Beginning with the emancipation6 of the Negro, the inevitable7 result of unbribled power exercised for two and a half centuries, by the white man over the Negro, began to show itself in acts of conscienceless outlawry. During the slave regime, the Southern white man owned the Negro body and soul. It was to his interest to dwarf8 the soul and preserve the body. Vested with unlimited9 power over his slave, to subject him to any and all kinds of physical punishment, the white man was still restrained from such punishment as tended to injure the slave by abating10 his physical powers and thereby11 reducing his financial worth. While slaves were scourged13 mercilessly, and in countless14 cases inhumanly15 treated in other respects, still the white owner rarely permitted his anger to go so far as to take a life, which would entail16 upon him a loss of several hundred dollars. The slave was rarely killed, he was too valuable; it was easier and quite as effective, for discipline or revenge, to sell him "Down South."
But Emancipation came and the vested interests of the white man in the Negro's body were lost. The white man had no right to scourge12 the emancipated17 Negro, still less has he a right to kill him. But the Southern white people had been educated so long in that school of practice, in which might makes right, that they disdained18 to draw strict lines of action in dealing19 with the Negro. In slave times the Negro was kept subservient20 and submissive by the frequency and severity of the scourging21, but, with freedom, a new system of intimidation22 came into vogue23; the Negro was not only whipped and scourged; he was killed.
Not all nor nearly all of the murders done by white men, during the past thirty years in the South, have come to light, but the statistics as gathered and preserved by white men, and which have not been questioned, show that during these years more than ten thousand Negroes have been killed in cold blood, without the formality of judicial24 trial and legal execution. And yet, as evidence of the absolute impunity25 with which the white man dares to kill a Negro, the same record shows that during all these years, and for all these murders only three white men have been tried, convicted, and executed. As no white man has been lynched for the murder of colored people, these three executions are the only instances of the death penalty being visited upon white men for murdering Negroes.
Naturally enough the commission of these crimes began to tell upon the public conscience, and the Southern white man, as a tribute to the nineteenth-century civilization, was in a manner compelled to give excuses for his barbarism. His excuses have adapted themselves to the emergency, and are aptly outlined by that greatest of all Negroes, Frederick Douglass, in an article of recent date, in which he shows that there have been three distinct eras of Southern barbarism, to account for which three distinct excuses have been made.
The first excuse given to the civilized26 world for the murder of unoffending Negroes was the necessity of the white man to repress and stamp out alleged27 "race riots." For years immediately succeeding the war there was an appalling28 slaughter29 of colored people, and the wires usually conveyed to northern people and the world the intelligence, first, that an insurrection was being planned by Negroes, which, a few hours later, would prove to have been vigorously resisted by white men, and controlled with a resulting loss of several killed and wounded. It was always a remarkable30 feature in these insurrections and riots that only Negroes were killed during the rioting, and that all the white men escaped unharmed.
From 1865 to 1872, hundreds of colored men and women were mercilessly murdered and the almost invariable reason assigned was that they met their death by being alleged participants in an insurrection or riot. But this story at last wore itself out. No insurrection ever materialized; no Negro rioter was ever apprehended31 and proven guilty, and no dynamite32 ever recorded the black man's protest against oppression and wrong. It was too much to ask thoughtful people to believe this transparent34 story, and the southern white people at last made up their minds that some other excuse must be had.
Then came the second excuse, which had its birth during the turbulent times of reconstruction35. By an amendment36 to the Constitution the Negro was given the right of franchise37, and, theoretically at least, his ballot38 became his invaluable39 emblem40 of citizenship41. In a government "of the people, for the people, and by the people," the Negro's vote became an important factor in all matters of state and national politics. But this did not last long. The southern white man would not consider that the Negro had any right which a white man was bound to respect, and the idea of a republican form of government in the southern states grew into general contempt. It was maintained that "This is a white man's government," and regardless of numbers the white man should rule. "No Negro domination" became the new legend on the sanguinary banner of the sunny South, and under it rode the Ku Klux Klan, the Regulators, and the lawless mobs, which for any cause chose to murder one man or a dozen as suited their purpose best. It was a long, gory42 campaign; the blood chills and the heart almost loses faith in Christianity when one thinks of Yazoo, Hamburg, Edgefield, Copiah, and the countless massacres44 of defenseless Negroes, whose only crime was the attempt to exercise their right to vote.
But it was a bootless strife46 for colored people. The government which had made the Negro a citizen found itself unable to protect him. It gave him the right to vote, but denied him the protection which should have maintained that right. Scourged from his home; hunted through the swamps; hung by midnight raiders, and openly murdered in the light of day, the Negro clung to his right of franchise with a heroism47 which would have wrung48 admiration49 from the hearts of savages51. He believed that in that small white ballot there was a subtle something which stood for manhood as well as citizenship, and thousands of brave black men went to their graves, exemplifying the one by dying for the other.
The white man's victory soon became complete by fraud, violence, intimidation and murder. The franchise vouchsafed52 to the Negro grew to be a "barren ideality," and regardless of numbers, the colored people found themselves voiceless in the councils of those whose duty it was to rule. With no longer the fear of "Negro Domination" before their eyes, the white man's second excuse became valueless. With the Southern governments all subverted53 and the Negro actually eliminated from all participation54 in state and national elections, there could be no longer an excuse for killing55 Negroes to prevent "Negro Domination."
Brutality still continued; Negroes were whipped, scourged, exiled, shot and hung whenever and wherever it pleased the white man so to treat them, and as the civilized world with increasing persistency56 held the white people of the South to account for its outlawry, the murderers invented the third excuse—that Negroes had to be killed to avenge57 their assaults upon women. There could be framed no possible excuse more harmful to the Negro and more unanswerable if true in its sufficiency for the white man.
Humanity abhors58 the assailant of womanhood, and this charge upon the Negro at once placed him beyond the pale of human sympathy. With such unanimity59, earnestness and apparent candor60 was this charge made and reiterated61 that the world has accepted the story that the Negro is a monster which the Southern white man has painted him. And today, the Christian43 world feels, that while lynching is a crime, and lawlessness and anarchy the certain precursors62 of a nation's fall, it can not by word or deed, extend sympathy or help to a race of outlaws63, who might mistake their plea for justice and deem it an excuse for their continued wrongs.
The Negro has suffered much and is willing to suffer more. He recognizes that the wrongs of two centuries can not be righted in a day, and he tries to bear his burden with patience for today and be hopeful for tomorrow. But there comes a time when the veriest worm will turn, and the Negro feels today that after all the work he has done, all the sacrifices he has made, and all the suffering he has endured, if he did not, now, defend his name and manhood from this vile64 accusation65, he would be unworthy even of the contempt of mankind. It is to this charge he now feels he must make answer.
If the Southern people in defense45 of their lawlessness, would tell the truth and admit that colored men and women are lynched for almost any offense66, from murder to a misdemeanor, there would not now be the necessity for this defense. But when they intentionally67, maliciously68 and constantly belie33 the record and bolster69 up these falsehoods by the words of legislators, preachers, governors and bishops70, then the Negro must give to the world his side of the awful story.
A word as to the charge itself. In considering the third reason assigned by the Southern white people for the butchery of blacks, the question must be asked, what the white man means when he charges the black man with rape72. Does he mean the crime which the statutes73 of the civilized states describe as such? Not by any means. With the Southern white man, any mesalliance existing between a white woman and a colored man is a sufficient foundation for the charge of rape. The Southern white man says that it is impossible for a voluntary alliance to exist between a white woman and a colored man, and therefore, the fact of an alliance is a proof of force. In numerous instances where colored men have have been lynched on the charge of rape, it was positively74 known at the time of lynching, and indisputably proven after the victim's death, that the relationship sustained between the man and woman was voluntary and clandestine75, and that in no court of law could even the charge of assault have been successfully maintained.
It was for the assertion of this fact, in the defense of her own race, that the writer hereof became an exile; her property destroyed and her return to her home forbidden under penalty of death, for writing the following editorial which was printed in her paper, the Free Speech, in Memphis, Tenn., May 21,1892:
Eight Negroes lynched since last issue of the Free Speech one at Little Rock, Ark., last Saturday morning where the citizens broke(?) into the penitentiary76 and got their man; three near Anniston, Ala., one near New Orleans; and three at Clarksville, Ga., the last three for killing a white man, and five on the same old racket—the new alarm about raping77 white women. The same programme of hanging, then shooting bullets into the lifeless bodies was carried out to the letter. Nobody in this section of the country believes the old threadbare lie that Negro men rape white women. If Southern white men are not careful, they will overreach themselves and public sentiment will have a reaction; a conclusion will then be reached which will be very damaging to the moral reputation of their women.
But threats cannot suppress the truth, and while the Negro suffers the soul deformity, resultant from two and a half centuries of slavery, he is no more guilty of this vilest78 of all vile charges than the white man who would blacken his name.
During all the years of slavery, no such charge was ever made, not even during the dark days of the rebellion, when the white man, following the fortunes of war went to do battle for the maintenance of slavery. While the master was away fighting to forge the fetters79 upon the slave, he left his wife and children with no protectors save the Negroes themselves. And yet during those years of trust and peril80, no Negro proved recreant81 to his trust and no white man returned to a home that had been dispoiled.
Likewise during the period of alleged "insurrection," and alarming "race riots," it never occurred to the white man, that his wife and children were in danger of assault. Nor in the Reconstruction era, when the hue82 and cry was against "Negro Domination," was there ever a thought that the domination would ever contaminate a fireside or strike to death the virtue83 of womanhood. It must appear strange indeed, to every thoughtful and candid84 man, that more than a quarter of a century elapsed before the Negro began to show signs of such infamous85 degeneration.
In his remarkable apology for lynching, Bishop71 Haygood, of Georgia, says: "No race, not the most savage50, tolerates the rape of woman, but it may be said without reflection upon any other people that the Southern people are now and always have been most sensitive concerning the honor of their women—their mothers, wives, sisters and daughters." It is not the purpose of this defense to say one word against the white women of the South. Such need not be said, but it is their misfortune that the chivalrous86 white men of that section, in order to escape the deserved execration87 of the civilized world, should shield themselves by their cowardly and infamously88 false excuse, and call into question that very honor about which their distinguished89 priestly apologist claims they are most sensitive. To justify90 their own barbarism they assume a chivalry91 which they do not possess. True chivalry respects all womanhood, and no one who reads the record, as it is written in the faces of the million mulattoes in the South, will for a minute conceive that the southern white man had a very chivalrous regard for the honor due the women of his own race or respect for the womanhood which circumstances placed in his power. That chivalry which is "most sensitive concerning the honor of women" can hope for but little respect from the civilized world, when it confines itself entirely92 to the women who happen to be white. Virtue knows no color line, and the chivalry which depends upon complexion93 of skin and texture94 of hair can command no honest respect.
When emancipation came to the Negroes, there arose in the northern part of the United States an almost divine sentiment among the noblest, purest and best white women of the North, who felt called to a mission to educate and Christianize the millions of southern exslaves. From every nook and corner of the North, brave young white women answered that call and left their cultured homes, their happy associations and their lives of ease, and with heroic determination went to the South to carry light and truth to the benighted95 blacks. It was a heroism no less than that which calls for volunteers for India, Africa and the Isles96 of the sea. To educate their unfortunate charges; to teach them the Christian virtues97 and to inspire in them the moral sentiments manifest in their own lives, these young women braved dangers whose record reads more like fiction than fact. They became social outlaws in the South. The peculiar98 sensitiveness of the southern white men for women, never shed its protecting influence about them. No friendly word from their own race cheered them in their work; no hospitable99 doors gave them the companionship like that from which they had come. No chivalrous white man doffed100 his hat in honor or respect. They were "Nigger teachers"—unpardonable offenders101 in the social ethics102 of the South, and were insulted, persecuted103 and ostracised, not by Negroes, but by the white manhood which boasts of its chivalry toward women.
And yet these northern women worked on, year after year, unselfishly, with a heroism which amounted almost to martyrdom. Threading their way through dense104 forests, working in schoolhouse, in the cabin and in the church, thrown at all times and in all places among the unfortunate and lowly Negroes, whom they had come to find and to serve, these northern women, thousands and thousands of them, have spent more than a quarter of a century in giving to the colored people their splendid lessons for home and heart and soul. Without protection, save that which innocence105 gives to every good woman, they went about their work, fearing no assault and suffering none. Their chivalrous protectors were hundreds of miles away in their northern homes, and yet they never feared any "great dark-faced mobs," they dared night or day to "go beyond their own roof trees." They never complained of assaults, and no mob was ever called into existence to avenge crimes against them. Before the world adjudges the Negro a moral monster, a vicious assailant of womanhood and a menace to the sacred precincts of home, the colored people ask the consideration of the silent record of gratitude106, respect, protection and devotion of the millions of the race in the South, to the thousands of northern white women who have served as teachers and missionaries107 since the war.
The Negro may not have known what chivalry was, but he knew enough to preserve inviolate108 the womanhood of the South which was entrusted109 to his hands during the war. The finer sensibilities of his soul may have been crushed out by years of slavery, but his heart was full of gratitude to the white women of the North, who blessed his home and inspired his soul in all these years of freedom. Faithful to his trust in both of these instances, he should now have the impartial110 ear of the civilized world, when he dares to speak for himself as against the infamy111 wherewith he stands charged.
It is his regret, that, in his own defense, he must disclose to the world that degree of dehumanizing brutality which fixes upon America the blot112 of a national crime. Whatever faults and failings other nations may have in their dealings with their own subjects or with other people, no other civilized nation stands condemned113 before the world with a series of crimes so peculiarly national. It becomes a painful duty of the Negro to reproduce a record which shows that a large portion of the American people avow114 anarchy, condone115 murder and defy the contempt of civilization. These pages are written in no spirit of vindictiveness116, for all who give the subject consideration must concede that far too serious is the condition of that civilized government in which the spirit of unrestrained outlawry constantly increases in violence, and casts its blight117 over a continually growing area of territory. We plead not for the colored people alone, but for all victims of the terrible injustice118 which puts men and women to death without form of law. During the year 1894, there were 132 persons executed in the United States by due form of law, while in the same year, 197 persons were put to death by mobs who gave the victims no opportunity to make a lawful119 defense. No comment need be made upon a condition of public sentiment responsible for such alarming results.
The purpose of the pages which follow shall be to give the record which has been made, not by colored men, but that which is the result of compilations120 made by white men, of reports sent over the civilized world by white men in the South. Out of their own mouths shall the murderers be condemned. For a number of years the Chicago Tribune, admittedly one of the leading journals of America, has made a specialty122 of the compilation121 of statistics touching123 upon lynching. The data compiled by that journal and published to the world January 1, 1894, up to the present time has not been disputed. In order to be safe from the charge of exaggeration, the incidents hereinafter reported have been confined to those vouched124 for by the Tribune.
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1
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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outlawry
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| 宣布非法，非法化，放逐 | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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dwarf
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| n.矮子，侏儒，矮小的动植物；vt.使…矮小 | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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abating
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| 减少( abate的现在分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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scourged
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| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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inhumanly
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| adv.无人情味地，残忍地 | |
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entail
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| vt.使承担，使成为必要，需要 | |
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emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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scourging
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| 鞭打( scourge的现在分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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intimidation
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| n.恐吓，威胁 | |
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Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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dynamite
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| n./vt.(用)炸药(爆破) | |
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belie
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| v.掩饰，证明为假 | |
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transparent
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| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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ballot
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| n.（不记名）投票，投票总数，投票权；vi.投票 | |
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invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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42
gory
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| adj.流血的；残酷的 | |
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43
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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44
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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45
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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46
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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47
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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48
wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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49
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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50
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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51
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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52
vouchsafed
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| v.给予，赐予( vouchsafe的过去式和过去分词 )；允诺 | |
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53
subverted
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| v.颠覆，破坏（政治制度、宗教信仰等）( subvert的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某人）道德败坏或不忠 | |
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54
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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55
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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56
persistency
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| n. 坚持(余辉, 时间常数) | |
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57
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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58
abhors
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| v.憎恶( abhor的第三人称单数 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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59
unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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60
candor
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| n.坦白，率真 | |
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61
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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62
precursors
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| n.先驱( precursor的名词复数 )；先行者；先兆；初期形式 | |
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63
outlaws
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| 歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯 | |
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vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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66
offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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67
intentionally
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| ad.故意地，有意地 | |
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maliciously
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| adv.有敌意地 | |
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bolster
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| n.枕垫；v.支持，鼓励 | |
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70
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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71
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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72
rape
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| n.抢夺，掠夺，强奸；vt.掠夺，抢夺，强奸 | |
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73
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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74
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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75
clandestine
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| adj.秘密的，暗中从事的 | |
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76
penitentiary
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| n.感化院；监狱 | |
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77
raping
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| v.以暴力夺取，强夺( rape的现在分词 )；强奸 | |
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78
vilest
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| adj.卑鄙的( vile的最高级 )；可耻的；极坏的；非常讨厌的 | |
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79
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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80
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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81
recreant
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| n.懦夫；adj.胆怯的 | |
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82
hue
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| n.色度；色调；样子 | |
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83
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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85
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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86
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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87
execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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infamously
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| 不名誉地 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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90
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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91
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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benighted
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| adj.蒙昧的 | |
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isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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97
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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99
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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100
doffed
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| v.脱去，（尤指）脱帽( doff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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102
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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103
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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104
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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105
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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106
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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107
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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108
inviolate
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| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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109
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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111
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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112
blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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113
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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114
avow
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| v.承认，公开宣称 | |
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115
condone
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| v.宽恕；原谅 | |
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116
vindictiveness
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| 恶毒；怀恨在心 | |
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117
blight
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| n.枯萎病；造成破坏的因素；vt.破坏，摧残 | |
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118
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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119
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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120
compilations
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| n.编辑，编写( compilation的名词复数 )；编辑物 | |
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121
compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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122
specialty
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| n.(speciality)特性，特质；专业，专长 | |
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123
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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124
vouched
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| v.保证( vouch的过去式和过去分词 )；担保；确定；确定地说 | |
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