MATCHED—SUFFERINGS FROM HUNGER—OBLIGED TO TAKE FOOD—MODE OF ARGUMENT
IN VINDICATION3 THEREOF—NO MORAL CODE OF FREE SOCIETY CAN APPLY TO
SLAVE SOCIETY—SOUTHERN CAMP MEETING—WHAT MASTER THOMAS DID
THERE—HOPES—SUSPICIONS ABOUT HIS CONVERSION4—THE RESULT—FAITH AND
COUSIN “HENNY”—HIS TREATMENT OF HER—THE METHODIST PREACHERS—THEIR
OVER ALL MY PROSPECTS—COVEY THE NEGRO-BREAKER.
St. Michael’s, the village in which was now my new home, compared favorably with villages in slave states, generally. There were a few comfortable dwellings9 in it, but the place, as a whole, wore a dull, slovenly10, enterprise-forsaken aspect. The mass of the buildings were wood; they had never enjoyed the artificial adornment11 of paint, and time and storms had worn off the bright color of the wood, leaving them almost as black as buildings charred12 by a conflagration13.
St. Michael’s had, in former years, (previous to 1833, for that was the year I went to reside there,) enjoyed some reputation as a ship building community, but that business had almost entirely given place to oyster14 fishing, for the Baltimore and Philadelphia markets—a course of life highly unfavorable to morals, industry, and manners. Miles river was broad, and its oyster fishing[145] grounds were extensive; and the fishermen were out, often, all day, and a part of the night, during autumn, winter and spring. This exposure was an excuse for carrying with them, in considerable quanties(sic), spirituous liquors, the then supposed best antidote15 for cold. Each canoe was supplied with its jug16 of rum; and tippling, among this class of the citizens of St. Michael’s, became general. This drinking habit, in an ignorant population, fostered coarseness, vulgarity and an indolent disregard for the social improvement of the place, so that it was admitted, by the few sober, thinking people who remained there, that St. Michael’s had become a very unsaintly, as well as unsightly place, before I went there to reside.
I left Baltimore for St. Michael’s in the month of March, 1833. I know the year, because it was the one succeeding the first cholera17 in Baltimore, and was the year, also, of that strange phenomenon, when the heavens seemed about to part with its starry18 train. I witnessed this gorgeous spectacle, and was awe-struck. The air seemed filled with bright, descending19 messengers from the sky. It was about daybreak when I saw this sublime21 scene. I was not without the suggestion, at the moment, that it might be the harbinger of the coming of the Son of Man; and, in my then state of mind, I was prepared to hail Him as my friend and deliverer. I had read, that the “stars shall fall from heaven”; and they were now falling. I was suffering much in my mind. It did seem that every time the young tendrils of my affection became attached, they were rudely broken by some unnatural22 outside power; and I was beginning to look away to heaven for the rest denied me on earth.
But, to my story. It was now more than seven years since I had lived with Master Thomas Auld, in the family of my old master, on Col. Lloyd’s plantation23. We were almost entire strangers to each other; for, when I knew him at the house of my old master, it was not as a master, but simply as “Captain Auld,” who had married old master’s daughter. All my lessons concerning his[146] temper and disposition24, and the best methods of pleasing him, were yet to be learnt. Slaveholders, however, are not very ceremonious in approaching a slave; and my ignorance of the new material in shape of a master was but transient. Nor was my mistress long in making known her animus25. She was not a “Miss Lucretia,” traces of whom I yet remembered, and the more especially, as I saw them shining in the face of little Amanda, her daughter, now living under a step-mother’s government. I had not forgotten the soft hand, guided by a tender heart, that bound up with healing balsam the gash26 made in my head by Ike, the son of Abel. Thomas and Rowena, I found to be a well-matched pair. He was stingy, and she was cruel; and—what was quite natural in such cases—she possessed27 the ability to make him as cruel as herself, while she could easily descend20 to the level of his meanness. In the house of Master Thomas, I was made—for the first time in seven years to feel the pinchings of hunger, and this was not very easy to bear.
For, in all the changes of Master Hugh’s family, there was no change in the bountifulness with which they supplied me with food. Not to give a slave enough to eat, is meanness intensified28, and it is so recognized among slaveholders generally, in Maryland. The rule is, no matter how coarse the food, only let there be enough of it. This is the theory, and—in the part of Maryland I came from—the general practice accords with this theory. Lloyd’s plantation was an exception, as was, also, the house of Master Thomas Auld.
All know the lightness of Indian corn-meal, as an article of food, and can easily judge from the following facts whether the statements I have made of the stinginess of Master Thomas, are borne out. There were four slaves of us in the kitchen, and four whites in the great house Thomas Auld, Mrs. Auld, Hadaway Auld (brother of Thomas Auld) and little Amanda. The names of the slaves in the kitchen, were Eliza, my sister; Priscilla, my aunt; Henny, my cousin; and myself. There were eight persons[147] in the family. There was, each week, one half bushel of corn-meal brought from the mill; and in the kitchen, corn-meal was almost our exclusive food, for very little else was allowed us. Out of this bushel of corn-meal, the family in the great house had a small loaf every morning; thus leaving us, in the kitchen, with not quite a half a peck per week, apiece. This allowance was less than half the allowance of food on Lloyd’s plantation. It was not enough to subsist30 upon; and we were, therefore, reduced to the wretched necessity of living at the expense of our neighbors. We were compelled either to beg, or to steal, and we did both. I frankly31 confess, that while I hated everything like stealing, as such, I nevertheless did not hesitate to take food, when I was hungry, wherever I could find it. Nor was this practice the mere32 result of an unreasoning instinct; it was, in my case, the result of a clear apprehension33 of the claims of morality. I weighed and considered the matter closely, before I ventured to satisfy my hunger by such means. Considering that my labor34 and person were the property of Master Thomas, and that I was by him deprived of the necessaries of life necessaries obtained by my own labor—it was easy to deduce the right to supply myself with what was my own. It was simply appropriating what was my own to the use of my master, since the health and strength derived35 from such food were exerted in his service. To be sure, this was stealing, according to the law and gospel I heard from St. Michael’s pulpit; but I had already begun to attach less importance to what dropped from that quarter, on that point, while, as yet, I retained my reverence36 for religion. It was not always convenient to steal from master, and the same reason why I might, innocently, steal from him, did not seem to justify37 me in stealing from others. In the case of my master, it was only a question of removal—the taking his meat out of one tub, and putting it into another; the ownership of the meat was not affected38 by the transaction. At first, he owned it in the tub, and last, he owned it in me. His meat house was not always open. There was a strict watch kept on that[148] point, and the key was on a large bunch in Rowena’s pocket. A great many times have we, poor creatures, been severely39 pinched with hunger, when meat and bread have been moulding under the lock, while the key was in the pocket of our mistress. This had been so when she knew we were nearly half starved; and yet, that mistress, with saintly air, would kneel with her husband, and pray each morning that a merciful God would bless them in basket and in store, and save them, at last, in his kingdom. But I proceed with the argument.
It was necessary that right to steal from others should be established; and this could only rest upon a wider range of generalization40 than that which supposed the right to steal from my master.
It was sometime before I arrived at this clear right. The reader will get some idea of my train of reasoning, by a brief statement of the case. “I am,” thought I, “not only the slave of Thomas, but I am the slave of society at large. Society at large has bound itself, in form and in fact, to assist Master Thomas in robbing me of my rightful liberty, and of the just reward of my labor; therefore, whatever rights I have against Master Thomas, I have, equally, against those confederated with him in robbing me of liberty. As society has marked me out as privileged plunder41, on the principle of self-preservation I am justified42 in plundering43 in turn. Since each slave belongs to all; all must, therefore, belong to each.”
I shall here make a profession of faith which may shock some, offend others, and be dissented44 from by all. It is this: Within the bounds of his just earnings45, I hold that the slave is fully46 justified in helping47 himself to the gold and silver, and the best apparel of his master, or that of any other slaveholder; and that such taking is not stealing in any just sense of that word.
The morality of free society can have no application to slave society. Slaveholders have made it almost impossible for the slave to commit any crime, known either to the laws of God or to the laws of man. If he steals, he takes his own; if he kills his master,[149] he imitates only the heroes of the revolution. Slaveholders I hold to be individually and collectively responsible for all the evils which grow out of the horrid48 relation, and I believe they will be so held at the judgment49, in the sight of a just God. Make a man a slave, and you rob him of moral responsibility. Freedom of choice is the essence of all accountability. But my kind readers are, probably, less concerned about my opinions, than about that which more nearly touches my personal experience; albeit50, my opinions have, in some sort, been formed by that experience.
Bad as slaveholders are, I have seldom met with one so entirely destitute51 of every element of character capable of inspiring respect, as was my present master, Capt. Thomas Auld.
When I lived with him, I thought him incapable52 of a noble action. The leading trait in his character was intense selfishness. I think he was fully aware of this fact himself, and often tried to conceal53 it. Capt. Auld was not a born slaveholder—not a birthright member of the slaveholding oligarchy54. He was only a slaveholder by marriage-right; and, of all slaveholders, these latter are, by far, the most exacting55. There was in him all the love of domination, the pride of mastery, and the swagger of authority, but his rule lacked the vital element of consistency56. He could be cruel; but his methods of showing it were cowardly, and evinced his meanness rather than his spirit. His commands were strong, his enforcement weak.
Slaves are not insensible to the whole-souled characteristics of a generous, dashing slaveholder, who is fearless of consequences; and they prefer a master of this bold and daring kind—even with the risk of being shot down for impudence57 to the fretful, little soul, who never uses the lash58 but at the suggestion of a love of gain.
Slaves, too, readily distinguish between the birthright bearing of the original slaveholder and the assumed attitudes of the accidental slaveholder; and while they cannot respect either, they certainly despise the latter more than the former.[150]
The luxury of having slaves wait upon him was something new to Master Thomas; and for it he was wholly unprepared. He was a slaveholder, without the ability to hold or manage his slaves. We seldom called him “master,” but generally addressed him by his “bay craft” title—“Capt. Auld.” It is easy to see that such conduct might do much to make him appear awkward, and, consequently, fretful. His wife was especially solicitous59 to have us call her husband “master.” Is your master at the store?”—“Where is your master?”—“Go and tell your master”—“I will make your master acquainted with your conduct”—she would say; but we were inapt scholars. Especially were I and my sister Eliza inapt in this particular. Aunt Priscilla was less stubborn and defiant60 in her spirit than Eliza and myself; and, I think, her road was less rough than ours.
In the month of August, 1833, when I had almost become desperate under the treatment of Master Thomas, and when I entertained more strongly than ever the oft-repeated determination to run away, a circumstance occurred which seemed to promise brighter and better days for us all. At a Methodist camp-meeting, held in the Bay Side (a famous place for campmeetings) about eight miles from St. Michael’s, Master Thomas came out with a profession of religion. He had long been an object of interest to the church, and to the ministers, as I had seen by the repeated visits and lengthy61 exhortations62 of the latter. He was a fish quite worth catching64, for he had money and standing65. In the community of St. Michael’s he was equal to the best citizen. He was strictly66 temperate67; perhaps, from principle, but most likely, from interest. There was very little to do for him, to give him the appearance of piety68, and to make him a pillar in the church. Well, the camp-meeting continued a week; people gathered from all parts of the county, and two steamboat loads came from Baltimore. The ground was happily chosen; seats were arranged; a stand erected69; a rude altar fenced in, fronting the preachers’ stand, with straw in it for the accommodation of[151] mourners. This latter would hold at least one hundred persons. In front, and on the sides of the preachers’ stand, and outside the long rows of seats, rose the first class of stately tents, each vieing with the other in strength, neatness, and capacity for accommodating its inmates70. Behind this first circle of tents was another, less imposing71, which reached round the camp-ground to the speakers’ stand. Outside this second class of tents were covered wagons72, ox carts, and vehicles of every shape and size. These served as tents to their owners. Outside of these, huge fires were burning, in all directions, where roasting, and boiling, and frying, were going on, for the benefit of those who were attending to their own spiritual welfare within the circle. Behind the preachers’ stand, a narrow space was marked out for the use of the colored people. There were no seats provided for this class of persons; the preachers addressed them, “over the left,” if they addressed them at all. After the preaching was over, at every service, an invitation was given to mourners to come into the pen; and, in some cases, ministers went out to persuade men and women to come in. By one of these ministers, Master Thomas Auld was persuaded to go inside the pen. I was deeply interested in that matter, and followed; and, though colored people were not allowed either in the pen or in front of the preachers’ stand, I ventured to take my stand at a sort of half-way place between the blacks and whites, where I could distinctly see the movements of mourners, and especially the progress of Master Thomas.
“If he has got religion,” thought I, “he will emancipate73 his slaves; and if he should not do so much as this, he will, at any rate, behave toward us more kindly74, and feed us more generously than he has heretofore done.” Appealing to my own religious experience, and judging my master by what was true in my own case, I could not regard him as soundly converted, unless some such good results followed his profession of religion.
But in my expectations I was doubly disappointed; Master Thomas was Master Thomas still. The fruits of his righteousness[152] were to show themselves in no such way as I had anticipated. His conversion was not to change his relation toward men—at any rate not toward BLACK men—but toward God. My faith, I confess, was not great. There was something in his appearance that, in my mind, cast a doubt over his conversion. Standing where I did, I could see his every movement. I watched narrowly while he remained in the little pen; and although I saw that his face was extremely red, and his hair disheveled, and though I heard him groan75, and saw a stray tear halting on his cheek, as if inquiring “which way shall I go?”—I could not wholly confide76 in the genuineness of his conversion. The hesitating behavior of that tear-drop and its loneliness, distressed77 me, and cast a doubt upon the whole transaction, of which it was a part. But people said, “Capt. Auld had come through,” and it was for me to hope for the best. I was bound to do this, in charity, for I, too, was religious, and had been in the church full three years, although now I was not more than sixteen years old. Slaveholders may, sometimes, have confidence in the piety of some of their slaves; but the slaves seldom have confidence in the piety of their masters. “He cant78 go to heaven with our blood in his skirts,” is a settled point in the creed79 of every slave; rising superior to all teaching to the contrary, and standing forever as a fixed80 fact. The highest evidence the slaveholder can give the slave of his acceptance with God, is the emancipation81 of his slaves. This is proof that he is willing to give up all to God, and for the sake of God. Not to do this, was, in my estimation, and in the opinion of all the slaves, an evidence of half-heartedness, and wholly inconsistent with the idea of genuine conversion. I had read, also, somewhere in the Methodist Discipline, the following question and answer:
“Question. What shall be done for the extirpation82 of slavery?
“Answer. We declare that we are much as ever convinced of the great evil of slavery; therefore, no slaveholder shall be eligible83 to any official station in our church.”
These words sounded in my ears for a long time, and[153] encouraged me to hope. But, as I have before said, I was doomed84 to disappointment. Master Thomas seemed to be aware of my hopes and expectations concerning him. I have thought, before now, that he looked at me in answer to my glances, as much as to say, “I will teach you, young man, that, though I have parted with my sins, I have not parted with my sense. I shall hold my slaves, and go to heaven too.”
Possibly, to convince us that we must not presume too much upon his recent conversion, he became rather more rigid85 and stringent86 in his exactions. There always was a scarcity87 of good nature about the man; but now his whole countenance88 was soured over with the seemings of piety. His religion, therefore, neither made him emancipate his slaves, nor caused him to treat them with greater humanity. If religion had any effect on his character at all, it made him more cruel and hateful in all his ways. The natural wickedness of his heart had not been removed, but only reinforced, by the profession of religion. Do I judge him harshly? God forbid. Facts are facts. Capt. Auld made the greatest profession of piety. His house was, literally89, a house of prayer. In the morning, and in the evening, loud prayers and hymns90 were heard there, in which both himself and his wife joined; yet, no more meal was brought from the mill, no more attention was paid to the moral welfare of the kitchen; and nothing was done to make us feel that the heart of Master Thomas was one whit29 better than it was before he went into the little pen, opposite to the preachers’ stand, on the camp ground.
Our hopes (founded on the discipline) soon vanished; for the authorities let him into the church at once, and before he was out of his term of probation91, I heard of his leading class! He distinguished92 himself greatly among the brethren, and was soon an exhorter93. His progress was almost as rapid as the growth of the fabled94 vine of Jack’s bean. No man was more active than he, in revivals95. He would go many miles to assist in carrying them on, and in getting outsiders interested in religion. His house being[154] one of the holiest, if not the happiest in St. Michael’s, became the “preachers’ home.” These preachers evidently liked to share Master Thomas’s hospitality; for while he starved us, he stuffed them. Three or four of these ambassadors of the gospel—according to slavery—have been there at a time; all living on the fat of the land, while we, in the kitchen, were nearly starving. Not often did we get a smile of recognition from these holy men. They seemed almost as unconcerned about our getting to heaven, as they were about our getting out of slavery. To this general charge there was one exception—the Rev. GEORGE COOKMAN. Unlike Rev. Messrs. Storks96, Ewry, Hickey, Humphrey and Cooper (all whom were on the St. Michael’s circuit) he kindly took an interest in our temporal and spiritual welfare. Our souls and our bodies were all alike sacred in his sight; and he really had a good deal of genuine anti-slavery feeling mingled97 with his colonization98 ideas. There was not a slave in our neighborhood that did not love, and almost venerate99, Mr. Cookman. It was pretty generally believed that he had been chiefly instrumental in bringing one of the largest slaveholders—Mr. Samuel Harrison—in that neighborhood, to emancipate all his slaves, and, indeed, the general impression was, that Mr. Cookman had labored100 faithfully with slaveholders, whenever he met them, to induce them to emancipate their bondmen, and that he did this as a religious duty. When this good man was at our house, we were all sure to be called in to prayers in the morning; and he was not slow in making inquiries101 as to the state of our minds, nor in giving us a word of exhortation63 and of encouragement. Great was the sorrow of all the slaves, when this faithful preacher of the gospel was removed from the Talbot county circuit. He was an eloquent102 preacher, and possessed what few ministers, south of Mason Dixon’s line, possess, or dare to show, viz: a warm and philanthropic heart. The Mr. Cookman, of whom I speak, was an Englishman by birth, and perished while on his way to England, on board the ill-fated “President”. Could the thousands of slaves[155] in Maryland know the fate of the good man, to whose words of comfort they were so largely indebted, they would thank me for dropping a tear on this page, in memory of their favorite preacher, friend and benefactor103.
But, let me return to Master Thomas, and to my experience, after his conversion. In Baltimore, I could, occasionally, get into a Sabbath school, among the free children, and receive lessons, with the rest; but, having already learned both to read and to write, I was more of a teacher than a pupil, even there. When, however, I went back to the Eastern Shore, and was at the house of Master Thomas, I was neither allowed to teach, nor to be taught. The whole community—with but a single exception, among the whites—frowned upon everything like imparting instruction either to slaves or to free colored persons. That single exception, a pious104 young man, named Wilson, asked me, one day, if I would like to assist him in teaching a little Sabbath school, at the house of a free colored man in St. Michael’s, named James Mitchell. The idea was to me a delightful105 one, and I told him I would gladly devote as much of my Sabbath as I could command, to that most laudable work. Mr. Wilson soon mustered106 up a dozen old spelling books, and a few testaments107; and we commenced operations, with some twenty scholars, in our Sunday school. Here, thought I, is something worth living for; here is an excellent chance for usefulness; and I shall soon have a company of young friends, lovers of knowledge, like some of my Baltimore friends, from whom I now felt parted forever.
Our first Sabbath passed delightfully108, and I spent the week after very joyously109. I could not go to Baltimore, but I could make a little Baltimore here. At our second meeting, I learned that there was some objection to the existence of the Sabbath school; and, sure enough, we had scarcely got at work—good work, simply teaching a few colored children how to read the gospel of the Son of God—when in rushed a mob, headed by Mr. Wright Fairbanks and Mr. Garrison110 West—two class-leaders[156] —and Master Thomas; who, armed with sticks and other missiles, drove us off, and commanded us never to meet for such a purpose again. One of this pious crew told me, that as for my part, I wanted to be another Nat Turner; and if I did not look out, I should get as many balls into me, as Nat did into him. Thus ended the infant Sabbath school, in the town of St. Michael’s. The reader will not be surprised when I say, that the breaking up of my Sabbath school, by these class-leaders, and professedly holy men, did not serve to strengthen my religious convictions. The cloud over my St. Michael’s home grew heavier and blacker than ever.
It was not merely the agency of Master Thomas, in breaking up and destroying my Sabbath school, that shook my confidence in the power of southern religion to make men wiser or better; but I saw in him all the cruelty and meanness, after his conversion, which he had exhibited before he made a profession of religion. His cruelty and meanness were especially displayed in his treatment of my unfortunate cousin, Henny, whose lameness112 made her a burden to him. I have no extraordinary personal hard usage toward myself to complain of, against him, but I have seen him tie up the lame111 and maimed woman, and whip her in a manner most brutal113, and shocking; and then, with blood-chilling blasphemy114, he would quote the passage of scripture115, “That servant which knew his lord’s will, and prepared not himself, neither did according to his will, shall be beaten with many stripes.” Master would keep this lacerated woman tied up by her wrists, to a bolt in the joist, three, four and five hours at a time. He would tie her up early in the morning, whip her with a cowskin before breakfast; leave her tied up; go to his store, and, returning to his dinner, repeat the castigation116; laying on the rugged117 lash, on flesh already made raw by repeated blows. He seemed desirous to get the poor girl out of existence, or, at any rate, off his hands. In proof of this, he afterwards gave her away to his sister Sarah (Mrs. Cline) but, as in the case of Master[157] Hugh, Henny was soon returned on his hands. Finally, upon a pretense118 that he could do nothing with her (I use his own words) he “set her adrift, to take care of herself.” Here was a recently converted man, holding, with tight grasp, the well-framed, and able bodied slaves left him by old master—the persons, who, in freedom, could have taken care of themselves; yet, turning loose the only cripple among them, virtually to starve and die.
No doubt, had Master Thomas been asked, by some pious northern brother, why he continued to sustain the relation of a slaveholder, to those whom he retained, his answer would have been precisely119 the same as many other religious slaveholders have returned to that inquiry120, viz: “I hold my slaves for their own good.”
Bad as my condition was when I lived with Master Thomas, I was soon to experience a life far more goading121 and bitter. The many differences springing up between myself and Master Thomas, owing to the clear perception I had of his character, and the boldness with which I defended myself against his capricious complaints, led him to declare that I was unsuited to his wants; that my city life had affected me perniciously; that, in fact, it had almost ruined me for every good purpose, and had fitted me for everything that was bad. One of my greatest faults, or offenses122, was that of letting his horse get away, and go down to the farm belonging to his father-in-law. The animal had a liking123 for that farm, with which I fully sympathized. Whenever I let it out, it would go dashing down the road to Mr. Hamilton’s, as if going on a grand frolic. My horse gone, of course I must go after it. The explanation of our mutual124 attachment125 to the place is the same; the horse found there good pasturage, and I found there plenty of bread. Mr. Hamilton had his faults, but starving his slaves was not among them. He gave food, in abundance, and that, too, of an excellent quality. In Mr. Hamilton’s cook—Aunt Mary—I found a most generous and considerate friend. She never allowed me to go there without giving me bread enough[158] to make good the deficiencies of a day or two. Master Thomas at last resolved to endure my behavior no longer; he could neither keep me, nor his horse, we liked so well to be at his father-in-law’s farm. I had now lived with him nearly nine months, and he had given me a number of severe whippings, without any visible improvement in my character, or my conduct; and now he was resolved to put me out—as he said—“to be broken.”
There was, in the Bay Side, very near the camp ground, where my master got his religious impressions, a man named Edward Covey, who enjoyed the execrated126 reputation, of being a first rate hand at breaking young Negroes. This Covey was a poor man, a farm renter; and this reputation (hateful as it was to the slaves and to all good men) was, at the same time, of immense advantage to him. It enabled him to get his farm tilled with very little expense, compared with what it would have cost him without this most extraordinary reputation. Some slaveholders thought it an advantage to let Mr. Covey have the government of their slaves a year or two, almost free of charge, for the sake of the excellent training such slaves got under his happy management! Like some horse breakers, noted127 for their skill, who ride the best horses in the country without expense, Mr. Covey could have under him, the most fiery128 bloods of the neighborhood, for the simple reward of returning them to their owners, well broken. Added to the natural fitness of Mr. Covey for the duties of his profession, he was said to “enjoy religion,” and was as strict in the cultivation129 of piety, as he was in the cultivation of his farm. I was made aware of his character by some who had been under his hand; and while I could not look forward to going to him with any pleasure, I was glad to get away from St. Michael’s. I was sure of getting enough to eat at Covey’s, even if I suffered in other respects. This, to a hungry man, is not a prospect8 to be regarded with indifference130.
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propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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auld
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| adj.老的，旧的 | |
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vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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pall
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| v.覆盖，使平淡无味；n.柩衣，棺罩；棺材；帷幕 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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dwellings
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slovenly
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| adj.懒散的，不整齐的，邋遢的 | |
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adornment
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charred
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| v.把…烧成炭( char的过去式)；烧焦 | |
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conflagration
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oyster
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| n.牡蛎；沉默寡言的人 | |
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antidote
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| n.解毒药，解毒剂 | |
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jug
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| n.(有柄，小口，可盛水等的)大壶，罐，盂 | |
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cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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18
starry
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| adj.星光照耀的, 闪亮的 | |
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19
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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20
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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21
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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23
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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24
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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25
animus
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| n.恶意；意图 | |
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26
gash
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| v.深切，划开；n.(深长的)切(伤)口；裂缝 | |
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27
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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28
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29
whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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30
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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31
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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32
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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33
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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34
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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35
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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36
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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37
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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38
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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39
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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40
generalization
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| n.普遍性，一般性，概括 | |
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41
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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42
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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43
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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44
dissented
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| 不同意，持异议( dissent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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46
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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47
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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48
horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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49
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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50
albeit
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| conj.即使；纵使；虽然 | |
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51
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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52
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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53
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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54
oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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55
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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56
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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57
impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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58
lash
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| v.系牢；鞭打；猛烈抨击；n.鞭打；眼睫毛 | |
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59
solicitous
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| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
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60
defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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61
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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62
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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63
exhortation
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| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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64
catching
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| adj.易传染的，有魅力的，迷人的，接住 | |
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65
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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66
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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67
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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68
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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69
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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70
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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71
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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72
wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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73
emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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74
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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75
groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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76
confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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77
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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78
cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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79
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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80
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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81
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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82
extirpation
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| n.消灭，根除，毁灭；摘除 | |
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83
eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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84
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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85
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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86
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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87
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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88
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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89
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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90
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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91
probation
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| n.缓刑(期)，(以观后效的)察看；试用(期) | |
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92
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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93
exhorter
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| n.劝勉者，告诫者，提倡者 | |
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94
fabled
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| adj.寓言中的，虚构的 | |
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95
revivals
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| n.复活( revival的名词复数 )；再生；复兴；（老戏多年后）重新上演 | |
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96
storks
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| n.鹳( stork的名词复数 ) | |
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97
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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98
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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99
venerate
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| v.尊敬，崇敬，崇拜 | |
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100
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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101
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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102
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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103
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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104
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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105
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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106
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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107
testaments
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| n.遗嘱( testament的名词复数 )；实际的证明 | |
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108
delightfully
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| 大喜，欣然 | |
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109
joyously
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| ad.快乐地, 高兴地 | |
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110
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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111
lame
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| adj.跛的，(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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112
lameness
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| n. 跛, 瘸, 残废 | |
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113
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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114
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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115
scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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116
castigation
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| n.申斥，强烈反对 | |
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117
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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118
pretense
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| n.矫饰，做作，借口 | |
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119
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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120
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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121
goading
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| v.刺激( goad的现在分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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122
offenses
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| n.进攻( offense的名词复数 )；（球队的）前锋；进攻方法；攻势 | |
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123
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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124
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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125
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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126
execrated
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| v.憎恶( execrate的过去式和过去分词 )；厌恶；诅咒；咒骂 | |
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127
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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128
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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129
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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130
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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