairs.
The argument made use of by M. Maurice Block, that, in times of war, Great Britain may possibly in some future time be in danger of seeing much of its population starved from want of food supplies, was anticipated by Malthus in a foot-note in chapter x. He there says:—“I should be misunderstood if, from anything I have said in the four last chapters, I should be considered as not sufficiently aware of the advantages derived36 from commerce and manufactures. I look upon them as the most distinguishing characteristics of civilization, the most obvious and striking marks of the improvement of society, and calculated to enlarge our enjoyments37, and add to the sum of human happiness. No great surplus of agriculture could exist without them, and if it did exist, it would be comparatively of very little value. But still they are rather the ornaments38 and embellishments of the political structure than its foundations. While these foundations are perfectly39 secure, we cannot be too solicitous40 to make all the apartments convenient and elegant: but if there be the slightest reason to fear that the foundations themselves may give way, it seems to be folly41 to continue directing our principal attention to the less essential parts. There has never yet been an instance in history of a large nation continuing with undiminished vigour42 to support four or five millions of its people on imported corn; nor do I believe that there ever will be such an instance in future. England is, undoubtedly, from her insular43 situation and commanding navy, the most likely to form an exception to this rule; but in spite even of the peculiar44 advantages of England, it appears to me clear that if she continues yearly to increase her importations of corn, she cannot ultimately escape that decline which seems to be the natural and necessary consequence of excessive commercial wealth. I am not now speaking of the next twenty or thirty years, but of the next two or three hundred. And though we are little in the habit of looking so far forward, yet it may be questioned whether we are not bound in duty to make some exertions45 to avoid a system which must necessarily terminate in the weakness and decline of our posterity47. But 94whether we make any practical application of such a discussion or not, it is curious to contemplate48 the cause of those reverses in the fate of empires, which so frequently changed the face of the world in past times, and may be expected to produce similar, though perhaps not such violent changes in future. War was undoubtedly, in ancient times, the principal cause of these changes; but it frequently only finished a work which excess of luxury and agriculture had begun. Foreign invasions, or internal convulsions, produced but a temporary and comparatively slight effect upon such countries as Lombardy, Tuscany, and Flanders, but are fatal to such states as Holland and Hamburg, and though the commerce and manufactures of England will probably always be supported in a great degree by her agriculture, yet that part which is not so supported will still remain subject to the reverses of dependent states.”
Writing in 1806, Mr. Malthus adds:—“We should recollect49 that it is only within the last twenty or thirty years that we have become an importing nation. In so short a period it could hardly be expected that the evils of the system should be perceptible. We have, however, already felt some of its inconveniences; and if we persevere50 at it, its evil consequences may by no means be a matter of remote speculation51.”
In the eleventh chapter of his third book our author treats of the prevailing52 errors respecting population and plenty, and notices some of the arguments which have this very year (1883) been put forward, over and over again, by the disciples53 of Mr. Henry George, an American writer who has acquired a sudden celebrity54 for his work on “Progress and Poverty.” “It has been observed,” says Mr. Malthus, “that many countries at the period of their greatest degree of populousness56 have lived in the greatest plenty, and have been able to export corn; but at other periods, when their population was very low, have lived in continual poverty and want, and have been obliged to import corn. Egypt, Palestine, Rome, Sicily, and Spain are cited as particular examples of this fact: and it has been inferred that an increase of population in any state, not cultivated to the utmost, will tend rather to augment57 than diminish the relative plenty of the whole society; and that, as Lord Kaimes observes, a country cannot easily become too populous55 for agriculture, because agriculture has the signal property of producing food in proportion to the number of consumers.... The prejudices on the subject of population bear a very striking resemblance to the 95old prejudices about specie, and we know how slowly and with what difficulty those last have yielded to juster conceptions. Politicians, observing that states which were powerful and prosperous were almost invariably populous, have mistaken an effect for a cause, and concluded that their population was the cause of their prosperity, instead of their prosperity being the cause of their population; as the old political economists58 concluded, that the abundance of specie was the cause of national wealth, instead of the effect of it. The annual produce of the land and labour, in both of these instances, became in consequence a secondary consideration, and its increase, it was conceived, would naturally follow the increase of specie in the one case, or of population in the other. Yet surely the folly of endeavouring to increase the quantity of specie in any country without an increase of the commodities which it is to circulate, is not greater than that of endeavouring to increase the number of people without an increase of the food which is to maintain them; and it will be found that the level above which no human laws can raise the population of a country, is a limit more fixed59 and impassable than the limit to the accumulation of specie.”
“Ignorance and despotism seem to have no tendency to destroy the passions which prompt to increase; but they effectually destroy the checks to it from reason and foresight60. The improvident61 barbarian62 who thinks only of his present wants, or the miserable63 peasant, who, from his political situation, feels little security of reaping what he has sown, will seldom be deterred64 from gratifying his passion by the prospect65 of inconvenience, which cannot be expected to press upon him under three or four years. Industry cannot exist without foresight and security. Even poverty itself, which appears to be the great spur to industry, when it has passed certain limits almost ceases to operate. The indigence66 which is hopeless destroys all vigorous exertion46, and confines the efforts to what is sufficient for bare existence. It is the hope of bettering our condition, and the fear of want rather than want itself, that is the best stimulus68 to industry; and its most constant and best directed efforts will almost invariably be found among a class of people above the class of the wretchedly poor.”
This remark of Malthus is a reply to those who say that if food were cheaper and the poor better fed, they would only work as much as was needed to get a scanty69 supply of food. Experience in our colonies and in the United States shows that the fear of want is an incentive70 to make the early colonists71 of a 96fertile country fervid72 in their desire to obtain wealth.
“That an increase of population,” says Malthus, “when it follows in its natural order, is both a great positive good in itself, and absolutely necessary to a further increase in the annual produce of the land and labour of any country, I should be the last to deny. The only question is, What is the natural order of this progress? In this point, Sir James Stewart appears to me to have fallen into an error. He determines that multiplication73 is the efficient cause of agriculture, and not agriculture of multiplication; but though it may be allowed that the increase of people beyond what could easily subsist14 on the natural fruits of the earth, first prompted man to till the ground: and that the view of maintaining a family, or of obtaining some valuable consideration in exchange for the products of agriculture, still operates as the principal stimulus to cultivation; yet it is clear that these products, in their actual state, must be beyond the lowest wants of the existing population before any permanent increase can possibly be supported. We know that a multiplication of births has in numberless instances taken place, which has produced no effect upon agriculture, and has merely been followed by an increase of diseases: but perhaps there is no instance where a permanent increase of agriculture has not a permanent increase of population, somewhere or other. Consequently agriculture may with more propriety74 be termed the efficient cause of population, than population of agriculture, though they certainly react upon each other, and are mutually necessary to each other’s support.”
“The author of ‘L’Ami des Hommes’ (Mirabeau’s father), in a chapter on the effects of a decay in agriculture upon population, acknowledges that he had fallen into a fundamental error in considering population as the source of revenue: and that he was afterwards convinced that revenue was the source of population. From a want of attention to this most important distinction, statesmen, in pursuit of the desirable object of population, have been led to encourage early marriages, to reward the fathers of families, and to disgrace celibacy75; but this, as the same author justly observes, is to dress and water a piece of land without sowing it, yet to expect a crop.” It is curious that so backward is speculation on this question even in modern France, the most practical Neo-Malthusian country in Europe, that this year has already seen two proposals made by learned Frenchmen to encourage marriage and large families. The first emanated76 from the 97son of one of the most distinguished77 surgeons of Paris, Dr. Richet; the other from a member of the French Corps78 Legislatif.
“Among the other prejudices,” says Malthus, “which have prevailed on the subject of population, it has been generally thought that while there is either waste among the rich, or land remaining uncultivated in any country, the complaints for want of food cannot be justly founded, or at least that the presence of distress79 among the poor is to be attributed to the ill-conduct of the higher classes of society and the bad management of the land. The real effect, however, of these two circumstances is merely to narrow the limit of the actual population; but they have little or no influence on what may be called the average pressure of distress on the poorer members of society. If our ancestors had been so frugal80 and industrious81, and had transmitted such habits to their posterity, that nothing superfluous82 was consumed by the higher classes, no horses were used for pleasure, and no land was left uncultivated, a striking difference would appear in the state of the actual population, but probably none whatever in the state of the lower classes of people, with respect to the price of labour and the facility of supporting a family. The waste among the rich, and the horses kept for pleasure, have indeed a little the effect of the consumption of grain in distilleries, noticed before with regard to China. On the supposition that the food consumed in this manner may be withdrawn83 on the occasion of a scarcity, and be applied to the relief of the poor, they operate certainly as far as they go, like granaries which are only opened at the time that they are wanted, and must therefore tend rather to benefit than to injure the lower classes of society.
“With regard to uncultivated land,” says our author, “it is evident that its effect upon the poor is neither to injure nor to benefit them. The sudden cultivation of it would undoubtedly tend to improve their condition for a time, and the neglect of lands before cultivated will certainly make their situation worse for a certain period; but when no changes of this kind are going forward the effect of uncultivated land on the lower class operates merely like the possession of a smaller territory. It is indeed a point of very great importance to the poor whether a country is in the habit of exporting or importing corn; but this point is not necessarily connected with the complete or incomplete cultivation of the whole territory, but depends upon the proportion of the surplus produce to those 98who are supported by it; and in fact this proportion is generally the greatest in countries which have not yet completed the cultivation of their territory.
“We should not, therefore, be too ready to make inferences against the internal economy of a country from the appearance of uncultivated heaths, without other evidence. But the fact is, that no country has ever reached, or probably ever will reach, its highest possible acme84 of produce, it appears always as if the want of industry, or the ill-direction of that industry, was the actual limit to a further increase of produce and population, and not the absolute refusal of nature to yield any more; but a man who is locked up in a room may be fairly said to be confined by the walls of it, though he may never touch them; and with regard to the principle of population, it is never the question whether a country will produce any more, but whether it may be made to produce a sufficiency to keep pace with an unchecked increase of people. In China the question is not, whether a certain additional quantity of rice might be raised by improved culture, but whether such an addition could be counted on during the next twenty-five years as would be sufficient to support an additional three hundred millions of people. And in this country it is not the question whether, by cultivating all our commons, we could raise considerably85 more than at present: but whether we could raise sufficient for a population of twenty millions in the next twenty-five years and forty millions in the next fifty years.
“The allowing of the produce of the earth to be absolutely unlimited86 scarcely removes the weight of a hair from the argument, which depends entirely87 upon the differently increasing ratios of population and food; and all that the most enlightened governments and the most persevering88 and best guided efforts of industry can do, is to make the necessary checks to population act more equably, and in a direction to produce the least evil; but to remove them is a task absolutely hopeless.”
We have now arrived at the last part of Malthus’s great essay on population. In Book IV. our author speaks in chapter i. of future prospects89 of the removal or mitigation of the evils arising from the principle of population. He shows that we must submit to the population law as an ultimate law of nature, and that all that remains90 for us is, how we may check population with the least prejudice to the virtue91 and happiness of human society. He claims for moral restraint that it is the least harmful of all the checks. “If we be intemperate92 in 99eating and drinking (he says) we are disordered; if we indulge the transports of anger, we seldom fail to commit acts of which we afterwards repent94; if we multiply too fast, we die miserably95 of poverty and contagious96 diseases.... The kind of food, and the mode of preparing it, best suited for the purposes of nutriment and the gratification of the palate, &c., were not pointed97 out to the attention of man at once, but were the slow and late result of experience, and of the admonitions received by repeated failures.”
Mr. Malthus then, following Hippocrates, points out that in the history of every epidemic98, it has almost invariably been observed, that the lower classes of people, whose food was poor and insufficient99, and who lived crowded together in small and dirty houses, were the principal victims. “In what other manner can nature point out to us, that if we increase too fast for the means of subsistence, so as to render it necessary for a considerable part of the society to live in this miserable manner, we have offended against one of her laws?” After the desire of food, the most powerful and general of our desires is passion between the sexes, taken in an enlarged sense. Mr. Godwin had said, in one of his works: “Strip the commerce of the sexes of all its attendant circumstances, and it would be generally despised.” To this Mr. Malthus replies, that Godwin might as well say to a man who admired trees: “Strip them of their spreading branches and lovely foliage100, and what beauty can you see in a bare pole?” “The evening meal, the warm house, and the comfortable fire-side would lose half of their interest if we were to exclude the idea of some object of affection with whom they were to be shared.”
Few or none, then, of our human passions would admit of being greatly diminished, without narrowing the sources of good more powerfully than the sources of evil. The fecundity102 of the human species is, in some respects, a distinct consideration from the passion between the sexes. It is strong and general, and apparently103 would not admit of any very considerable diminution104 without being inadequate105 for its object. “It is of the very utmost importance to the happiness of mankind that they should not increase too fast; but it does not appear that the object to be accomplished106 would admit of any very considerable diminution in the desire for marriage. It is clearly the duty of each individual not to marry until he has a prospect of supporting his children; but it is at the same time to be wished that he should retain undiminished his desire for marriage, in order that he may exert himself to realise 100this prospect, and be stimulated107 to make provision for the support of greater numbers.
“Our obligation not to marry till we have a fair prospect being able to support our children will appear to deserve the attention of the moralist, if it can be proved that an attention to these obligations is of more effect in the prevention of misery than all the other virtues108 combined; and that if, in violation109 of this duty, it was the general custom to follow the first impulse of nature, and marry at the age of puberty, the universal prevalence of every known virtue in the greatest conceivable degree would fail of rescuing society from the most wretched and deplorable state of want, and all the diseases and famines which usually accompany it.”
In chapter ii. Mr. Malthus speaks of the effects which would result to society from the prevalence of this virtue of moral restraint. “No man whose earnings110 were only sufficient to maintain two children, would put himself in a situation in which he might have to maintain four or five, however he might be prompted to it by the passion of love. The interval111 between the age of puberty and the period at which each individual might venture to marry must, according to this view be passed in strict chastity; because the law of chastity cannot be violated without producing evil. The effect of anything like a promiscuous112 intercourse113 which prevents the birth of children, is evidently to weaken the best affections of the heart, and in a very marked manner to degrade the female character. And any other intercourse would, without improper114 arts, bring as many children into society as marriage, with a much greater probability of their becoming a burden to it.”
The phrase, “improper arts,” is the only point on which the so-styled Neo-Malthusians differ from Malthus. To his modern disciples it seems abundantly proved, from the experience of France and elsewhere, that late marriage is not what must be trusted to check population; but a restraint in the size of families. Mr. Malthus, indeed, seems himself to recognise the evils of late marriages, for he writes: “The late marriages at present are, indeed, principally confined to the men; and there are few, however advanced in life they may be, who, if they determine to marry, do not fix their choice on a very young wife. A young woman, without fortune, when she has passed her twenty-fifth year, begins to fear, and with reason, that she may lead a life of celibacy.... If women could look forward with just confidence to marriage at twenty-eight or thirty, I fully101 believe that, if the matter were left to them 101for choice, they would clearly prefer waiting till this period, to the being involved in all the cares of a large family at twenty-five.”
Lord Derby, some years ago, truly observed that great emperors did not like their subjects to be too well off. This remark may have been a citation115 from Malthus, where he says: “The ambition of princes would want instruments of destruction, if the distresses116 of the lower classes of their subjects did not drive them under their standards. A recruiting sergeant117 always prays for a bad harvest and want of employment, or in other words, a redundant118 population.” Mr. Malthus points out that a society with a low birth-rate will be extremely powerful both in war and peace. One of the principal encouragements to an offensive war would be removed, and there would be greater freedom from political dissensions at home. “Indisposed to a war of offence, in a war of defence such a society would be strong as a rock of adamant119. Where every family possessed120 the necessaries of life or plenty, and a decent portion of its comforts and conveniences, there could not exist that hope of change, or at best that melancholy121 and disheartening indifference122 to it, which sometimes prompts the lower classes of people to say—Let what will come, we cannot be worse off than we are now.”
In chapter iii. Mr. Malthus speaks rather gloomily as to the prospect of Society adopting his recommendation of late marriages, “I believe (he says) that few of my readers can be less sanguine of expectations of any great change in the general conduct of men on this subject than I am.” He proposes it, it seems, in order chiefly to vindicate123 the character of the Deity124! This is at present known by all scientific inquirers to be a fallacious argument; and we cannot but contrast with our great author’s vacillating doctrine125, the clear line of duty laid down by the greatest of his followers126, Mr. J. S. Mill, when he says that the happiness of society is quite attainable127, if only it becomes a rule of morals that the producing of large families in Europe should be looked upon as a vice128.
“Almost everything that has hitherto been done for the poor has tended, as if with solicitous care, to throw a veil of obscurity over this subject, and to hide from them the true cause of their poverty. A man has always been told that to raise up subjects for his king and country is a meritorious129 act. In an endeavour to raise the proportion of the quantity of provisions to the number of consumers in any country, our 102attention would naturally be first directed to the increasing of the absolute quantity of provisions, but finding that, as fast as we did this, the numbers of consumers more than kept pace with it, and that with all our exertions we were still as far as ever behind, we should be convinced that our efforts directed in this way would never succeed. It would appear to be setting the tortoise to catch the hare. Finding therefore, that from the laws of nature we could not proportion the food to the population, our next attempt should naturally be to proportion the population to the food. If we can persuade the hare to go to sleep, the tortoise may have some chance of overtaking her.”
In chapter iv., our author replies to some objections. Some of his critics had said that if his advice were followed, the market would be rather understocked with labour. To this Malthus observes that “a market overstocked with labour, and an ample remuneration to each labourer, are objects perfectly incompatible130 with each other. In the annals of the world they have never existed together; and to couple them even in imagination betrays a gross ignorance of the simplest principles of political economy.” Mr. Malthus then replies to the oft repeated futurity argument as follows: “I can easily conceive that this country, with a proper direction of the national industry, might, in the course of some centuries, contain two or three times its present population, and yet every man in the kingdom be better paid and clothed than he is at present.”
“While the springs of industry continue in vigor67, and a sufficient part of that industry is directed to agriculture, we need be under no apprehension131 of a deficient132 population; and nothing perhaps would tend so strongly to create a spirit of industry and economy among the poor, as a thorough knowledge that their happiness must always depend principally upon themselves; and that if they obey their passions in opposition133 to their reason, or be not industrious and frugal while they are single men, and save a sum for the common contingencies134 of the married state, they must expect to suffer the natural evils which Providence135 has prepared for those who disobey its admonitions.”
This, then, is the main argument of our author; but, as we have seen, he fears lest he will not be listened to by the masses, and also sees clearly enough that his advice to delay the marriage day until funds have been reserved to meet all demands on the married pair, is not unlikely to lead to other 103evils. “A third objection which may be started (he says) to this plan, and the only one which appears to me to bear any kind of plausibility136 is, that by endeavoring to urge the duty of moral restraint on the poor, we may increase the quantity of sexual vice.”
Malthus finds considerable difficulty in meeting this attack, and few will be found who will be satisfied with the following reply to this objection. “I should be extremely sorry to say anything which could be either remotely or directly construed137 unfavorably to the cause of virtue; but I certainly cannot think that the vices138 which relate to the sex are the only vices which are to be considered in a moral question; or that they are even the greatest and most degrading to the human character. They can rarely or never be committed without producing such offences somewhere or other, and therefore ought always to be strongly repudiated139; but there are other vices, the effects of which are still more pernicious; and there are other situations which lead more certainly to moral offences than the refraining from marriage.”
All of this is beside the question; and our author fell into this kind of argument precisely140 because he had no experience as we moderns have of marriage with small families. This alone of all the alternatives gives the human race a chance of comfort, love, and family joys. Were it the custom for all in a country like England to consider it immoral141 to have a family exceeding four children, there might doubtless be hope that all might lead a virtuous142 life; but Mr. Malthus’ plan of late marriage necessarily condemns143 many women to celibacy, and, as he admits, tends to the degradation144 of numbers of other women.
Our author continues: “Powerful as may be the temptations to a breach145 of chastity, I am inclined to think that they are impotent, in comparison with the temptations arising from continued distress. A large class of women and many men, I have no doubt, pass a considerable part of their lives in chastity; but I believe there will be found very few who pass through the ordeal146 of squalid and hopeless poverty, or even of long-continued embarrassed circumstances without a considerable degradation of character.... Add to this that squalid poverty, particularly when joined with idleness, is a state the most unfavorable to character that can well be conceived. The passion is as strong, or nearly so, as in other situations, and every restraint on it from personal respect or a sense of morality is generally removed. There is a degree 104of squalid poverty in which, if a girl was brought up, I should say that her being really modest at twenty was an absolute miracle. Those persons must have extraordinary minds indeed, and such as are not usually found under similar circumstances, who can continue to respect themselves when no other person whatever respects them. If the children thus brought up were even to marry at twenty, it is probable that they would have passed some years in vicious habits before that period.”
Had Mr. Malthus been alive at this moment, and travelled as he did in his lifetime through the rural districts of France, he would have been the first to admit that the French have given the only solution of the problem he states so clearly, that has ever been given by any nation.
“If (says our author) statesmen will not encourage late marriages, but rather the opposite, then to act consistently they should facilitate, instead of foolishly and vainly endeavoring to impede147, the operations of nature in causing a great infantile mortality. Instead of recommending cleanliness to the poor, they should cultivate contrary habits. If by these and similar means, the annual mortality were increased from 1 in 36 or 40, to 1 in 18 or 20, we might probably every one of us marry at the age of puberty, and yet few be absolutely starved. If, however, we all marry at this age, and yet still continue our exertions to impede the operations of nature, we may rest assured that all our efforts will be vain. Nature will not, and cannot be defeated in her purposes. The necessary mortality must come, in some form or other: and the extirpation148 of one disease will only be the signal for the birth of another perhaps more fatal. We cannot lower the waters of rivers by pressing them down in different places, which must necessarily make them rise somewhere else; the only way in which we can hope to effect our purpose is by drawing them off.”
“In a country which keeps up its population at a certain standard, if the average number of marriages and births be given, it is evident that the average number of deaths will also be given: and to use Dr. Heberden’s metaphor149, the channels through which the stream of mortality is constantly flowing will always convey off a given quantity. Now, if we stop up any of these channels, it must be perfectly clear that the stream of mortality must run with greater force through some of the other channels: that is, if we eradicate150 some diseases, others will become proportionally more fatal.”
105“Dr. Heberden, (says Malthus) draws a striking picture of the favorable change observed in the health of the people of England, and greatly attributes it to the improvements which have gradually taken place, not only in London but in all great towns; and in the manner of living throughout the kingdom, particularly in respect to cleanliness and ventilation. But these causes would not have produced the effect observed, if they had not been accompanied by an increase of the preventive check; and probably the spread of cleanliness, and better mode of living, which then began to prevail, by spreading more generally a decent and useful pride, principally contributed to this increase. The diminution in the number of marriages, however, was not sufficient to make up for the great decrease of mortality, from the extinction151 of the plague, and the striking reduction of the deaths from the dysentery. While these, and some other diseases became evanescent, consumption, palsy, apoplexy, gout, lunacy and the small-pox became more mortal. The widening of these drains was necessary to carry off the population which still remained redundant, notwithstanding the increased operation of the preventive check, and the part which was annually152 disposed of, and enabled to subsist by the increase of agriculture.”
Mr. Malthus then adds: “For my own part, I feel not the slightest doubt, that if the introduction of the cow-pox should extirpate153 the small-pox, and yet the number of marriages continue the same, we shall find a very perceptible difference in the increased mortality of some other diseases. Nothing could prevent this effect but a sudden start in our agriculture; and should this take place, which I fear we have not much reason to expect, it will not be owing to the number of children saved from death by the cow-pox inoculations, but to the alarms occasioned among the people of property by the late scarcities154, and to the increased gains of farmers, which have been so absurdly reprobated. I am strongly, however, inclined to believe, that the number of marriages will not in this case remain the same; but that the gradual light which may be expected to be thrown on this interesting topic of human inquiry155, will teach us how to make the extinction of a mortal disorder93, a real blessing156 to us, and a real improvement in the general health and happiness of the society.”
In these admirable remarks Malthus points out that whenever we make improvements in the science of health, we must be contented157 to lessen158 the birth-rate, if we would really secure the benefits we might expect. Thus, if drainage, good water 106supply, and the extirpation of fevers are to be of service to us, it must be that we are determined159 to have fewer children. For, if we have an equally high birth-rate, and no great addition to our food supplies from abroad or from our own soil, we must die inevitably160 of some other chronic161, although different, maladies than those produced by bad drainage and fevers, or small-pox. In no case can we have a birth-rate of 40 per 1,000 in an old country, without a high death-rate.
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1
bounties
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| （由政府提供的）奖金( bounty的名词复数 )； 赏金； 慷慨； 大方 | |
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fluctuations
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| 波动，涨落，起伏( fluctuation的名词复数 ) | |
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extraordinarily
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| adv.格外地；极端地 | |
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grudging
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| adj.勉强的，吝啬的 | |
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precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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7
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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glut
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| n.存货过多，供过于求；v.狼吞虎咽 | |
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13
impoverish
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| vt.使穷困，使贫困 | |
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14
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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18
makers
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| n.制造者，制造商（maker的复数形式） | |
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19
adverts
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| advertisements 广告，做广告 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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22
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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23
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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24
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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26
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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30
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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33
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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34
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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35
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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36
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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37
enjoyments
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| 愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 )； 令人愉快的事物； 享有； 享受 | |
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38
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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39
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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40
solicitous
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| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
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41
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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42
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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43
insular
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| adj.岛屿的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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44
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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45
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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46
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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47
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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48
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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49
recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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50
persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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51
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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52
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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53
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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54
celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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55
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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56
populousness
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| 人口稠密 | |
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57
augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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58
economists
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| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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59
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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60
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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61
improvident
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| adj.不顾将来的，不节俭的，无远见的 | |
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62
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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63
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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64
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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66
indigence
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| n.贫穷 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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68
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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69
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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70
incentive
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| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
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71
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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72
fervid
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| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
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73
multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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74
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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75
celibacy
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| n.独身(主义) | |
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76
emanated
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的过去式和过去分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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77
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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78
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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79
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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80
frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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81
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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82
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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83
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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84
acme
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| n.顶点，极点 | |
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85
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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86
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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87
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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88
persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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89
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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91
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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92
intemperate
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| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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93
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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94
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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99
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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100
foliage
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| n.叶子，树叶，簇叶 | |
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101
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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102
fecundity
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| n.生产力；丰富 | |
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103
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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104
diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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108
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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111
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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112
promiscuous
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| adj.杂乱的，随便的 | |
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113
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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114
improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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115
citation
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| n.引用，引证，引用文；传票 | |
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distresses
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| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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117
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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redundant
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| adj.多余的，过剩的；(食物)丰富的；被解雇的 | |
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adamant
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| adj.坚硬的，固执的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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attainable
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| a.可达到的，可获得的 | |
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128
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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meritorious
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| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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contingencies
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| n.偶然发生的事故，意外事故( contingency的名词复数 )；以备万一 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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plausibility
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| n. 似有道理, 能言善辩 | |
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construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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138
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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139
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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143
condemns
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的第三人称单数 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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extirpation
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| n.消灭，根除，毁灭；摘除 | |
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metaphor
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| n.隐喻，暗喻 | |
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eradicate
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| v.根除，消灭，杜绝 | |
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extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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extirpate
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| v.除尽，灭绝 | |
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154
scarcities
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| 不足，缺乏( scarcity的名词复数 ) | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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156
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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158
lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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159
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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161
chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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