As the steamer glided3 on its way towards New-Orleans, perhaps I was not happy—perhaps there was no difficulty in restraining myself from dancing round the deck—perhaps I did not feel grateful to the man who had come so many hundred miles for me—perhaps I did not light his pipe, and wait and watch his word, and run at his slightest bidding. If I didn't—well, no matter.
We tarried at New-Orleans two days. During that time I pointed4 out the locality of Freeman's slave pen, and the room in which Ford5 purchased me. We happened to meet Theophilus in the street, but I did not think it worth while to renew acquaintance with him. From respectable citizens we ascertained6 he had become a low, miserable7 rowdy—a broken-down, disreputable man.
[Pg 311]
We also visited the recorder, Mr. Genois, to whom Senator Soule's letter was directed, and found him a man well deserving the wide and honorable reputation that he bears. He very generously furnished us with a sort of legal pass, over his signature and seal of office, and as it contains the recorder's description of my personal appearance, it may not be amiss to insert it here. The following is a copy:
"State of Louisiana—City of New-Orleans:
Recorder's Office, Second District.
"To all to whom these presents shall come:—
"This is to certify8 that Henry B. Northup, Esquire, of the county of Washington, New-York, has produced before me due evidence of the freedom of Solomon, a mulatto man, aged9 about forty-two years, five feet, seven inches and six lines, woolly hair, and chestnut10 eyes, who is a native born of the State of New-York. That the said Northup, being about bringing the said Solomon to his native place, through the southern routes, the civil authorities are requested to let the aforesaid colored man Solomon pass unmolested, he demeaning well and properly.
"Given under my hand and the seal of the city of New-Orleans this 7th January, 1853.
[L. S.]
"TH. GENOIS, Recorder."
On the 8th we came to Lake Pontchartrain, by railroad, and, in due time, following the usual route, reached Charleston. After going on board the steamboat, and paying our passage at this city, Mr. Northup was called upon by a custom-house officer to explain why he had not registered his servant. He[Pg 312] replied that he had no servant—that, as the agent of New-York, he was accompanying a free citizen of that State from slavery to freedom, and did not desire nor intend to make any registry whatever. I conceived from his conversation and manner, though I may perhaps be entirely11 mistaken, that no great pains would be taken to avoid whatever difficulty the Charleston officials might deem proper to create. At length, however, we were permitted to proceed, and, passing through Richmond, where I caught a glimpse of Goodin's pen, arrived in Washington January 17th, 1853.
We ascertained that both Burch and Radburn were still residing in that city. Immediately a complaint was entered with a police magistrate12 of Washington, against James H. Burch, for kidnapping and selling me into slavery. He was arrested upon a warrant issued by Justice Goddard, and returned before Justice Mansel, and held to bail13 in the sum of three thousand dollars. When first arrested, Burch was much excited, exhibiting the utmost fear and alarm, and before reaching the justice's office on Louisiana Avenue, and before knowing the precise nature of the complaint, begged the police to permit him to consult Benjamin O. Shekels, a slave trader of seventeen years' standing14, and his former partner. The latter became his bail.
At ten o'clock, the 18th of January, both parties appeared before the magistrate. Senator Chase, of Ohio, Hon. Orville Clark, of Sandy Hill, and Mr.[Pg 313] Northup acted as counsel for the prosecution15, and Joseph H. Bradley for the defence.
Gen. Orville Clark was called and sworn as a witness, and testified that he had known me from childhood, and that I was a free man, as was my father before me. Mr. Northup then testified to the same, and proved the facts connected with his mission to Avoyelles.
Ebenezer Radburn was then sworn for the prosecution, and testified he was forty-eight years old; that he was a resident of Washington, and had known Burch fourteen years; that in 1841 he was keeper of Williams' slave pen; that he remembered the fact of my confinement16 in the pen that year. At this point it was admitted by the defendant17's counsel, that I had been placed in the pen by Burch in the spring of 1841, and hereupon the prosecution rested.
Benjamin O. Shekels was then offered as a witness by the prisoner. Benjamin is a large, coarse-featured man, and the reader may perhaps get a somewhat correct conception of him by reading the exact language he used in answer to the first question of defendant's lawyer. He was asked the place of his nativity, and his reply, uttered in a sort of rowdyish way, was in these very words—
"I was born in Ontario county, New-York, and weighed fourteen pounds!"
Benjamin was a prodigious18 baby! He further testified that he kept the Steamboat Hotel in Washington in 1841, and saw me there in the spring of that[Pg 314] year. He was proceeding19 to state what he had heard two men say, when Senator Chase raised a legal objection, to wit, that the sayings of third persons, being hearsay20, was improper21 evidence. The objection was overruled by the Justice, and Shekels continued, stating that two men came to his hotel and represented they had a colored man for sale; that they had an interview with Burch; that they stated they came from Georgia, but he did not remember the county; that they gave a full history of the boy, saying he was a bricklayer, and played on the violin; that Burch remarked he would purchase if they could agree; that they went out and brought the boy in, and that I was the same person. He further testified, with as much unconcern as if it was the truth, that I represented I was born and bred in Georgia; that one of the young men with me was my master; that I exhibited a great deal of regret at parting with him, and he believed "got into tears!"—nevertheless, that I insisted my master had a right to sell me; that he ought to sell me; and the remarkable22 reason I gave was, according to Shekels, because he, my master, "had been gambling23 and on a spree!"
He continued, in these words, copied from the minutes taken on the examination: "Burch interrogated24 the boy in the usual manner, told him if he purchased him he should send him south. The boy said he had no objection, that in fact he would like to go south. Burch paid $650 for him, to my knowledge. I don't know what name was given him, but think it[Pg 315] was not Solomon. Did not know the name of either of the two men. They were in my tavern25 two or three hours, during which time the boy played on the violin. The bill of sale was signed in my bar-room. It was a printed blank, filled up by Burch. Before 1838 Burch was my partner. Our business was buying and selling slaves. After that time he was a partner of Theophilus Freeman, of New-Orleans. Burch bought here—Freeman sold there!"
Shekels, before testifying, had heard my relation of the circumstances connected with the visit to Washington with Brown and Hamilton, and therefore, it was, undoubtedly26, he spoke27 of "two men," and of my playing on the violin. Such was his fabrication, utterly28 untrue, and yet there was found in Washington a man who endeavored to corroborate29 him.
Benjamin A. Thorn testified he was at Shekels' in 1841, and saw a colored boy playing on a fiddle30. "Shekels said he was for sale. Heard his master tell him he should sell him. The boy acknowledged to me he was a slave. I was not present when the money was paid. Will not swear positively31 this is the boy. The master came near shedding tears: I think the boy did! I have been engaged in the business of taking slaves south, off and on, for twenty years. When I can't do that I do something else."
I was then offered as a witness, but, objection being made, the court decided32 my evidence inadmissible. It was rejected solely33 on the ground that I was a colored[Pg 316] man—the fact of my being a free citizen of New-York not being disputed.
Shekels having testified there was a bill of sale executed, Burch was called upon by the prosecution to produce it, inasmuch as such a paper would corroborate the testimony of Thorn and Shekels. The prisoner's counsel saw the necessity of exhibiting it, or giving some reasonable explanation for its non-production. To effect the latter, Burch himself was offered as a witness in his own behalf. It was contended by counsel for the people, that such testimony should not be allowed—that it was in contravention of every rule of evidence, and if permitted would defeat the ends of justice. His testimony, however, was received by the court! He made oath that such a bill of sale had been drawn34 up and signed, but he had lost it, and did not know what had become of it! Thereupon the magistrate was requested to dispatch a police officer to Burch's residence, with directions to bring his books, containing his bills of sales for the year 1841. The request was granted, and before any measure could be taken to prevent it, the officer had obtained possession of the books, and brought them into court. The sales for the year 1841 were found, and carefully examined, but no sale of myself, by any name, was discovered!
Upon this testimony the court held the fact to be established, that Burch came innocently and honestly by me, and accordingly he was discharged.
[Pg 317]
An attempt was then made by Burch and his satellites, to fasten upon me the charge that I had conspired35 with the two white men to defraud36 him—with what success, appears in an extract taken from an article in the New-York Times, published a day or two subsequent to the trial: "The counsel for the defendant had drawn up, before the defendant was discharged, an affidavit37, signed by Burch, and had a warrant out against the colored man for a conspiracy38 with the two white men before referred to, to defraud Burch out of six hundred and twenty-five dollars. The warrant was served, and the colored man arrested and brought before officer Goddard. Burch and his witnesses appeared in court, and H. B. Northup appeared as counsel for the colored man, stating he was ready to proceed as counsel on the part of the defendant, and asking no delay whatever. Burch, after consulting privately39 a short time with Shekels, stated to the magistrate that he wished him to dismiss the complaint, as he would not proceed farther with it. Defendant's counsel stated to the magistrate that if the complaint was withdrawn40, it must be without the request or consent of the defendant. Burch then asked the magistrate to let him have the complaint and the warrant, and he took them. The counsel for the defendant objected to his receiving them, and insisted they should remain as part of the records of the court, and that the court should endorse41 the proceedings42 which had been had under the process. Burch delivered them up, and the court rendered a judgment[Pg 318] of discontinuance by the request of the prosecutor43, and filed it in his office."
There may be those who will affect to believe the statement of the slave-trader—those, in whose minds his allegations will weigh heavier than mine. I am a poor colored man—one of a down-trodden and degraded race, whose humble44 voice may not be heeded45 by the oppressor—but knowing the truth, and with a full sense of my accountability, I do solemnly declare before men, and before God, that any charge or assertion, that I conspired directly or indirectly46 with any person or persons to sell myself; that any other account of my visit to Washington, my capture and imprisonment47 in Williams' slave pen, than is contained in these pages, is utterly and absolutely false. I never played on the violin in Washington. I never was in the Steamboat Hotel, and never saw Thorn or Shekels, to my knowledge, in my life, until last January. The story of the trio of slave-traders is a fabrication as absurd as it is base and unfounded. Were it true, I should not have turned aside on my way back to liberty for the purpose of prosecuting48 Burch. I should have avoided rather than sought him. I should have known that such a step would have resulted in rendering49 me infamous50. Under the circumstances—longing as I did to behold51 my family, and elated with the prospect52 of returning home—it is an outrage53 upon probability to suppose I would have run the hazard, not only of exposure, but of a criminal[Pg 319] prosecution and conviction, by voluntarily placing myself in the position I did, if the statements of Burch and his confederates contain a particle of truth. I took pains to seek him out, to confront him in a court of law, charging him with the crime of kidnapping; and the only motive54 that impelled55 me to this step, was a burning sense of the wrong he had inflicted56 upon me, and a desire to bring him to justice. He was acquitted, in the manner, and by such means as have been described. A human tribunal has permitted him to escape; but there is another and a higher tribunal, where false testimony will not prevail, and where I am willing, so far at least as these statements are concerned, to be judged at last.
We left Washington on the 20th of January, and proceeding by the way of Philadelphia, New-York, and Albany, reached Sandy Hill in the night of the 21st. My heart overflowed57 with happiness as I looked around upon old familiar scenes, and found myself in the midst of friends of other days. The following morning I started, in company with several acquaintances, for Glens Falls, the residence of Anne and our children.
As I entered their comfortable cottage, Margaret was the first that met me. She did not recognize me. When I left her, she was but seven years old, a little prattling58 girl, playing with her toys. Now she was grown to womanhood—was married, with a bright-eyed boy standing by her side. Not forgetful of his[Pg 320] enslaved, unfortunate grand-father, she had named the child Solomon Northup Staunton. When told who I was, she was overcome with emotion, and unable to speak. Presently Elizabeth entered the room, and Anne came running from the hotel, having been informed of my arrival. They embraced me, and with tears flowing down their cheeks, hung upon my neck. But I draw a veil over a scene which can better be imagined than described.
When the violence of our emotions had subsided59 to a sacred joy—when the household gathered round the fire, that sent out its warm and crackling comfort through the room, we conversed60 of the thousand events that had occurred—the hopes and fears, the joys and sorrows, the trials and troubles we had each experienced during the long separation. Alonzo was absent in the western part of the State. The boy had written to his mother a short time previous, of the prospect of his obtaining sufficient money to purchase my freedom. From his earliest years, that had been the chief object of his thoughts and his ambition. They knew I was in bondage61. The letter written on board the brig, and Clem Ray himself, had given them that information. But where I was, until the arrival of Bass62' letter, was a matter of conjecture63. Elizabeth and Margaret once returned from school—so Anne informed me—weeping bitterly. On inquiring the cause of the children's sorrow, it was found that, while studying geography, their attention had been attracted to the picture of slaves working in the[Pg 321] cotton-field, and an overseer following them with his whip. It reminded them of the sufferings their father might be, and, as it happened, actually was, enduring in the South. Numerous incidents, such as these, were related—incidents showing they still held me in constant remembrance, but not, perhaps, of sufficient interest to the reader, to be recounted.
ARRIVAL HOME, AND FIRST MEETING WITH HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN
My narrative64 is at an end. I have no comments to make upon the subject of Slavery. Those who read this book may form their own opinions of the "peculiar65 institution." What it may be in other States, I do not profess66 to know; what it is in the region of Red River, is truly and faithfully delineated in these pages. This is no fiction, no exaggeration. If I have failed in anything, it has been in presenting to the reader too prominently the bright side of the picture. I doubt not hundreds have been as unfortunate as myself; that hundreds of free citizens have been kidnapped and sold into slavery, and are at this moment wearing out their lives on plantations67 in Texas and Louisiana. But I forbear. Chastened and subdued68 in spirit by the sufferings I have borne, and thankful to that good Being through whose mercy I have been restored to happiness and liberty, I hope henceforward to lead an upright though lowly life, and rest at last in the church yard where my father sleeps.
The End
The End
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1
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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certify
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| vt.证明，证实；发证书(或执照)给 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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chestnut
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| n.栗树，栗子 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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bail
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| v.舀（水），保释；n.保证金，保释，保释人 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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defendant
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| n.被告；adj.处于被告地位的 | |
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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hearsay
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| n.谣传，风闻 | |
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improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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interrogated
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| v.询问( interrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；审问；（在计算机或其他机器上）查询 | |
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tavern
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| n.小旅馆，客栈；小酒店 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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corroborate
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| v.支持，证实，确定 | |
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fiddle
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| n.小提琴；vi.拉提琴；不停拨弄，乱动 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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defraud
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| vt.欺骗，欺诈 | |
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affidavit
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| n.宣誓书 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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endorse
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| vt.(支票、汇票等)背书，背署；批注；同意 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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prosecutor
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| n.起诉人；检察官，公诉人 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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heeded
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| v.听某人的劝告，听从( heed的过去式和过去分词 )；变平，使（某物）变平( flatten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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48
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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51
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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overflowed
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| 溢出的 | |
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prattling
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| v.（小孩般）天真无邪地说话( prattle的现在分词 )；发出连续而无意义的声音；闲扯；东拉西扯 | |
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subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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bass
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| n.男低音(歌手)；低音乐器；低音大提琴 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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64
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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66
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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