"Thomas Cromwell to his most excellent friend, Master William Bates, greeting. I am removed to the farmhouse1 of La Strada at San Casciano for a short time, having left Florence on account of the great heat and an indisposition of my stomach, caused by a surfeit2 of raw ham and figs3: for it is the custom of this people, when the figs ripen4, to make an excursion to their villas5, or the farms of their tenants6, and having brought with them a number of small hams, smoked and excellently well flavoured, which they cut into thin slices, they sit in the shade of a fig-tree, and make a great feasting. Messer Frescobaldi carried me to such a feast at one of his neighbouring villas, and I, whether from the novelty of the dish, which savours 198deliciously, and is exciting to the palate, or from a natural intemperance7 of appetite, having eaten immoderately of figs and ham, and having drunk a vast quantity of wine, was seized on my return to Florence with violent pains and cramps8 in the stomach, accompanied by much retching and colic. Messer Frescobaldi, having sent for his physician to come to me, I was blooded eight ounces, and am now somewhat recovered, though in much need of rest, and the coolness of the country air.
"But since I am charged with the execution of your business rather than with the recreation of mine own health, let me say that the matter of the Lucca merchants is settled, on the terms mentioned in the enclosed treaty, and such produce as you require will be sent as occasion offers, whether by France or Antwerp, depending upon the state of the rival nations; but in so far as is possible the goods will be shipped at Genoa by the Fuggers, and carried thence to Antwerp, to be reladed at your own charge, and carried to your brother at Boston, or on a ship of the Fuggers' trading with England, in which case they will be delivered to yourself at the sign of the Blue Anchor, in Chepeside. 199The late ordinances9 directing that all shrouds10 shall be made of woollen, and forbidding the export of raw wool out of England, and the question of the staple11, have caused much ill-feeling against English merchants, both at Antwerp and Florence; wherefore I think it would be wise to commission the Fuggers to buy for you, and to colour your goods with their name, more especially in the Baltic trade. The same offices will, at your request, be undertaken by Messer Frescobaldi here and throughout Italy, both with the cloth merchants of Florence and the glass workers and silk merchants of Venice; but, in matters connected with your trade with the latter town, Messer Frescobaldi demands that you place a sum of money in his bank, sufficient to cover the charges of the import and the export duty, or, that such moneys as he may advance on your behalf for the payment of these imposts be charged against you at one and a half per cent. above the current rate, so that in the one case he hath the use of your money, and in the other a large interest upon his own. You will easily see by the treaty that I have relinquished13 to him rather the shadow than the substance of what he desired; but I do feel it my duty to 200beseech you that in every wise you show him such convenience and fair dealing14 as you may, without hurt to your own prosperity, since by your acting16 in this fashion he will be the less likely to repudiate17 the contract as a cheat devised for his beguiling18.
"Returning to mine own affairs. I am the guest of one Niccolo Machiavelli, an honest and courteous19 man, with much wit, and knowledge of the ancients. He was sometime in the service of the late Republic, but was after suspected, and removed from his office by the Medici faction20. Having been racked on a false charge of treason, he retired21 hither, and by a frugal22 expenditure23 hath somewhat mended his fortune, so that he is embarrassed neither by the cares of wealth, nor the vexations of poverty. At first, however, since a republican and popular government considers all the citizens to be its servants, as much through their own duty as from any hope of a fair remuneration, he, having been able to save little of his pay, was in great straits, so that he was forced to rise ere it was light, and spread nets for thrushes and quails24, superintend his idle workmen, and busy himself with a thousand trifling25 cares: wherefore I think it more profitable 201to serve a tyrant26 than a free people. He hath now acquired by his own efforts that leisure which his public service and former poverty denied him, so that he can pass his day in pleasant discourse27, studying the diverse manners and habits of men, or reading in his library, in which he doth greatly delight. The library itself, in which I am now writing, is a long, airy room, having a pleasant aspect toward the south-west; but it overlooks the courtyard, and one is continually disturbed through the day by the foolish cackle of hens and other farmyard racket. He told me that he chose the room on his first coming hither, whereat his wife made a great clamour complaining that he had taken for his own uses the one serviceable room in the house, which is indeed the truth. She is well looking and I would willingly see more of her; but she is a notable woman, and, as is usual with her sex, occupied all day long by a thousand nothings, whereat I think he is marvellously contented29, esteeming30 himself fortunate in that she differs from the majority of wives, who continually invade the privacy of men, and use our apartments as their own. Set against the walls are great chests of carven and painted wood, which 202contain his manuscripts and printed books, the Latin poets as well as the historians and orators31, besides those Italian authors who have gained an eternity32 of fame, more especially Dante Alighieri and Petrarch. Here, among this choice store of what the world hath accounted noble in thought or action, we sit far into the night with a flagon of wine between us, and such entertainment as our own wits provide, relishing33 in our conversation both the sal nigrum of Momus, and the sal candidum which Mercurius gave.
"At first, seeing the ingenious and subtle mind of my friend, I was at a loss to account for his apparent failure in assuring his own fortune; but, knowing him better, I see that his judgment34, never at fault in dealing with things afar off, may be perplexed35 and misled when it comes to bear upon present affairs; being so great in himself he doth sometimes forget of what poor account in Europe are his countrymen to-day. He is at present making a series of discourses36 upon politics, which he reads in the gardens of Cosimo Rucellai, where the meetings of the Academy are held. It was at one of these meetings, after the company had dispersed37, that I first had speech of him; in which traverses, though the chief 203subject of his discourse is Livy's history of the Roman Republic, he draweth his examples from many sources, and showeth how mankind hath always been prone38 to the same faults, and in like circumstances will always act in a like manner without regard for the lessons and warnings of the past.
"In the intervals39 of preparing these discourses against their occasions, and of refining those which he hath read, he giveth much time and labour to the polishing of a little treatise40 or manual for princes; a work full of seasonable matter, which I have read with much profit and agreement, for he reasons not, as the schoolmen use, from some abstract theory of the universe, with which all events must be forced into harmony, but gathering41 together the facts of common experience, he derives42 from the perfect understanding of them the principles of his philosophy; wherefore I say that he hath invented a new science, and added a tenth muse44 to the choir45 of Apollo. And to show you the satiric46 nature of the man, I must tell you, that having dedicated47 his treatise of The Prince to Lorenzo di Piero de' Medici, in the hope of some advancement48 and reward, and being disappointed of this hope, in the dedication50 of his Discourses to Zanobi Buondelmonte 204and Cosimo Rucellai he says, 'Though I have been mistaken on many occasion, yet certainly I have made no error in offering my Discourses to you. For in this I think to have shown some gratitude51 for benefits received, and to have abandoned the path habitually52 trodden by those who make a trade of writing, and whose custom it is to dedicate their works to some prince, to whom, in the blindness of their ambition or of their avarice53, and in the pouring out of their empty flatteries, they attribute all the virtues54, instead of making him blush for his vices55. To avoid falling into that vulgar fault I have made choice, not indeed of a prince, but of those who merit to be princes.... Moreover, historians give greater praise to Hieron, a plain citizen of Syracuse, than to Perseus, King of Macedonia, for Hieron lacked none of the qualities of kingliness, except the name, while Perseus had no other than the kingdom.' So doth he think to repay them for their neglect.
"This satiric quality doth characterise all his writing, whether he be dealing with the sacred or the profane56; indeed he doth make no difference between the books of Moses and the books of Livy, but treats both in the same way, as the record of past events; and 205though God forbid that I should seem to doubt the truth of Scripture57, yet it is my opinion that the writings of Moses are not to be apprehended58 by the plain man, being full of mystery and divinity, which only a clerk can expound59. Thus, in one place, after enumerating60 the great law-givers of old; Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus, and the like, he adds: 'And though perhaps I ought not to name Moses, he being merely an instrument for carrying out the divine commands, he is still to be admired for those qualities which made him worthy62 to converse63 with God; but if we consider Cyrus and the others who have acquired or founded kingdoms, they will all be seen to be admirable, and if their actions and the particular institutions of which they were the authors be studied, they will be found not to differ from those of Moses, though he was instructed by so great a teacher.'
"This is either too simple, or too subtile, for men of godly and pious64 dispositions65. Indeed, I think that by indulging his delight in irony66 he hath made himself distrusted; for the depravity of human nature is such, that, where two interpretations67 can be put upon words, mankind will ordinarily choose the sense which 206is evil instead of that which is good. Witness the following, on ecclesiastical princedoms: 'All the difficulties of ecclesiastical princedoms precede their acquisition: for they are acquired by merit or good fortune, but are maintained without either, being upheld by the venerable ordinances of religion, which are all of such a nature and efficacy that they secure the authority of their princes in whatever way they may act or live. These princes alone have territories which they do not defend, and subjects whom they do not govern; yet, though undefended, their territories are not taken from them, nor are their subjects concerned at not being governed or led to think of throwing off their allegiance; nor is it in their power to do so. Accordingly these princedoms alone are secure and happy. But inasmuch as they are sustained by agencies of a higher nature than the mind of man can reach, I forbear to speak of them; for, since they are set up and supported by God himself, he would be a rash and presumptuous68 man who should venture to discuss them.' It hath a double edge, and though some may be found to declare the intention innocent, since the book is addressed to a relative of the Pope, I would rather infer from that the greater daring 207of the author. But lest you yourself, who are curious in such matters, should doubt whether the intention be malicious69 or innocent, I shall explain further his opinions, both in the matter of Moses, and in the matter of ecclesiastical princedoms. For in two discourses at the Rucellai gardens, at which I was present, he returned to these subjects, and said: 'In fact no legislator has ever given his people a new body of laws, without alleging70 the intervention71 of the divinity; for otherwise they would not have been accepted. It is certain that there exist many benefits of which a wise and prudent72 man foresees the consequences, but nevertheless of which the evidence is not sufficiently73 striking to convince all minds. To resolve that difficulty the wise man hath recourse to the gods.... The Florentines believe themselves to be neither ignorant nor rude, and, nevertheless, Fra Girolamo Savonarola made them believe that he had conversations with God. I do not pretend to decide if he were right or wrong, for one should not speak without respect of so extraordinary a man. I only say, that a great multitude of people believed him, without having seen anything supernatural which could justify74 their belief; but his whole life, 208his knowledge, and the subject of his discourses, should have been enough to make them give credence75 to his words. One must never be astonished at having failed to-day, where others once succeeded; for mankind, as I have said in my preface, are born, live, and die, according to the same laws.'
"And if you, Master Bates, would ask me how it is possible that such matters should be so spoken of, openly, in this country, which licence would not be permitted elsewhere, I shall offer in reply his own words on ecclesiastical princedoms. For he says: 'Certainly, if religion had been able to maintain itself as a Christian77 republic, such as its divine founder78 had established, the States which professed79 it would have been happier than they are now. But how is she fallen! and the most striking proof of her decadence80 is to see that the peoples bordering on the Church of Rome, that capital of our religion, are precisely81 the least religious. If one examines the primitive82 spirit of her institutions, and when he sees how far her practice hath departed from them, he might easily believe that we are approaching a time of ruin or of retribution. And, since some assert that the happiness of Italy depends on the Church of Rome, I should 209bring against that Church several reasons which offer themselves to my mind, among which there are two extremely grave, and which I think, cannot be denied. First, the evil examples of the court of Rome have extinguished in this country all devotion and all religion, which fact carries in its train innumerable inconveniences and disorders83; and as, wherever religion reigns85 one must believe the existence of good, so wherever it hath disappeared one must suppose the presence of evil. We owe it then, we other Italians, to the Church and to the priests that we are without religion or morals, but we owe them one other obligation, which is the source of our ruin; it is that the Church has always stirred up, and stirs up incessantly86, the division of this unhappy country.'
"My mind doth see you, sitting, perchance, in your garden, by the dial, as is your wont87 after the business of the day is over, and mocking me, that I have found a new prophet. But, indeed, it doth seem so to me, and I am content to sit in his company gleaning88 the ripe ears of his wisdom. And if I have out-wearied your patience with my praise of him, whose every word hath the force of a deed, let me remind you of a summer day in the 210garden of your old house at Boston, how we plucked the apricocks from the espaliers, while you read to me the discourses of Sir Thomas More upon Augustine's De Civitate Dei, when, if I did not gape89, it was but from politeness and my great respect for yourself. For this man doth stand among his countrymen like a giant in a city of pigmies, overlooking their petty disputations, and reading the future from the mirror of the past. He doth foresee the ruin of the Church, the birth of Empires, the dawn of a new greatness for the world, the emancipation90 of the peoples from the ecclesiastical tyranny of to-day. He standeth like one prophetic upon Pisgah. He doth see that the world must be freed from this pestilence91 of monks92. He says: 'Our religion, having shown us the truth and the only way of salvation93, hath lessened94 in our eyes the worth of worldly honours.... The ancient religions offered divine honours only to those illustrious with worldly glory, such as famous captains, and leaders of the Republic; our religion, on the contrary, only sanctifies the humble96, and men given to contemplation rather than to an active life; she hath placed the summum bonum in humility97, in the contempt for worldly things, and even in abjection98; 211while the pagans made it consist in greatness of soul, in bodily strength, and in all that might help to make men brave and robust99. And if our religion asks us to have strength, it is rather the strength to suffer evils than to do great things. It seems that this new morality has made mankind weaker, and given the world over as a prey100 to the wicked.'
"All these sayings have sunk deep into my mind, as you may well perceive by the length of this letter. He hath taught me that, since the conditions of life are always the same, a man who hath strength and wit may rise to the same eminence101 in these days as the heroes of old time did in the past.
"I have sent to my lord the Cardinal102 a present of furs, which I pray you see conveyed to him with my humble duty. The cloak of furs is for yourself, and the necklace of amber103 beads104 for your good lady. Your advice I follow in my way of life; but, my good Will, sometimes I do regret the old times, when you and I were younger, and fond of wenches; or, perchance, when they were fonder of us. Three things I look forward to seeing next Spring: the fresh face of an English country maid, a Royal pageant105 212on the Thames, and a bank of primroses106 with the rain on them."
Folding the paper neatly107, he addressed it; and taking a sardonyx gem108 from his finger sealed up the edges with four seals. Then returning the ring to his finger, he considered his small, white, fat hands, pursing up his lips, with a curious air of meditative110 self-satisfaction. Lifting up his eyes again, after this pleasant relaxation111 of the mind, he found Machiavelli, who had entered softly so as not to disturb him if he were writing, looking at him with a gently ironic112 smile; and he started, somewhat annoyed that even for a moment he should have been taken off his guard.
"If you are occupied, Messer, I shall not disturb you. Do not move. I hope that you have asked for whatever you may have desired. Marietta tells me that you have been busy with your correspondence."
"I have also read a little," answered Cromwell.
"Ah, I see! the De Monarchia. I marvel28 always, Messer, that in spite of the overwhelming evidence of human depravity, men are to be found in every age who base their conceptions of the ideal state upon the hypothesis that mankind is naturally good."
213"It is at least certain that each individual considers himself good," Cromwell said.
A light smile was the only reply. Machiavelli wore a long Florentine cloak reaching down to the ankles; loosening it a little he flung the ends back over the arms of his chair, and stretched his legs. His clothes were of the finest Florentine cloth, well-made, but a little worn--black and dark green in colour; he wore a collar of fine linen114 fitting close about the neck; his cloak was of brown home-spun. Every detail showed a scrupulous115 care for his appearance, but also a frugality116 of means. Cromwell, equally sober in his black and tawny117, allowed himself little vanities; a gold chain with pendant jewels, and the white lawn collar neatly goffered, as also were the wrist-bands.
"Do you think this treatise a foolish book?" asked Cromwell bluntly.
"Dante was great in everything," answered Machiavelli. "He could not write foolish things; but he could be mistaken in his reasons, and as to the capacity of human nature. His ideal Emperor, his ideal Pope, would be gods, not men. His notion of the Church stripped of its temporal possessions is a chimera118. As religion exists to-day, 214asserting its precedence over the State, or even its opposition119 to the State, it splits society in two, and divides it against itself. The religion of the pagans was merged120 in patriotism121, and before a greater stability in social affairs is possible, mankind must either return to that ideal, or religion be considered as a matter for every individual to practise as he thinks best."
He spoke76 with little or no inflection of the voice, resting his chin on one hand. As he sat always with his head slightly bent122, when he looked at his companion, with bright eyes under compressed brows, his face had an expression of stealthy alertness.
"Yes," said Cromwell; "if we turn away from Italy, and consider the other nations, we find that in every country the Church has an organisation123, powerful and rich, which the State has to bribe124; but since the Church has this organisation, acting directly on the mass of the people, and willing to support the State, in exchange for certain privileges and immunities125, our princes find it convenient to govern by its help; and since the greater part of government consists of temporary expedients126, statesmen will not be led easily to forego this convenience."
215"That little book was written when Boniface VIII. sat in the chair of Peter. It is simply a protest against the ambition and arrogant127 pretensions128 of the popes. Innocent III. and Gregory VII. could launch their thunders against kings more or less successfully; but the anger of Boniface went out like a flame fallen in water; his selfish lust95 for power led to his complete downfall, and the victory of Philip. But Philip's victory caused a revulsion of feeling in the Pope's favour, so that Dante, though he hath thrust Boniface into Hell, yet calleth him Christ's Vicar, and doth compare his sufferings to Christ's Passion. Even Philip did not attack him openly, but used covert130 weapons, Sciarra and all the Colonnesi being his secret allies, and carrying with them the gonfalon of the Church; in what he did openly, Philip used traditional means, as summoning a council, and accusing the Pope of heresy131. Still, I say to you that henceforth the great States will war continuously against the Church."
"Through the monks. 'The fat bellies133 of the monks' are become a proverb in Europe. Every people itch134 with the vermin. They 216have made the practice of poverty the most lucrative135 of trades. Their greed, their lewdness136, and their obscenity, are the matter of every ballad137, and the butt138 of every wit. And yet they are one of the chief supports of the Church, ever replenishing her treasuries139 with the offerings of the poor, and the fruit of their traffic in pardon and indulgences."
"I have observed," said Cromwell, "that, though kings have often despoiled140 the monasteries141, such depredations142 have not increased their popularity; for, though the people do not defend the property of the monks when it is attacked, after a time the weight of their opinion is on the side of the Church, and they accuse the officers of the State of rapacity143 and harshness, and the King himself of greed."
"The people are too often ground between the upper and nether144 mill-stones of Church and State," said Machiavelli; "to them both tyrannies are equally hateful. And, also, Messer, the plundering145 of the monasteries hath nearly always been an act of kingly greed, to furnish the material for war and forge the instruments of a harsher tyranny. But let the King make his people his accomplices146...."
He finished the sentence with a smile.
217"Yes," said the other slowly; "yes."
He considered his soft, white hands, and pondered the matter as if it were an ordinary question of daily business. His fleshy face with a bright colour about the cheek-bones, the small, pointed49 nose, the watchful147 eyes, revealed nothing; but the mere61 quietness with which he considered the question was, in a sense, a revelation. Lifting his eyes again he spoke quietly.
"I see here," he said, turning the pages of the De Monarchia, "that Dante attributes the great power of the Roman Empire to the direct action of the divine providence148. The Empire to him is a thing divinely ordained149, and Augustus is the divine monarch113."
"One must either attribute all things or nothing to providence," said Machiavelli. "It was the opinion of Plutarch that the Romans confessed their obligations to Fortune by consecrating150 a great number of temples and statues to that goddess. It was to the courage of her soldiers that Rome owed the Empire, and it was to the wisdom and conduct of her administrators151 and law-givers that she owed its preservation152. If fortune or God rule the world, then man hath no remedy against the evils of his time, and his prudence153 218avails him nothing. I am in part inclined to this opinion, since every day we see things happen contrary to all human expectation; yet, at the same time, man is in some measure free. What I say, then, is this: that fortune is mistress of little more than half of our actions, and man himself is master of all the rest. In all things we may observe the action of certain laws, to which man is subject, but within the limits of which he hath a certain freedom. So, as a sailor, knowing the changes of the tide and wind; how it bloweth from the shore at evening, and from the sea at dawn; and knowing also the mysterious currents in the sea, and the hidden shallows, and the free channels, and the stars by which he is to steer154, may bring his venture into port, where one ignorant of these things would suffer shipwreck155, the wise man judging of times and opportunities will use caution or courage, as best may serve the occasion. He will prosper15 most whose mode of acting is adapted to the change of times; but no man is found so prudent as to know how to adapt himself to all changes, both because he is naturally inclined to follow one course, and because having prospered156 in it hitherto he cannot be persuaded to change. Moreover, 219fortune is a blind and irresistible157 force, while the divine providence of Dante is mild and beneficent; and though we have instances of fortune we have none of providence; and to assert that fortune directed the growth of the Roman Empire is to say a childish thing, for fortune creates nothing, it rather destroys; but it is man, adapting himself to fortune, who is the creator. Though we may say that fortune doth in a large measure control the works of man, we cannot say that the divine providence hath inspired or maintained in power, by its singular favour, any people. But every people succeeds or fails according to its wisdom in dealing with events as they occur, and in guarding against all probabilities of mischance."
While he was speaking, his son, Piero, came into the room with some wine for them, which he put upon the table. He was not unlike his father, with a small, close-cropped head and slightly aquiline158 nose, but the face had the softer outline and delicacy159 of youth; something in the clean-cut features, the thoughtful brows, and firm lips, reminded Cromwell of a little head of Augustus upon a gem which he had seen at Rome, but even more, of a small head of Caligula, that debased 220and weaker image of Augustus. Machiavelli smiled, took his son's hand, and talked to him in that spirit of grave banter160 which is customary with men when they talk to children, and the boy answered him readily enough, with responsive smiles, and laughingly, but yet a little embarrassed by the presence of their guest. Presently his hand was released, and he slipped silently out of the room.
"It is sad when one thinks of the great empires of the past fallen into decay, and all their work perished, so that nothing of them can be said to remain except a shadowy legend and a name."
"Yes, it is sad; but it hath always been so," answered Machiavelli. "Everything is subject to change and death. Do you know these lines of Dante, since you study him?
"'Atene e Lacedemone, che fenno
Le antiche leggi, e furon sì civili,
Fecero al viver bene un picciol cenno
Verso di te, che fai tanto sottili
Provvedimenti, che a mezzo novembre
Non giunge quel che tu d'ottobre fili.'
"They are nothing but a song in our ears. And yet we may comfort ourselves. For I believe that the world has always been the 221same and has always contained an equal mass of good and evil, but I believe also that this good and evil passes from one country to another, as we may see by the records of these kingdoms of antiquity161, which, as their manners changed, passed from one to the other, but the world itself remained the same. There is only this difference, that whereas first the seat of the world's greatness was at Assyria, whence it passed to the Medes, thence into Persia, until finally it came to Rome and Italy, and though no other Empire has followed which has proved lasting162, yet now the greatness of the world is diffused163 through many nations, in which men live in orderly and civil fashion. Everything is subject to change and the vicissitudes164 of fortune; but passing from change to change all things return more or less to their former state."
"I remember the lines. Tell me, Messer: Dante calleth Virgil his master; do you think the poetry of Dante similar and equal to Virgil?"
Machiavelli moved a little in his chair.
"There is a Virgil by your hand, Messer," he said. "Open it. Look at the print and paper; it was printed at Venice. So I like to read that splendid verse. And yet Dante 222scarcely seems a poet to be read in print. I should like to possess his works written in a fine, neat, clerkly script, upon vellum, with little illuminations in the margin165, angels in vermilion and ultramarine upon a golden ground; initial letters with quaint166 floral devices woven about them, heraldic monsters, the Gryphon with his car, Beatrice walking by the stream in the earthly Paradise. He chose Virgil as his master because, to him, Virgil was the sole Roman to whom the prophecy of Christ's coming had been revealed by the divine will; because Virgil himself had pictured the state of man after death; and, finally, because Virgil had been the singer of that Empire which Dante so greatly reverenced167. The poetry of Dante has nothing of classical proportion; its unity168 is simply the unity of a philosophical169 system; its progress is like a pageant. But it is full of a sudden wilful170 beauty, a delight in natural things, moments of birdlike music when he speaks of birds, as in the lines:
"'Nell'ora che comincie i tristi lai
La rondinella presso alla mattina,
Forse a memoria de' suoi primi guai.'
223"'Quale allodetta, che in aere si spazia
Prima cantando, e poi tace contenta
Dell' ultima dolcezza, che la sazia.'
It is like that delicate work of the illuminators, full of a kind of homeliness172, a clear and luminous173 beauty; but it is not the same thing as Virgil's lines:
"'.... et bibit ingens
Arcus: et e pastu decedens agmine magno
Corvorum increpuit densis exercitus alis.'
I do not think that Dante is a lesser174 poet; but he hath not, and never can have, the same universal appeal. He is terrible, full of swiftness, and energy, and hatred175; devouring176 his subject like a flame. No poet hath lines so horrible, so inhuman177 as:
"'due dì li chiamai poi che fur morti:
Poscia, più che il dolor, potè il digiuno.
Riprese il teschio misero coi denti,
Che furo all' osso, come d'un can, forti.'
It is an exultation178 of hatred, a luxury in disgust, a joy in brutal179 vengeance180 which cannot be paralleled. Turn from it to these lines out of the Paradiso:
"'O dolce Amor, che di riso t' ammanti,
Quanto parevi ardente in quei flailli,
Ch' aveano spirto sol di pensier santi.'
224and you have some notion of his wide range from tumult181 into calm. Will you not drink a little wine?"
"This wine is excellent," said Cromwell. "As a rule I find the Italian wine a little harsh; but this is suave182 and of a delicate flavour. You are a great lover of poetry, Messer. I see that your volumes of Tibullus and Ovid are much worn."
"I have little time for such pleasures, alas185!" said Cromwell. "Yet I, too, have great need of the poets, sometimes. I have read the Commedia closely. Tell me, Messer, since you have spoken of Dante's political principles as enunciated186 in the De Monarchia, did not they suffer a change in the Commedia?"
"Man's ideals are broken as he hath greater experience of life. Dante, like all enthusiasts187, fashioned to his own mind a picture of the ideal state, upon the hypothesis, as I have said before, that all men are naturally good. But if you consider his poem you will find that it is nothing but a record of crimes and their punishment, while even the crystal air of heaven is disturbed by denunciations of evil. His notion that the civil power is of God, and 225that the Church should be subject to it, is expressed later with even a more vehement188 conviction in the Paradiso, by Justinian, the supreme189 legist. In the De Monarchia he says: 'Si romanum imperium de jure non fuit, peccatum Adae in Christo non fuit punitum'; and in the Commedia for having withstood the Empire, Brutus with Cassius still howls in Hell, and 'Piangene ancor la trista Cleopatra.' But, after his years of exile and wandering, he seems to have surrendered his faith in a kingdom, which should be of this world, and sought for justice and the triumph of the good beyond the grave, as so many others have, likewise; for in the next world we shall all be justified190. Dante's poem is not like the ?neid, an epic191: it is an Apocalypse. The companion of his voyage is less the gentle Virgil, the maiden192 of the maiden city, than some later St John, continuing his fulminations from Patmos, judging all nations and condemning194 them. It is only in rare moments that he can speak a tender language as he does of the Florence of an earlier day, standing43 in peace, sober, chaste195, with no houses void of a family; with her nobles in leather jerkins, and their ladies at the cradle, or the distaff, telling their handmaidens the tales of Troy, and Rome, and 226Fiesole. Such is the manner of poets: to praise times past in preference to the present, and usually without reason. A little later, you will hear Peter condemning his successors, who imitate him in that calling which he followed before he followed the call of Christ, rather than in his later life:
"'Non fu nostra intenzion, ch'a destra mano
Dei nostri successor parte sedesse,
Parte dall' altra del popol cristiano:
Nè che le chiavi, che mi fur concesse
Divenisser segnacolo in vessillo,
Che contra i battezzati combattessi:
Nè ch' io fossi figura di sigillo
Ai privilegi venduti e mendaci.'
Everything in the poem is a condemnation196 of this world. A sense of complete isolation197 has overcome the writer. He stands alone, neither Guelf nor Ghibelline, but a party to himself: the first Italian."
He paused, drank a little wine, and smiled tolerantly.
"I, too, began life in attaching myself to a party; and when my party was expulsed I became a Florentine, and now, having considered all the cities of Italy, I am an Italian. But the great mass of my countrymen are still as Dante saw them, split up into numerous 227factions, weak by divisions, a ready prey to any comer."
"When our dreams have faded, Messer," continued the other, "we can only sit aloof200, watching the comedy of life with at best a tolerant contempt, but more often hiding, under a mask of cynicism and sarcasm201, the maimed heart that is in us."
The other was a little embarrassed, after a moment he spoke quickly.
"It seems, to my mind, Messer, that Dante's poem hath no progress, no dramatic progress; beyond the pedestrian interest of the scenes described there is no motion."
"Thought can be dramatic as well as action," replied the other; "but I am inclined to agree with you. Consider the poem as a whole system of thought starting from 'the master of those who know' and ending in the beatific202 vision; consider it, next, as a denunciation of all the lusts203 and depravity of the world, typified, and made incarnate204 in historical characters: Francesca, voyaging for ever through the dusky air, on a wind that seems to symbolise her own passion; Ugolino, turning his strong teeth upon that wretched 228skull: consider, finally, the little illuminations which have made me compare the poem to a missal or a book of hours; the terse205 phrase, the very simplicity206 of which bites like an acid, so keen it is. Then, I think, you will see how various was his mind. His poem is like a great life; his words like actions, sometimes terrible and inhuman, sometimes like a mother's tenderness with her child."
Cromwell suddenly broke into a smile.
"Yes, yes, as you say, Messer, it is a whole system of thought. Nay207, even more, it is the whole structure of a past age. But how simple! How childish! The people of that time seem to me like a few men gathered together at night round an open fire; at hand is a cheerful warmth, and light, but a few paces away is the darkness full of terrors, and on the borders of darkness are monstrous208 shadows. They sit crouched209 about the fire, telling idle tales to beguile210 their fears, thinking that beyond that little glow of radiance is nothing, whereas, at no great distance from them is such another company round another fire. We have explored the darkness, and now the dawn is beginning."
"Magnus nascitur ordo," said Machiavelli, 229smiling. "How many ages have said the same thing?"
"But it is here. The new order is born. I am no scholar, Messer, but I have heard Dean Colet and Erasmus. The recovery of the Greeks hath let knowledge like a light into many dark places; the whole political fabric211 is dissolving, and flowing away into the limbo212 of dead conceptions. The secular213 power, which Dante wished, and which you wish, to see established, is here."
"Yes, it is here," answered Machiavelli; "but what is it going to do? Mankind is constantly labouring at an unknown task; and, in seeking to be free, doth often but rivet214 its own fetters215 more securely."
"What do you mean?"
"Take as an example the conflict between the senate and people of Rome. Marius having been made the champion of liberty is followed by Sulla the master of reaction; the fight is long, bitter, and when finally the people triumph they find themselves under the absolute rule of one man. Now this results from the fact that men worship the name of freedom, rather than the thing itself; those who fight in the cause of liberty are fighting for their own establishment in power 230and, being established, they seek to protect themselves, and fortify216 their position as the central authority; and, having been raised up by the popular voice, they are stronger than the power which they have supplanted217; thus it happens that the people warring against their government in the cause of liberty do but increase the power which they have aimed to destroy. The present struggle is to rid the State of the interference of the Church: to found greater States. The popes have destroyed Italy by playing off faction against faction, and city against city, in the hope that by this method they might become supreme over all; but having introduced disorder84 into every town, and destroyed all civic218 morality, they have also lessened their own power; for these states and cities were the Church's bulwarks219 against the invader220. Now, whatever may be the issue of present affairs, the Pope must become subject either to the Emperor or to the King of France. This is the nemesis221 of their policy. The liberty of the State will be achieved, at least in a great measure; but the State being stronger will be more absolute, more tyrannous. The solvent222 of the new learning, as you call it, will be smiled upon by kings, so long as it doth help 231them to rid themselves of the Pope; but it will be repressed the moment that it shows any desire to alter or limit the power of the States."
"Yes," answered Cromwell; "but if they once let in the flood, it will be too late to think of building a dam."
"When I was a young man I remember to have heard Politian," said Machiavelli. "But I think that the enthusiasm which began with Petrarch, and continued into my younger days, has died down. It is true that our studies are better organised: we have the academies; but learning in Italy at the present day is rather a polite accomplishment223 than a serious business. It hath not penetrated224 the mass of people. To them, the two bases of the social order are still the Pope and the Emperor, as in Dante's day; and they condemn193 the new learning as tending to overthrow225 these bases, and so destroy the whole fabric of society. The monks point to Erasmus as the cause of the present troubles in Germany."
"Erasmus doth seem to me to be the one wise man," answered Cromwell. "He steereth a middle course, condemning the fanatics226 on both sides. It is his wish to avoid any tumult, and merely to further the growth of 232light and reason; for he is persuaded the whole evil of the time comes from ignorance. Colet, such another man, was persecuted227 with accusations228 of heresy, so that he thought well to withdraw himself from the public eye. But neither of these men desired to overthrow the Papacy or to promote a schism229; for they thought, if I remember aright, that such methods, with their incidental violence, would only prejudice the cause they had at heart; their aim was to act upon the Church from within, to reform its abuses, to root out this pestilent brood of monks, and to promote a healthy growth of lay opinion. To Erasmus the German schismatics are no whit109 less ignorant or less intolerant than his old enemies the monks, and equally entangled230 in the webs of vain theological sophistries231. He believes that the great influences are secret, and of slow growth, gradually penetrating232 all things; and he seeketh to form a party of intellectual men, who shall work within reasonable limits, acting as a new leaven233 to leaven the whole lump."
"I have little faith in such an influence, except as a preparation for the combat," said Machiavelli. "What I praise in Erasmus is that clearness of judgment, which insists that 233the Bible should be read as any other book, that each man should go direct to the source, and fill his own vessel234; for by that means they will recognise the chicanery235, which isolates236 texts and phrases, and distorts their sense. But not by any gentle methods will the regeneration of Europe come to pass. There is a stir, a commotion237 of minds, abroad, which is testing the pretensions of the Church, and rejecting them one by one. The sands are shifting beneath the foundations of a structure we thought builded upon a rock; and though as yet the fabric stands, it showeth great rents. So: the Pope and Emperor remain to the majority the bases of the social order, as I have said, and soon it will be perceived by all men that the humanists, in playing with questions of grammar, have trenched upon matters of faith: a crime not serious in itself, but exceedingly grave when after reflection we learn that it compromises temporalities. Men have not yet clearly seen this danger, though a few, perhaps, have suspected it. And, when the reaction against humanism sets in, upon what arm will the humanists rely to defend them?
"They will by that time have created not only a large following, but a temper among 234the people. I myself, Messer, have great hopes of our young King of England, who hath grown under the influence of men similar to Erasmus. He hath a royal nature, a dominant238 will, a power not only of making his people's aspirations239 his own, but that supreme gift in a ruler which can make what is to his own private advantage seem a matter tending to further the public good. Though as yet he be not fully129 tried, this much I will venture to prophesy240 of him, that no hindrances241 in the path he chooses will prevent him, and that no man in his realm of England who fails him once will fail him again."
"You are either very fortunate, or very unfortunate, to have such a prince," said Machiavelli, with a smile. "But humanism is of recent growth in your country. It must be followed by reform. And, if your King hath that quality of true kingliness, which maketh the aspirations of his people his own, would he withstand reaction?"
"I cannot conceive that one of his nurture242 and character should be found on any side but that of reform."
A light, incredulous smile played upon the other's face.
"It might be politic," he suggested.
"I cannot conceive the possibility," he said.
Machiavelli shrugged245 his shoulders, leaned back in his chair, and looked at his guest over joined finger-tips.
"He hath written against Luther, but rather for the reasons of Erasmus than for those of the monks," said Cromwell slowly. "It is even conceivable that if he once take up the business of reforming the Church in England, he may be forced into a more extreme position; I mean into a denial of the Pope's authority, and a position similar to that of the followers246 of Luther. In that case, I admit, the war will be between two extreme parties; but it would be difficult to say which he would support, or how far he would be compelled to go. Certain it is to me that he will ally himself with whatever party is likely to serve his own ends, and will not forsake247 them until they have gained him what he requires. Then, indeed, he may cast aside the tool, which he hath blunted by use, and choose one keener; yet, in reality, he would be but sacrificing the show for the substance; and his vicegerent will always be the man who discerns his will and executes it. Thus, his policy will be 236consistent, though his ministers change; for at times perhaps, since the people always blame those who surround a prince as the abusers of his confidence, he may find it necessary for him to discard, or even to sacrifice one, whose sole fault is in the thoroughness with which he carries out the royal will, for often in history we read of the sacrifice of a minister in order to lull248 popular feeling. Witness the example, which you yourself give, in your treatise of The Prince; where you show how Messer Remiro d'Orco, Cesare Borgia having set him over Romagna, by the sternness of his measures soon cleansed249 it of evil-doers and reduced it to order, for which his master, fearful lest the harshness of his lieutenant250 should be attributed to himself, rewarded him with axe251 and block, exposing the severed252 head in the market-place of Cesena. Thus, though he had himself commanded the severities which his lieutenant practised, he escaped the odium consequent to them, and was hailed by the people as their deliverer."
They sat for a little time, silent, in the gathering dusk.
"Still," said Cromwell thoughtfully, "there must be ways of avoiding the ingratitude253 of 237a master: either by the minister imputing254 to the King openly, and upon every possible occasion, all actions, whether of good or evil; or else by his fortifying255 himself with powerful friendships, and seeking in every way to gain the voice of popular favour, so that becoming greater than his master he may withstand him."
Machiavelli shifted a little in his chair, and the darkness hid an ironic smile.
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1
farmhouse
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| n.农场住宅（尤指主要住房） | |
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surfeit
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| v.使饮食过度；n.(食物)过量，过度 | |
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figs
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| figures 数字，图形，外形 | |
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ripen
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| vt.使成熟；vi.成熟 | |
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villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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intemperance
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| n.放纵 | |
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cramps
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| n. 抽筋, 腹部绞痛, 铁箍 adj. 狭窄的, 难解的 v. 使...抽筋, 以铁箍扣紧, 束缚 | |
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ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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shrouds
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| n.裹尸布( shroud的名词复数 )；寿衣；遮蔽物；覆盖物v.隐瞒( shroud的第三人称单数 )；保密 | |
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staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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repudiate
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| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
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beguiling
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| adj.欺骗的，诱人的v.欺骗( beguile的现在分词 )；使陶醉；使高兴；消磨（时间等） | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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quails
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| 鹌鹑( quail的名词复数 )； 鹌鹑肉 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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marvel
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| vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异；n.令人惊异的事 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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esteeming
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| v.尊敬( esteem的现在分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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relishing
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| v.欣赏( relish的现在分词 )；从…获得乐趣；渴望 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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muse
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| n.缪斯（希腊神话中的女神），创作灵感 | |
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choir
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| n.唱诗班，唱诗班的席位，合唱团，舞蹈团；v.合唱 | |
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satiric
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| adj.讽刺的，挖苦的 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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expound
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| v.详述；解释；阐述 | |
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enumerating
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的现在分词 ) | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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interpretations
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| n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 )；表演；演绎；理解 | |
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presumptuous
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| adj.胆大妄为的，放肆的，冒昧的，冒失的 | |
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69
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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70
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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71
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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72
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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73
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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74
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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75
credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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76
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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77
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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78
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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79
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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80
decadence
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| n.衰落，颓废 | |
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81
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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82
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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83
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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84
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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85
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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86
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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87
wont
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|
| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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88
gleaning
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|
| n.拾落穗，拾遗，落穗v.一点点地收集（资料、事实）( glean的现在分词 )；（收割后）拾穗 | |
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89
gape
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| v.张口，打呵欠，目瞪口呆地凝视 | |
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90
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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91
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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92
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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93
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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94
lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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95
lust
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|
| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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96
humble
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|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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97
humility
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|
| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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98
abjection
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|
| n. 卑鄙, 落魄 | |
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99
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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100
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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101
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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102
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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103
amber
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| n.琥珀；琥珀色；adj.琥珀制的 | |
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104
beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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105
pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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106
primroses
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| n.报春花( primrose的名词复数 )；淡黄色；追求享乐（招至恶果） | |
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107
neatly
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| adv.整洁地，干净地，灵巧地，熟练地 | |
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108
gem
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| n.宝石，珠宝；受爱戴的人 [同]jewel | |
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109
whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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110
meditative
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| adj.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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111
relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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112
ironic
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|
| adj.讽刺的，有讽刺意味的，出乎意料的 | |
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113
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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114
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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115
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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116
frugality
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| n.节约，节俭 | |
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117
tawny
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| adj.茶色的，黄褐色的；n.黄褐色 | |
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118
chimera
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| n.神话怪物；梦幻 | |
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119
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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120
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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121
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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122
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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123
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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124
bribe
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|
| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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125
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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126
expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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127
arrogant
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|
| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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128
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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129
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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130
covert
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| adj.隐藏的；暗地里的 | |
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131
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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132
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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133
bellies
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|
| n.肚子( belly的名词复数 )；腹部；（物体的）圆形或凸起部份；腹部…形的 | |
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134
itch
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|
| n.痒，渴望，疥癣；vi.发痒，渴望 | |
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135
lucrative
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|
| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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136
lewdness
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|
| n. 淫荡, 邪恶 | |
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137
ballad
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| n.歌谣，民谣，流行爱情歌曲 | |
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138
butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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139
treasuries
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| n.（政府的）财政部( treasury的名词复数 )；国库，金库 | |
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140
despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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142
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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143
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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144
nether
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|
| adj.下部的，下面的；n.阴间；下层社会 | |
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145
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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146
accomplices
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|
| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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147
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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148
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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149
ordained
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|
| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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150
consecrating
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|
| v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的现在分词 )；奉献 | |
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151
administrators
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|
| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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152
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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153
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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154
steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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155
shipwreck
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|
| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
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156
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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157
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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158
aquiline
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| adj.钩状的，鹰的 | |
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159
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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160
banter
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| n.嘲弄，戏谑；v.取笑，逗弄，开玩笑 | |
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161
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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162
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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163
diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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164
vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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165
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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166
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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167
reverenced
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| v.尊敬，崇敬( reverence的过去式和过去分词 )；敬礼 | |
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168
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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169
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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170
wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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171
lark
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| n.云雀，百灵鸟；n.嬉戏，玩笑；vi.嬉戏 | |
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172
homeliness
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| n.简朴，朴实；相貌平平 | |
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173
luminous
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| adj.发光的，发亮的；光明的；明白易懂的；有启发的 | |
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174
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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175
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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176
devouring
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|
| 吞没( devour的现在分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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177
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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178
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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179
brutal
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|
| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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180
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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181
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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182
suave
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| adj.温和的；柔和的；文雅的 | |
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183
fowling
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| 捕鸟，打鸟 | |
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184
snares
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| n.陷阱( snare的名词复数 )；圈套；诱人遭受失败（丢脸、损失等）的东西；诱惑物v.用罗网捕捉，诱陷，陷害( snare的第三人称单数 ) | |
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185
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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186
enunciated
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| v.（清晰地）发音( enunciate的过去式和过去分词 )；确切地说明 | |
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187
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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188
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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189
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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190
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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191
epic
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| n.史诗，叙事诗；adj.史诗般的，壮丽的 | |
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192
maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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193
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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194
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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195
chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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196
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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197
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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198
meditatively
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| adv.冥想地 | |
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199
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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200
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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201
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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202
beatific
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| adj.快乐的，有福的 | |
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203
lusts
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| 贪求（lust的第三人称单数形式） | |
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204
incarnate
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| adj.化身的，人体化的，肉色的 | |
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205
terse
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| adj.(说话，文笔)精炼的，简明的 | |
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206
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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207
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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208
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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209
crouched
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| v.屈膝，蹲伏( crouch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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210
beguile
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| vt.欺骗，消遣 | |
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211
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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212
limbo
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| n.地狱的边缘；监狱 | |
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213
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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214
rivet
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| n.铆钉；vt.铆接，铆牢；集中(目光或注意力) | |
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215
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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216
fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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217
supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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218
civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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219
bulwarks
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| n.堡垒( bulwark的名词复数 )；保障；支柱；舷墙 | |
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220
invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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221
nemesis
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| n.给以报应者，复仇者，难以对付的敌手 | |
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222
solvent
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| n.溶剂；adj.有偿付能力的 | |
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223
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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224
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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225
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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226
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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227
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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228
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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229
schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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230
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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231
sophistries
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| n.诡辩术( sophistry的名词复数 )；（一次）诡辩 | |
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232
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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233
leaven
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| v.使发酵；n.酵母；影响 | |
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234
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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235
chicanery
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| n.欺诈，欺骗 | |
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236
isolates
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| v.使隔离( isolate的第三人称单数 )；将…剔出（以便看清和单独处理）；使（某物质、细胞等）分离；使离析 | |
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237
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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238
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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239
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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240
prophesy
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| v.预言；预示 | |
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241
hindrances
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| 阻碍者( hindrance的名词复数 )； 障碍物； 受到妨碍的状态 | |
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242
nurture
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| n.养育，照顾，教育；滋养，营养品；vt.养育，给与营养物，教养，扶持 | |
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243
protruded
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| v.（使某物）伸出，（使某物）突出( protrude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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244
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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245
shrugged
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| vt.耸肩（shrug的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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246
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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247
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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248
lull
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| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
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249
cleansed
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| 弄干净，清洗( cleanse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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250
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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251
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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252
severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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253
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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254
imputing
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的现在分词 ) | |
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255
fortifying
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| 筑防御工事于( fortify的现在分词 )； 筑堡于； 增强； 强化（食品） | |
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