General Introduction
For the Independent Journal. Saturday, October 27, 1787
For the Independent Journal. Saturday, October 27, 1787
HAMILTON
To the People of the State of New York:
AFTER an unequivocal experience of the inefficacy of the subsisting1 federal government, you are called upon to deliberate on a new Constitution for the United States of America. The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences nothing less than the existence of the union, the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire in many respects the most interesting in the world. It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined2 to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety3 be regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.
This idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those of patriotism4, to heighten the solicitude5 which all considerate and good men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious6 estimate of our true interests, unperplexed and unbiased by considerations not connected with the public good. But this is a thing more ardently8 to be wished than seriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberations affects too many particular interests, innovates9 upon too many local institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects foreign to its merits, and of views, passions and prejudices little favorable to the discovery of truth.
Among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new Constitution will have to encounter may readily be distinguished10 the obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution11 of the power, emolument12, and consequence of the offices they hold under the State establishments; and the perverted13 ambition of another class of men, who will either hope to aggrandize14 themselves by the confusions of their country, or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects15 of elevation16 from the subdivision of the empire into several partial confederacies than from its union under one government.
It is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this nature. I am well aware that it would be disingenuous17 to resolve indiscriminately the opposition18 of any set of men (merely because their situations might subject them to suspicion) into interested or ambitious views. Candor20 will oblige us to admit that even such men may be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted that much of the opposition which has made its appearance, or may hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least, if not respectable—the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceived jealousies21 and fears. So numerous indeed and so powerful are the causes which serve to give a false bias7 to the judgment22, that we, upon many occasions, see wise and good men on the wrong as well as on the right side of questions of the first magnitude to society. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would furnish a lesson of moderation to those who are ever so much persuaded of their being in the right in any controversy23. And a further reason for caution, in this respect, might be drawn24 from the reflection that we are not always sure that those who advocate the truth are influenced by purer principles than their antagonists25. Ambition, avarice26, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives27 not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of a question. Were there not even these inducements to moderation, nothing could be more ill-judged than that intolerant spirit which has, at all times, characterized political parties. For in politics, as in religion, it is equally absurd to aim at making proselytes by fire and sword. Heresies28 in either can rarely be cured by persecution29.
And yet, however just these sentiments will be allowed to be, we have already sufficient indications that it will happen in this as in all former cases of great national discussion. A torrent30 of angry and malignant31 passions will be let loose. To judge from the conduct of the opposite parties, we shall be led to conclude that they will mutually hope to evince the justness of their opinions, and to increase the number of their converts by the loudness of their declamations and the bitterness of their invectives. An enlightened zeal32 for the energy and efficiency of government will be stigmatized33 as the offspring of a temper fond of despotic power and hostile to the principles of liberty. An over-scrupulous jealousy34 of danger to the rights of the people, which is more commonly the fault of the head than of the heart, will be represented as mere19 pretense35 and artifice36, the stale bait for popularity at the expense of the public good. It will be forgotten, on the one hand, that jealousy is the usual concomitant of love, and that the noble enthusiasm of liberty is apt to be infected with a spirit of narrow and illiberal37 distrust. On the other hand, it will be equally forgotten that the vigor38 of government is essential to the security of liberty; that, in the contemplation of a sound and well-informed judgment, their interest can never be separated; and that a dangerous ambition more often lurks39 behind the specious40 mask of zeal for the rights of the people than under the forbidden appearance of zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government. History will teach us that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism than the latter, and that of those men who have overturned the liberties of republics, the greatest number have begun their career by paying an obsequious41 court to the people; commencing demagogues, and ending tyrants42.
In the course of the preceding observations, I have had an eye, my fellow-citizens, to putting you upon your guard against all attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence your decision in a matter of the utmost moment to your welfare, by any impressions other than those which may result from the evidence of truth. You will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general scope of them, that they proceed from a source not unfriendly to the new Constitution. Yes, my countrymen, I own to you that, after having given it an attentive43 consideration, I am clearly of opinion it is your interest to adopt it. I am convinced that this is the safest course for your liberty, your dignity, and your happiness. I affect not reserves which I do not feel. I will not amuse you with an appearance of deliberation when I have decided44. I frankly45 acknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freely lay before you the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousness of good intentions disdains46 ambiguity47. I shall not, however, multiply professions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository of my own breast. My arguments will be open to all, and may be judged of by all. They shall at least be offered in a spirit which will not disgrace the cause of truth.
I propose, in a series of papers, to discuss the following interesting particulars:
THE UTILITY OF THE union TO YOUR POLITICAL PROSPERITY THE INSUFFICIENCY OF THE PRESENT CONFEDERATION TO PRESERVE THAT union THE NECESSITY OF A GOVERNMENT AT LEAST EQUALLY ENERGETIC WITH THE ONE PROPOSED, TO THE ATTAINMENT48 OF THIS OBJECT THE CONFORMITY49 OF THE PROPOSED CONSTITUTION TO THE TRUE PRINCIPLES OF REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT ITS ANALOGY TO YOUR OWN STATE CONSTITUTION and lastly, THE ADDITIONAL SECURITY WHICH ITS ADOPTION50 WILL AFFORD TO THE PRESERVATION51 OF THAT SPECIES OF GOVERNMENT, TO LIBERTY, AND TO PROPERTY.
In the progress of this discussion I shall endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention.
It may perhaps be thought superfluous52 to offer arguments to prove the utility of the union, a point, no doubt, deeply engraved53 on the hearts of the great body of the people in every State, and one, which it may be imagined, has no adversaries54. But the fact is, that we already hear it whispered in the private circles of those who oppose the new Constitution, that the thirteen States are of too great extent for any general system, and that we must of necessity resort to separate confederacies of distinct portions of the whole.(1) This doctrine55 will, in all probability, be gradually propagated, till it has votaries56 enough to countenance57 an open avowal58 of it. For nothing can be more evident, to those who are able to take an enlarged view of the subject, than the alternative of an adoption of the new Constitution or a dismemberment of the union. It will therefore be of use to begin by examining the advantages of that union, the certain evils, and the probable dangers, to which every State will be exposed from its dissolution. This shall accordingly constitute the subject of my next address.
PUBLIUS
1. The same idea, tracing the arguments to their consequences, is held out in several of the late publications against the new Constitution.
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1 subsisting | |
v.(靠很少的钱或食物)维持生活,生存下去( subsist的现在分词 ) | |
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2 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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3 propriety | |
n.正当行为;正当;适当 | |
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4 patriotism | |
n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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5 solicitude | |
n.焦虑 | |
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6 judicious | |
adj.明智的,明断的,能作出明智决定的 | |
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7 bias | |
n.偏见,偏心,偏袒;vt.使有偏见 | |
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8 ardently | |
adv.热心地,热烈地 | |
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9 innovates | |
v.改革,创新( innovate的第三人称单数 );引入(新事物、思想或方法), | |
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10 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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11 diminution | |
n.减少;变小 | |
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12 emolument | |
n.报酬,薪水 | |
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13 perverted | |
adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 );腐蚀;败坏;使堕落 | |
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14 aggrandize | |
v.增大,扩张,吹捧 | |
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15 prospects | |
n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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16 elevation | |
n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
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17 disingenuous | |
adj.不诚恳的,虚伪的 | |
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18 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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19 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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20 candor | |
n.坦白,率真 | |
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21 jealousies | |
n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 );妒羡 | |
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22 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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23 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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24 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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25 antagonists | |
对立[对抗] 者,对手,敌手( antagonist的名词复数 ); 对抗肌; 对抗药 | |
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26 avarice | |
n.贪婪;贪心 | |
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27 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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28 heresies | |
n.异端邪说,异教( heresy的名词复数 ) | |
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29 persecution | |
n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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30 torrent | |
n.激流,洪流;爆发,(话语等的)连发 | |
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31 malignant | |
adj.恶性的,致命的;恶意的,恶毒的 | |
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32 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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33 stigmatized | |
v.使受耻辱,指责,污辱( stigmatize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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34 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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35 pretense | |
n.矫饰,做作,借口 | |
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36 artifice | |
n.妙计,高明的手段;狡诈,诡计 | |
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37 illiberal | |
adj.气量狭小的,吝啬的 | |
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38 vigor | |
n.活力,精力,元气 | |
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39 lurks | |
n.潜在,潜伏;(lurk的复数形式)vi.潜伏,埋伏(lurk的第三人称单数形式) | |
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40 specious | |
adj.似是而非的;adv.似是而非地 | |
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41 obsequious | |
adj.谄媚的,奉承的,顺从的 | |
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42 tyrants | |
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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43 attentive | |
adj.注意的,专心的;关心(别人)的,殷勤的 | |
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44 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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45 frankly | |
adv.坦白地,直率地;坦率地说 | |
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46 disdains | |
鄙视,轻蔑( disdain的名词复数 ) | |
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47 ambiguity | |
n.模棱两可;意义不明确 | |
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48 attainment | |
n.达到,到达;[常pl.]成就,造诣 | |
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49 conformity | |
n.一致,遵从,顺从 | |
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50 adoption | |
n.采用,采纳,通过;收养 | |
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51 preservation | |
n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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52 superfluous | |
adj.过多的,过剩的,多余的 | |
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53 engraved | |
v.在(硬物)上雕刻(字,画等)( engrave的过去式和过去分词 );将某事物深深印在(记忆或头脑中) | |
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54 adversaries | |
n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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55 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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56 votaries | |
n.信徒( votary的名词复数 );追随者;(天主教)修士;修女 | |
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57 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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58 avowal | |
n.公开宣称,坦白承认 | |
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