Society, in New York, May, 1853.
Sir, it is evident that there is in this country a purely1 slavery party—a party which exists for no other earthly purpose but to promote the interests of slavery. The presence of this party is felt everywhere in the republic. It is known by no particular name, and has assumed no definite shape; but its branches reach far and wide in the church and in the state. This shapeless and nameless party is not intangible in other and more important respects. That party, sir, has determined3 upon a fixed4, definite, and comprehensive policy toward the whole colored population of the United States. What that policy is, it becomes us as abolitionists, and especially does it become the colored people themselves, to consider and to understand fully5. We ought to know who our enemies are, where they are, and what are their objects and measures. Well, sir, here is my version of it—not original with me—but mine because I hold it to be true.
I understand this policy to comprehend five cardinal6 objects. They are these: 1st. The complete suppression of all anti-slavery discussion. 2d. The expatriation of the entire free people of color from the United States. 3d. The unending perpetuation7 of slavery in this republic. 4th. The nationalization of slavery to the extent of making slavery respected in every state of the union. 5th. The extension of slavery over Mexico and the entire South American states.
Sir, these objects are forcibly presented to us in the stern logic8 of passing events; in the facts which are and have been passing around us during the last three years. The country has been and is now dividing on these grand issues. In their magnitude, these issues cast all others into the shade, depriving them of all life and vitality9. Old party ties are broken. Like is finding its like on either side of these great issues, and the great battle is at hand. For the present, the best representative of the slavery party in politics is the democratic party. Its great head for the[359] present is President Pierce, whose boast it was, before his election, that his whole life had been consistent with the interests of slavery, that he is above reproach on that score. In his inaugural11 address, he reassures12 the south on this point. Well, the head of the slave power being in power, it is natural that the pro2 slavery elements should cluster around the administration, and this is rapidly being done. A fraternization is going on. The stringent13 protectionists and the free-traders strike hands. The supporters of Fillmore are becoming the supporters of Pierce. The silver-gray whig shakes hands with the hunker democrat10; the former only differing from the latter in name. They are of one heart, one mind, and the union is natural and perhaps inevitable14. Both hate Negroes; both hate progress; both hate the “higher law;” both hate William H. Seward; both hate the free democratic party; and upon this hateful basis they are forming a union of hatred15. “Pilate and Herod are thus made friends.” Even the central organ of the whig party is extending its beggar hand for a morsel16 from the table of slavery democracy, and when spurned17 from the feast by the more deserving, it pockets the insult; when kicked on one side it turns the other, and preseveres in its importunities. The fact is, that paper comprehends the demands of the times; it understands the age and its issues; it wisely sees that slavery and freedom are the great antagonistic18 forces in the country, and it goes to its own side. Silver grays and hunkers all understand this. They are, therefore, rapidly sinking all other questions to nothing, compared with the increasing demands of slavery. They are collecting, arranging, and consolidating19 their forces for the accomplishment20 of their appointed work.
The keystone to the arch of this grand union of the slavery party of the United States, is the compromise of 1850. In that compromise we have all the objects of our slaveholding policy specified21. It is, sir, favorable to this view of the designs of the slave power, that both the whig and the democratic party bent22 lower, sunk deeper, and strained harder, in their conventions, preparatory to the late presidential election, to meet the demands of the slavery party than at any previous time in their history. Never did parties come before the northern people with propositions of such undisguised contempt for the moral sentiment and the religious ideas of that people. They virtually asked them to unite in a war upon free speech, and upon conscience, and to drive the Almighty23 presence from the councils of the nation. Resting their platforms upon the fugitive24 slave bill, they boldly asked the people for political power to execute the horrible and hell-black provisions of that bill. The history of that election reveals, with great clearness, the extent to which[360] slavery has shot its leprous distillment through the life-blood of the nation. The party most thoroughly25 opposed to the cause of justice and humanity, triumphed; while the party suspected of a leaning toward liberty, was overwhelmingly defeated, some say annihilated26.
But here is a still more important fact, illustrating27 the designs of the slave power. It is a fact full of meaning, that no sooner did the democratic slavery party come into power, than a system of legislation was presented to the legislatures of the northern states, designed to put the states in harmony with the fugitive slave law, and the malignant28 bearing of the national government toward the colored inhabitants of the country. This whole movement on the part of the states, bears the evidence of having one origin, emanating29 from one head, and urged forward by one power. It was simultaneous, uniform, and general, and looked to one end. It was intended to put thorns under feet already bleeding; to crush a people already bowed down; to enslave a people already but half free; in a word, it was intended to discourage, dishearten, and drive the free colored people out of the country. In looking at the recent black law of Illinois, one is struck dumb with its enormity. It would seem that the men who enacted30 that law, had not only banished31 from their minds all sense of justice, but all sense of shame. It coolly proposes to sell the bodies and souls of the blacks to increase the intelligence and refinement32 of the whites; to rob every black stranger who ventures among them, to increase their literary fund.
While this is going on in the states, a pro-slavery, political board of health is established at Washington. Senators Hale, Chase, and Sumner are robbed of a part of their senatorial dignity and consequence as representing sovereign states, because they have refused to be inoculated33 with the slavery virus. Among the services which a senator is expected by his state to perform, are many that can only be done efficiently34 on committees; and, in saying to these honorable senators, you shall not serve on the committees of this body, the slavery party took the responsibility of robbing and insulting the states that sent them. It is an attempt at Washington to decide for the states who shall be sent to the senate. Sir, it strikes me that this aggression35 on the part of the slave power did not meet at the hands of the proscribed36 senators the rebuke37 which we had a right to expect would be administered. It seems to me that an opportunity was lost, that the great principle of senatorial equality was left undefended, at a time when its vindication38 was sternly demanded. But it is not to the purpose of my present statement to criticise39 the conduct of our friends. I am persuaded that much ought to be left to the discretion40 of[361] anti slavery men in congress, and charges of recreancy41 should never be made but on the most sufficient grounds. For, of all the places in the world where an anti-slavery man needs the confidence and encouragement of friends, I take Washington to be that place.
Let me now call attention to the social influences which are operating and cooperating with the slavery party of the country, designed to contribute to one or all of the grand objects aimed at by that party. We see here the black man attacked in his vital interests; prejudice and hate are excited against him; enmity is stirred up between him and other laborers42. The Irish people, warm-hearted, generous, and sympathizing with the oppressed everywhere, when they stand upon their own green island, are instantly taught, on arriving in this Christian43 country, to hate and despise the colored people. They are taught to believe that we eat the bread which of right belongs to them. The cruel lie is told the Irish, that our adversity is essential to their prosperity. Sir, the Irish-American will find out his mistake one day. He will find that in assuming our avocation44 he also has assumed our degradation45. But for the present we are sufferers. The old employments by which we have heretofore gained our livelihood46, are gradually, and it may be inevitably47, passing into other hands. Every hour sees us elbowed out of some employment to make room perhaps for some newly-arrived emigrants48, whose hunger and color are thought to give them a title to especial favor. White men are becoming house-servants, cooks, and stewards49, common laborers, and flunkeys to our gentry50, and, for aught I see, they adjust themselves to their stations with all becoming obsequiousness51. This fact proves that if we cannot rise to the whites, the whites can fall to us. Now, sir, look once more. While the colored people are thus elbowed out of employment; while the enmity of emigrants is being excited against us; while state after state enacts52 laws against us; while we are hunted down, like wild game, and oppressed with a general feeling of insecurity—the American colonization53 society—that old offender54 against the best interests and slanderer55 of the colored people—awakens to new life, and vigorously presses its scheme upon the consideration of the people and the government. New papers are started—some for the north and some for the south—and each in its tone adapting itself to its latitude56. Government, state and national, is called upon for appropriations57 to enable the society to send us out of the country by steam! They want steamers to carry letters and Negroes to Africa. Evidently, this society looks upon our “extremity as its opportunity,” and we may expect that it will use the occasion well. They do not deplore58, but glory, in our misfortunes.[362]
But, sir, I must hasten. I have thus briefly59 given my view of one aspect of the present condition and future prospects60 of the colored people of the United States. And what I have said is far from encouraging to my afflicted61 people. I have seen the cloud gather upon the sable62 brows of some who hear me. I confess the case looks black enough. Sir, I am not a hopeful man. I think I am apt even to undercalculate the benefits of the future. Yet, sir, in this seemingly desperate case, I do not despair for my people. There is a bright side to almost every picture of this kind; and ours is no exception to the general rule. If the influences against us are strong, those for us are also strong. To the inquiry63, will our enemies prevail in the execution of their designs. In my God and in my soul, I believe they will not. Let us look at the first object sought for by the slavery party of the country, viz: the suppression of anti slavery discussion. They desire to suppress discussion on this subject, with a view to the peace of the slaveholder and the security of slavery. Now, sir, neither the principle nor the subordinate objects here declared, can be at all gained by the slave power, and for this reason: It involves the proposition to padlock the lips of the whites, in order to secure the fetters64 on the limbs of the blacks. The right of speech, precious and priceless, cannot, will not, be surrendered to slavery. Its suppression is asked for, as I have said, to give peace and security to slaveholders. Sir, that thing cannot be done. God has interposed an insuperable obstacle to any such result. “There can be no peace, saith my God, to the wicked.” Suppose it were possible to put down this discussion, what would it avail the guilty slaveholder, pillowed as he is upon heaving bosoms65 of ruined souls? He could not have a peaceful spirit. If every anti-slavery tongue in the nation were silent—every anti-slavery organization dissolved—every anti-slavery press demolished—every anti slavery periodical, paper, book, pamphlet, or what not, were searched out, gathered, deliberately66 burned to ashes, and their ashes given to the four winds of heaven, still, still the slaveholder could have “no peace.” In every pulsation67 of his heart, in every throb68 of his life, in every glance of his eye, in the breeze that soothes69, and in the thunder that startles, would be waked up an accuser, whose cause is, “Thou art, verily, guilty concerning thy brother.”
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
purely
|
|
| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
pro
|
|
| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
fixed
|
|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
cardinal
|
|
| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
perpetuation
|
|
| n.永存，不朽 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
logic
|
|
| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
vitality
|
|
| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
democrat
|
|
| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
inaugural
|
|
| adj.就职的；n.就职典礼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
reassures
|
|
| v.消除恐惧或疑虑，恢复信心( reassure的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
stringent
|
|
| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
inevitable
|
|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
hatred
|
|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
morsel
|
|
| n.一口，一点点 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
spurned
|
|
| v.一脚踢开，拒绝接受( spurn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
antagonistic
|
|
| adj.敌对的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
consolidating
|
|
| v.（使）巩固， （使）加强( consolidate的现在分词 )；（使）合并 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
accomplishment
|
|
| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
specified
|
|
| adj.特定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
bent
|
|
| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
almighty
|
|
| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
fugitive
|
|
| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
thoroughly
|
|
| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
annihilated
|
|
| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
illustrating
|
|
| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
malignant
|
|
| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
emanating
|
|
| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的现在分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
enacted
|
|
| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
banished
|
|
| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
refinement
|
|
| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
inoculated
|
|
| v.给…做预防注射( inoculate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
efficiently
|
|
| adv.高效率地，有能力地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
aggression
|
|
| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
proscribed
|
|
| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
rebuke
|
|
| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
vindication
|
|
| n.洗冤，证实 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
criticise
|
|
| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
discretion
|
|
| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
recreancy
|
|
| n.胆小；怯懦；不忠；变节 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
laborers
|
|
| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
Christian
|
|
| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
avocation
|
|
| n.副业，业余爱好 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
degradation
|
|
| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
livelihood
|
|
| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
inevitably
|
|
| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
emigrants
|
|
| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
stewards
|
|
| （轮船、飞机等的）乘务员( steward的名词复数 )； （俱乐部、旅馆、工会等的）管理员； （大型活动的）组织者； （私人家中的）管家 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
gentry
|
|
| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
obsequiousness
|
|
| 媚骨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
enacts
|
|
| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
colonization
|
|
| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
offender
|
|
| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
slanderer
|
|
| 造谣中伤者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
latitude
|
|
| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
appropriations
|
|
| n.挪用（appropriation的复数形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
deplore
|
|
| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
briefly
|
|
| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
prospects
|
|
| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
afflicted
|
|
| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
sable
|
|
| n.黑貂；adj.黑色的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
inquiry
|
|
| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
fetters
|
|
| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
bosoms
|
|
| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
deliberately
|
|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
pulsation
|
|
| n.脉搏，悸动，脉动；搏动性 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
throb
|
|
| v.震颤，颤动；(急速强烈地)跳动，搏动 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
soothes
|
|
| v.安慰( soothe的第三人称单数 )；抚慰；使舒服；减轻痛苦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |