In spite of all, I returned to Constantinople from my first visit to the Dardanelles with very little diminution4 of friendly feeling towards the Turks. My first experience when I returned to the capital was the beginning of the Armenian persecutions. And here I may as well say at once that my love for present-day Turkey perished absolutely with this unique example in the history of modern human civilisation5 of the most appalling6 bestiality and misguided jingoism7. This, more than everything else I saw on the German-Turkish side throughout the war, persuaded me to take up arms against my own people and to adopt the position I now hold. I say "German-Turkish," for I must hold the German Government as equally responsible with the Turks[Pg 43] for the atrocities8 they allowed them to commit.
Here in neutral Switzerland, where so many of these unfortunate Armenians have taken refuge and such abundance of information is available, so much material has been collected that it is unnecessary for me to go into details in this book. Suffice it to say that the narration9 of all the heart-rending occurrences that came to my personal knowledge during my stay in Turkey, without my even trying to collect systematic10 information on the subject, would fill a book. To my deep sorrow I have to admit that, from everything I have heard from reliable sources—from German Red Cross doctors, officials and employees of the Baghdad Railway, members of the American Embassy, and Turks themselves—although they are but individual cases—I cannot regard as exaggerated such appalling facts and reports as are contained for example in Arnold Toynbee's Armenian Atrocities.[1]
In this little book, however, which partakes [Pg 44]more of the nature of an essay than an exhaustive treatise12, my task will be rather to determine the system, the underlying13 political thought and the responsibility of Germany in all these horrors—massacres14, the seduction of women, children left to die or thrown into the sea, pretty young girls carried off into houses of ill repute, the compulsory16 conversion17 to Islam and incorporation18 in Turkish harems of young women, the ejection from their homes of eminent19 and distinguished20 families by brutal21 gendarmes22, attacks while on the march by paid bands of robbers and criminals, "emigration" to notorious malaria24 swamps and barren desert and mountain lands, victims handed over to the wild lusts25 of roaming Bedouins and Kurds—in a word, the triumph of the basest brutality26 and most cold-blooded refinement27 of cruelty in a war of extermination29 in which half a million men, and according to some estimates many more, have perished, while the remaining one and a half million of this most intelligent and cultured race, one of the principal pioneers of progress in the Ottoman Empire, see nothing but complete extinction30 staring them in the face through the rupture31 of family[Pg 45] ties, the deprivation32 of their rights, and economic ruin.
The Armenian persecutions began in all their cruelty, practically unannounced, in April 1915. Certain events on the Caucasus front, which no number of lies could explain away, gave the Turkish Government the welcome pretext33 for falling like wild animals on the Armenians of the eastern vilajets—the so-called Armenia Proper—and getting to work there without deference34 to man, woman, or child. This was called "the restoration of order in the war zone by military measures, rendered necessary by the connivance35 of the inhabitants with the enemy, treachery and armed support." The first two or three hundred thousand Armenians fell in the first rounding up.
That in those outlying districts situated36 directly on the Russian frontier a number of Armenians threw in their lot with the advancing Russians, no one will seek to deny, and not a single Armenian I have spoken to denies it. But the "Armenian Volunteer Corps38" that fought on the side of Russia was composed for the most part—that at least has been proved[Pg 46] beyond doubt—of Russian Armenians settled in Transcaucasian territory.
So far as the Turkish Armenians taking part are concerned, no reasonable being would think of denying Turkey as Sovereign State the formal right of taking stringent39 measure against these traitors40 and deserters. But if I expressly recognise this right, I do so with the big reservation that the frightful41 sufferings undergone for centuries by a people left by their rulers to the mercy of marauding Kurds and oppressed by a government of shameless extortioners, absolutely absolve42 these deserters in the eyes of the whole civilised world from any moral crime.
And yet I would willingly have gone so far for the benefit of the Turks, in spite of their terrible guilt43 towards this people, as perhaps to keep my own counsel on the subject, if it had merely been a case of the execution of some hundreds under martial45 law or the carrying out of other measures—such as deportation46—against a couple of thousand Armenians and these strictly47 confined to men. It is even possible that Europe and America would have pardoned Turkey for taking even stronger[Pg 47] steps in the nature of reprisals48 or measures of precaution against the male inhabitants of that part of Armenia Proper which was gradually becoming a war zone. But from the very beginning the persecutions were carried on against women and children as well as men, were extended to the hundred thousand inhabitants of the six eastern vilajets, and were characterised by such savage49 brutality that the methods of the slave-drivers of the African interior and the persecution1 of Christians50 under Nero are the only thing that can be compared with them.
Every shred51 of justification52 for the Turkish Government in their attempt to establish this as an "evacuation necessary for military purposes and for the prevention of unrest" entirely53 vanishes in face of such methods, and I do not believe that there is a single decent German, cognisant of the facts of the case, who is not filled with real disgust of the Young Turkish Government by such cold-blooded butchery of the inhabitants of whole districts and the deportation of others with the express purpose of letting them die en route. Any[Pg 48]one with human feelings, however pro-Turkish he may be politically, cannot think otherwise.
This "evacuation necessary for military purposes" emptied Armenia Proper of men. How often have Turks themselves told me—I could mention names, but I will not expose my informants, who were on the whole decent exceptions to the rule, to the wrath54 of Enver or Talaat—how often have they assured me that practically not a single Armenian is to be found in Armenia! And it is equally certain that scarcely one can be left alive of all that horde55 of deported56 men who escaped the first massacres and were hunted up hill and down dale in a state of starvation, exposed to attacks by Kurds, decimated by spotted57 typhus, and finally abandoned to their fate in the scorching58 deserts of Northern Mesopotamia and Northern Syria. One has only to read the statistics of the population of the six vilajets of Armenia Proper to discover the hundreds of thousands of victims of this wholesale59 murder.
But unfortunately that was not all. The Turkish Government went farther, much farther. They aimed at the whole Armenian[Pg 49] people, not only in Armenia itself, but also in the "Diaspora," in Anatolia Proper and in the capital. They were at that time some hundred thousand. In this case they could scarcely go on the principle of "evacuation of the war zone," for the inhabitants were hundreds of miles both from the Eastern front and from the Dardanelles, so they had to resort to other measures.
They suddenly and miraculously60 discovered a universal conspiracy61 among the Armenians of the Empire. It was only by a trick of this kind that they could succeed in carrying out their system of exterminating62 the entire Armenian race. The Turkish Government skilfully63 influenced public opinion throughout the whole world, and then discovered, nay65, arranged for, local conspiracies66. They then falsified all the details so that they might go on for months in peace and quiet with their campaign of extermination.
In a series of semi-official articles in the newspapers of the Committee of Young Turks it was made quite clear that all Armenians were dangerous conspirators67 who, in order to shake off the Ottoman yoke68, had collected firearms[Pg 50] and bombs and had arranged, with the help of English and Russian money, for a terrible slaughter69 of Turks on the day that the English fleet overcame the armies on the Dardanelles.
I must here emphasise70 the fact that all the arguments the Turkish Government brought against the Armenians did not escape my notice. They were indeed evident enough in official and semi-official publications and in the writings of German "experts on Turkey." I investigated everything, even right at the beginning of my stay in Turkey, and always from a thoroughly71 pro-Turkish point of view. That did not prevent me however, from coming to my present point of view.
Herr Zimmermann, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has only got to refer to the date of his letter to the editorial staff of my paper, in which he speaks of my confidential72 report to the paper on this subject which went through his hands and aroused his interest, and he will find what opinions I held as early as the summer of 1916 on the subject of the Armenian persecutions—and this without my having any particular sympathy for the Armenians, for it was not till much later[Pg 51] that I got to know them and their high intellectual qualities through personal intercourse73.
Here I can only give my final judgment74 on all these pros75 and cons2, and say to the best of my knowledge and opinion, that after the first act in this drama of massacre15 and death—the brutal "evacuation of the war zone" in Armenia Proper—the meanest, the lowest, the most cynical76, most criminal act of race-fanaticism77 that the history of mankind has to show was the extension of the system of deportation, with its wilful78 neglect and starvation of the victims, to further hundreds of thousands of Armenians in the Capital and Interior. And these were people who, through their place of residence, their surroundings, their social status, their preoccupation in work and wage-earning, were quite incapable79 of taking any active part in politics.
Others of them, again, belonged to families of high social standing80 and culture, bound to the land by a thousand ties, coming of a well-to-do, old-established stock, and from traditional training and ordinary prudence81 holding themselves scrupulously82 apart from all revolutionary doings. All were surrounded by a[Pg 52] far superior number of inhabitants belonging to other races.
This diabolical83 crime was committed solely84 and only because of the Turkish feeling of economic and intellectual inferiority to that non-Turkish element, for the set purpose of obtaining handsome compensation for themselves, and was undertaken with the cowardly acquiescence85 of the German Government in full knowledge of the facts.
Of this long chain of crime I saw at least the beginning thousands of times with my own eyes. Hardly had I returned from my first visit to the Dardanelles when these persecutions began in the whole of Anatolia and even in Constantinople, and continued with but slight intermissions of a week or two at different times till shortly before I left Constantinople in December 1916.
That was the time when in the flourishing western vilajets of Anatolia, beginning with Brussa and Adabazar, where the well-stocked farms in Armenian hands must have been an eyesore to a Government that had written "forcible nationalisation" on their standard, the whole household goods of respectable fam[Pg 53]ilies were thrown into the street and sold for a mere44 nothing, because their owners often had only an hour till they were routed out by the waiting gendarme23 and hustled86 off into the Interior. The fittings of the houses, naturally unsaleable in the hurry, usually fell to the lot of marauding "mohadjis" (Mohammedan immigrants), who, often enough armed to the teeth by the "Committee," began the disturbances87 which were then exposed as "Armenian conspiracies."
That was the time when mothers, apparently88 in absolute despair, sold their own children, because they had been robbed of their last penny and could not let their children perish on that terrible march into the distant Interior.
How many countless89 times did I have to look on at that typical spectacle of little bands of Armenians belonging to the capital being escorted through the streets of Pera by two gendarmes in their ragged90 murky91 grey uniforms with their typical brutal Anatolian faces, while a policeman who could read and write marched behind with a notebook in his hand, beckoning92 people at random93 out of the crowd with an imperious gesture, and if their papers[Pg 54] showed them to be Armenians, simply herding94 them in with the rest and marching them off to the "Karakol" of Galata-Sera?, the chief police-station in Pera, where he delivered up his daily bag of Armenians!
The way these imprisonments and deportations were carried on is a most striking confutation of the claims of the Turkish Government that they were acting95 only in righteous indignation over the discovery of a great conspiracy. This is entirely untrue.
With the most cold-blooded calculation and method, the number of Armenians to be deported were divided out over a period of many months, indeed one may say over nearly a year and a half. The deportations only began to abate96 when the downfall of the Armenian Patriarchate in summer 1916 dealt the final blow to the social life of the Armenians. They more or less ceased in December 1916 with the gathering-in of all those who had formerly97 paid the military exemption98 tax—among them many eminent Armenian business men.
What can be said of the "righteous, spontaneous indignation" of the Armenian Govern[Pg 55]ment when, for example, of two Armenian porters belonging to the same house—brothers—one is deported to-day and the other not till a fortnight later; or when the number of Armenians to be delivered up daily from a certain quarter of the town is fixed99 at a definite figure, say two hundred or a thousand, as I have been told was the case by reliable Turks who were in full touch with the police organisation100 and knew the system of these deportations?
Of the ebb101 and flow of these persecutions, all that can be said is that the daily number of deportations increased when the Turks were annoyed over some Russian victory, and that the banishments miraculously abated102 when the military catastrophes103 of Erzerum, Trebizond, and Erzindjan gave the Government food for thought and led them to wonder if perhaps Nemesis104 was going to overtake them after all.
And then the method of transport! Every day towards evening, when these unfortunate creatures had been collected in the police-stations, the women and children were packed into electric-trams while the men and boys were compelled to go off on foot to Galata with a[Pg 56] couple of blankets and only the barest necessities for their terrible journey packed in a small bag. Of course they were not all poor people by any means.
This dire37 fate might befall anyone any day or any hour, from the caretaker and the tradesman to members of the best families. I know cases where men of high education, belonging to aristocratic families—engineers, doctors, lawyers—were banished105 from Pera in this disgusting way under cover of darkness to spend the night on the platforms of the Haidar-Pasha station, and then be packed off in the morning on the Anatolian Railway—of course they paid for their tickets and all travelling expenses!—to the Interior, where they died of spotted typhus, or, in rare cases after their recovery from this terrible malady106, were permitted, after endless pleading, to return broken in body and soul to their homes as "harmless." Among these bands herded107 about from pillar to post like cattle there were hundreds and thousands of gentle, refined women of good family and of perfect European culture and manners.
For the most part it was the sad fate of[Pg 57] those deported to be sent off on an endless journey by foot, to the far-off Arabian frontier, where they were treated with the most terrible brutality. There, in the midst of a population wholly foreign and but little sympathetic to their race, left to their fate on a barren mountain-side, without money, without shelter, without medical assistance, without the means of earning a livelihood108, they perished in want and misery109.
The women and children were always separated from the men. That was the characteristic of all the deportations. It was an attempt to strike at the very core of their national being and annihilate110 them by the tearing asunder111 of all family ties.
That was how a very large part of the Armenian people disappeared. They were the "persons transported elsewhere," as the elegant title of the "Provisional Han" ran, which gave full stewardship112 over their well-stocked farms to the "Committee" with its zeal113 for "internal colonisation" with purely114 Turkish elements. In this way the great goal was reached—the forcible nationalisation of a land of mixed races.
[Pg 58]
While Anatolia was gradually emptied of all the forces that had hitherto made for progress, while the deserted115 towns and villages and flourishing fields of those who had been banished fell into the hands of the lowest "Mohadjr"—hordes of the most dissipated Mohammedan emigrants—that stream of unhappy beings trickled116 on ever more slowly to its distant goal, leaving the dead bodies of women and children, old men and boys, as milestones117 to mark the way. The few that did reach the "settlement" alive—that is, the fever-ridden, hunger-stricken concentration camps—continually molested118 by raiding Bedouins and Kurds, gradually sickened and died a slower and even more terrible death.
Sometimes even this was not speedy enough for the Government, and a case occurred in Autumn 1916—absolutely verified by statements made by German employees on the Baghdad Railway—where some thousands of Armenians, brought as workers to this stretch of railway, simply vanished one day without leaving a trace. Apparently they were simply shipped off into the desert without more ado and there massacred.
[Pg 59]
This terrible catalogue of crime on the part of the Government of Talaat is, however, in spite of all censorship and obstruction119, being dealt with officially in all quarters of the globe—by the American Embassy at Constantinople and in neutral and Entente120 countries—and at the conclusion of peace it will be brought as an accusation121 against the criminal brotherhood122 of Young Turks by a merciless court of all the civilised nations of the world.
I have spoken to Armenians who have said to me, "In former times the old Sultan Abdul-Hamid used to have us massacred by thousands. We were delivered over by well-organised pogroms to the Kurds at stated times, and certainly we suffered cruelly enough. Then the Young Turks, as Adana 1909 shows, started on a bloodshed of thousands. But after what we have just gone through we long with all our hearts for the days of the old massacres. Now it is no longer a case of a certain number of massacred; now our whole people is being slowly but surely exterminated123 by the national hatred124 of an apparently civilised, apparently modern, and therefore infinitely125 more dangerous Government.
[Pg 60]
"Now they get hold of our women and children and send them long journeys on foot to concentration camps in barren districts where they die. The pitiful remains126 of our population in the villages and towns of the Interior, where the local authorities have carried out the commands of the central Government most zealously127, are forcibly converted to Islam, and our young girls are confined in Turkish harems and places of low repute.
"The race is to vanish to the very last man, and why? Because the Turks have recognised their intellectual bankruptcy128, their economic incompetence129, and their social inferiority to the progressive Armenian element, to which Abdul-Hamid, in spite of occasional massacres, knew well enough how to adapt himself, and which he even utilised in all its power in high offices of state. Because now that they themselves are being decimated by a weary and unsuccessful war of terrible bloodshed that was lost before it was begun, they hope in this way to retain the sympathy of their peoples and preserve the superiority of their element in the State.
"These are not sporadic130 outbursts of wrath,[Pg 61] as they were in the case of Hamid, but a definitely thought-out political measure against our people, and for this very reason they can hope for no mercy. Germany, as we have seen, tolerates the annihilation of our people through weakness and lack of conscience, and if the war lasts much longer the Armenian people will have ceased to exist. That is why we long for the old régime of Abdul-Hamid, terrible as it was for us."
Has there ever been a greater tragedy in the history of a people—and of a people that have never held any illusions as to political independence, wedged in as they are between two Great Powers, and who had no real irredentistic feelings towards Russia, and, up to the moment when the Young Turks betrayed them shamefully132 and broke the ties of comradeship that had bound them together as revolutionaries against the old despotic system of Abdul-Hamid, were as thoroughly loyal citizens of the Ottoman Empire as any of the other peoples of this land, excepting perhaps the Turks themselves.
I hope that these few words may have given sufficient indication of the spirit and outcome[Pg 62] of this system of extermination. I should like to mention just one more episode which affected133 me personally more than anything I experienced in Turkey.
One day in the summer of 1916 my wife went out alone about midday to buy something in the "Grand Rue28 de Péra." We lived a few steps from Galata-Sera? and had plenty of opportunity from our balcony of seeing the bands of Armenian deportees arriving at the police-station under the escort of gendarmes. Familiarity with such sights finally dulled our sympathies, and we began to think of them not as episodes affecting human individuals, but rather as political events.
On this particular day, however, my wife came back to the house trembling all over. She had not been able to go on her errand. As she passed the "karakol," she had heard through the open hall door the agonising groans134 of a tortured being, a dull wailing135 like the sound of an animal being tormented136 to death. "An Armenian," she was informed by the people standing at the door. The crowd was then dispersed137 by a policeman.
"If such scenes occur in broad daylight in[Pg 63] the busiest part of the European town of Pera, I should like to know what is done to Armenians in the uncivilised Interior," my wife asked me. "If the Turks act like wild beasts here in the capital, so that a woman going through the main streets gets a shock like that to her nerves, then I can't live in this frightful country." And then she burst into a fit of sobbing138 and let loose all her pent-up passion against what she and I had had to witness for more than a year every time we set a foot out of doors.
"You are brutes139, you Germans, miserable140 brutes, that you tolerate this from the Turks when you still have the country absolutely in your hands. You are cowardly brutes, and I will never set foot in your horrible country again. God, how I hate Germany!"
It was then, when my own wife, trembling and sobbing, in grief, rage, and disgust at such cowardliness, flung this denunciation of my country in my teeth that I finally and absolutely broke with Germany. Unfortunately I had known only too long that it had to come.
I thought of the conversations I had had about the Armenian question with members of[Pg 64] the German Embassy in Constantinople and, of a very different kind, with Mr. Morgenthau, the American Ambassador.
I had never felt fully64 convinced by the protestations of the German Embassy that they had done their utmost to put a check on the murderous attacks on harmless Armenians far from the theatre of war, who from their whole surroundings and their social class could not be in a position to take an active part in politics, and on the cold-blooded neglect and starvation of women and children apparently deported for no other reason than to die. The attitude of the German Government towards the Armenian question had impressed me as a mixture of cowardice141 and lack of conscience on the one hand and the most short-sighted stupidity on the other.
The American Ambassador, who took the most generous interest in the Armenians, and has done so much for the cause of humanity in Turkey, was naturally much too reserved on this most burning question to give a German journalist like myself his true opinion about the attitude of his German colleagues. But from the many conversations and discussions[Pg 65] I had with him, I gathered nothing that would turn me from the opinion I had already formed of the German Embassy, and I had given him several hints of what that opinion was.
The attitude of Germany was, in the first place, as I have said, one of boundless142 cowardice. For we had the Turkish Government firmly enough in hand, from the military as well as the financial and political point of view, to insist upon the observance of the simplest principles of humanity if we wanted to. Enver, and still more Talaat, who as Minister of the Interior and really Dictator of Turkey was principally responsible for the Armenian persecutions, had no other choice than to follow Germany's lead unconditionally143, and they would have accepted without any hesitation144, if perhaps with a little grumbling145, any definite ruling of Germany's even on this Armenian question that lay so near their hearts.
From hundreds of examples it has been proved that the Germany Embassy never showed any undue146 delicacy147 for even perfectly148 legitimate149 Turkish interests and feelings in matters affecting German interests, and that[Pg 66] they always got their own way where it was a question, for example, of Germans being oppressed, or superseded150 by Turks in the Government and ruling bodies. And yet I had to stand and look on when our Embassy was not even capable of granting her due and proper rights to a perfectly innocent German lady married to an Armenian who had been deported with many other Armenians. She appealed for redress151 to the German Embassy, but her only reward was to wait day after day in the vestibule of the Embassy for her case to be heard.
Turks themselves have found cynical enjoyment152 in this measureless cowardice of ours and compared it with the attitude of the Russian Government, who, if they had found themselves in a similar position to Germany, would have been prepared, in spite of the Capitulations being abolished, to make a political case, if necessary, out of the protection due to one poor Russian Jew. Turks have, very politely but none the less definitely, made it quite clear to me that at bottom they felt nothing but contempt for our policy of letting things slide.
Our attitude was characterised, secondly153, by[Pg 67] lack of conscience. To look on while life and property, the well-being154 and culture of thousands, are sacrificed, and to content oneself with weak formal protests when one is in a position to take most energetic command of the situation, is nothing but the most criminal lack of conscience, and I cannot get rid of the suspicion that, in spite of the fine official phrases one was so often treated to in the German Embassy on the subject of the "Armenian problem," our diplomats155 were very little concerned with the preservation156 of this people.
What leads me to bring this terrible charge against them? The fact that I never saw anything in all this pother on the part of our diplomats when the venerable old Armenian Patriarch appeared at the Embassy with his suite157 after some particularly frightful sufferings of the Armenian population, and begged with tears in his eyes for help from the Embassy, however late—and I assisted more than once at such scenes in the Embassy and listened to the conversations of the officials—I never saw anything but concern about German prestige and offended vanity. As far as I saw, there was never any concern for the fate of the Ar[Pg 68]menian people. The fact that time and again I heard from the mouths of Germans of all grades, from the highest to the lowest, so far as they did not have to keep strictly to the official German versions, expressions of hatred against the Armenians which were based on the most short-sighted judgment, had no relation to the facts of the case, and were merely thoughtless echoes of the official Turkish statements.
And cases have actually been proved to have occurred, from the testimony158 of German doctors and Red Cross nurses returned from the Interior, of German officers light-heartedly taking the initiative in exterminating and scattering159 the Armenians when the less-zealous local authorities who still retained some remnants of human feeling, scrupled160 to obey the instructions of "Nur-el-Osmanieh" (the headquarters of the Committee at Stamboul).
The case is well known and has been absolutely verified of the scandalous conduct of two German officers passing through a village in far Asia Minor161, where the Armenians had taken refuge in their houses and barricaded162 them to prevent being herded off like cattle.[Pg 69] The order had been given that guns were to be turned on them, but not a single Turk had the courage to carry out this order and fire on women and children. Without any authority whatsoever163, the two German officers then turned to and gave an exhibition of their shooting capacities!
Such shameful131 acts are of course isolated164 cases, but they are on a par11 with the opinions expressed about the Armenian people by dozens of educated Germans of high position—not to speak of military men at all.
A case of this kind where German soldiers were guilty of an attack on Armenians in the interior of Anatolia, was the subject of frequent official discussion at the German Embassy, and was finally brought to the notice of the authorities in Germany by Graf Wolff-Metternich, a really high-principled and humane165 man. The material result of this was that through the unheard-of cowardice of our Government, this man—who in spite of his age and in contrast to the weak-minded Freiherr von Wangenheim, and criminally optimistic had made many an attempt to get a firmer grip of the Turkish Government—was[Pg 70] simply hounded out of office by the Turks and weakly sacrificed without a struggle by Berlin.
What, finally, is one to think of the spirit of our German officials in regard to the Armenian question, when one hears such well-verified tales as were told me shortly before I left Constantinople by an eminent Hungarian banker (whose name I will not reveal)? He related, for example, that "a German officer, with the title of Baron166, and closely connected with the military attaché," went one day to the bazaar167 in Stamboul and chose a valuable carpet from an Armenian, which he had put down to his account and sent to his house in Pera. Then when it came to paying for it, he promptly168 set the price twenty pounds lower than had been stipulated169, and indicated to the Armenian dealer170 that in view of the good understanding between himself (the officer) and the Turkish President of police, he would do well not to trouble him further in the matter! I only cite this case because I am unfortunately compelled to believe in its absolute authenticity171.
Shortsighted stupidity, finally, is how I characterised the inactive toleration on the part of our Imperial representatives of this policy[Pg 71] of extermination of the Armenian race. Our Government could not have been blind to the breaking flood of Turkish jingoism, and no one with any glimmer172 of foresight173 could have doubted for a moment since the summer of 1915 that Turkey would only go with us so long as she needed our military and financial aid, and that we should have no place, not even a purely commercial one, in a fully turkified Turkey.
In spite of the lamentations one heard often enough from the mouths of officials over this well-recognised and unpalatable fact, we tolerated the extermination of a race of over one and a half million of people of progressive culture, with the European point of view, intellectually adaptable174, absolutely free from jingoism and fanaticism, and eminently175 cosmopolitan176 in feeling; we permitted the disappearance177 of the only conceivable counterbalance to the hopelessly nationalistic, anti-foreign Young Turkish element, and through our cowardice and lack of conscience have made deadly enemies of the few that will rise from the ruins of a race that used to be in thorough sympathy with Germany.
[Pg 72]
An intelligent German Government would, in face of the increasingly evident Young Turkish spirit, have used every means in their power to retain the sympathies of the Armenians, and indeed to win them in greater numbers. The Armenians waited for us, trembled with impatience178 for us, to give a definite ruling. Their disappointment, their hatred of us is unbounded now—and rightly so—and if a German ever again wants to take up business in the East he will have to reckon with this afflicted179 people so long as one of them exists.
To answer the Armenian question in the way I have done here, one does not necessarily need to have the slightest liking180 or the least sympathy for them as a race. (I have, however, intimated that they deserve at least that much from their high intellectual and social abilities.) One only requires to have a feeling for humanity to abhor181 the way in which hundreds of thousands of these unfortunate people were disposed of; one only requires to understand the commercial and social needs of a vast country like Turkey, so undeveloped and yet so capable of development, to place the highest value on the preservation of this restless,[Pg 73] active, and eminently useful element; one only requires to open one's eyes and look at the facts dispassionately to deny utterly182 and absolutely what the Turks have tried to make the world believe about the Armenians, in order that they might go on with their work of extermination in peace and quiet; one only requires to have a slight feeling of one's dignity as a German to refuse to condone183 the pitiful cowardice of our Government over the Armenian question.
The mixture of cowardice, lack of conscience, and lack of foresight of which our Government has been guilty in Armenian affairs is quite enough to undermine completely the political loyalty184 of any thinking man who has any regard for humanity and civilisation. Every German cannot be expected to bear as light-heartedly as the diplomats of Pera the shame of having history point to the fact that the annihilation, with every refinement of cruelty, of a people of high social development, numbering over one and a half million, was contemporaneous with Germany's greatest power in Turkey.
In long confidential reports to my paper I[Pg 74] made perfectly clear to them the whole position with regard to the Armenian persecutions and the brutal jingoistic185 spirit of the Young Turks apparent in them. The Foreign Office, too, took notice of these reports. But I saw no trace of the fruits of this knowledge in the attitude of my paper.
The determination never to re-enter the editorial offices of that paper came to me on that dramatic occasion when my wife hurled186 her denunciation of Germany in my teeth. I at least owe a personal debt of gratitude187 to the poor murdered and tortured Armenians, for it is to them I owe my moral and political enfranchisement188.
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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cons
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| n.欺骗，骗局( con的名词复数 )v.诈骗，哄骗( con的第三人称单数 ) | |
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accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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6
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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7
jingoism
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| n.极端之爱国主义 | |
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8
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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9
narration
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| n.讲述，叙述；故事；记叙体 | |
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10
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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11
par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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12
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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13
underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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14
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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15
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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16
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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17
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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18
incorporation
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| n.设立，合并，法人组织 | |
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19
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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20
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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21
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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22
gendarmes
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| n.宪兵，警官( gendarme的名词复数 ) | |
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23
gendarme
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| n.宪兵 | |
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24
malaria
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| n.疟疾 | |
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25
lusts
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| 贪求（lust的第三人称单数形式） | |
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26
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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27
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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28
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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29
extermination
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| n.消灭，根绝 | |
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30
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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31
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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32
deprivation
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| n.匮乏；丧失；夺去，贫困 | |
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33
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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34
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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35
connivance
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| n.纵容；默许 | |
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36
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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37
dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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38
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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39
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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40
traitors
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|
| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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41
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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42
absolve
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| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
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43
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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44
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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45
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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46
deportation
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| n.驱逐，放逐 | |
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47
strictly
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|
| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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48
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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49
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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50
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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51
shred
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| v.撕成碎片，变成碎片；n.碎布条，细片，些少 | |
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52
justification
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|
| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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53
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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54
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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55
horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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56
deported
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|
| v.将…驱逐出境( deport的过去式和过去分词 )；举止 | |
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57
spotted
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|
| adj.有斑点的，斑纹的，弄污了的 | |
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58
scorching
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| adj. 灼热的 | |
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59
wholesale
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|
| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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60
miraculously
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|
| ad.奇迹般地 | |
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61
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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62
exterminating
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的现在分词 ) | |
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63
skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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64
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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65
nay
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|
| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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66
conspiracies
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|
| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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67
conspirators
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|
| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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68
yoke
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|
| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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69
slaughter
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|
| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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70
emphasise
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|
| vt.加强...的语气，强调，着重 | |
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71
thoroughly
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|
| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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72
confidential
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|
| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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73
intercourse
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|
| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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74
judgment
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|
| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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75
pros
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| abbr.prosecuting 起诉；prosecutor 起诉人；professionals 自由职业者；proscenium （舞台）前部n.赞成的意见( pro的名词复数 )；赞成的理由；抵偿物；交换物 | |
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76
cynical
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|
| adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的，不信世道向善的 | |
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77
fanaticism
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|
| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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78
wilful
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|
| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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79
incapable
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|
| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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80
standing
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|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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81
prudence
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|
| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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82
scrupulously
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|
| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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83
diabolical
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|
| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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84
solely
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|
| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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85
acquiescence
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|
| n.默许；顺从 | |
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86
hustled
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|
| 催促（hustle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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87
disturbances
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|
| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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88
apparently
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|
| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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89
countless
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|
| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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90
ragged
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|
| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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91
murky
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|
| adj.黑暗的，朦胧的；adv.阴暗地，混浊地；n.阴暗；昏暗 | |
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92
beckoning
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|
| adj.引诱人的，令人心动的v.（用头或手的动作）示意，召唤( beckon的现在分词 ) | |
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93
random
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|
| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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94
herding
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| 中畜群 | |
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95
acting
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|
| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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96
abate
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|
| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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97
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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98
exemption
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|
| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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99
fixed
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|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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100
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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101
ebb
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| vi.衰退，减退；n.处于低潮，处于衰退状态 | |
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102
abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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103
catastrophes
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|
| n.灾祸( catastrophe的名词复数 )；灾难；不幸事件；困难 | |
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104
nemesis
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|
| n.给以报应者，复仇者，难以对付的敌手 | |
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105
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
malady
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|
| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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107
herded
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| 群集，纠结( herd的过去式和过去分词 )； 放牧； （使）向…移动 | |
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108
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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109
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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110
annihilate
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| v.使无效；毁灭；取消 | |
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111
asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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112
stewardship
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| n. n. 管理工作；管事人的职位及职责 | |
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113
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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114
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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115
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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116
trickled
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| v.滴( trickle的过去式和过去分词 )；淌；使)慢慢走；缓慢移动 | |
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117
milestones
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| n.重要事件( milestone的名词复数 )；重要阶段；转折点；里程碑 | |
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118
molested
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| v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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119
obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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120
entente
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| n.协定；有协定关系的各国 | |
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121
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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122
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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123
exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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125
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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126
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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127
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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128
bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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129
incompetence
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| n.不胜任，不称职 | |
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130
sporadic
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| adj.偶尔发生的 [反]regular；分散的 | |
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131
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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132
shamefully
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| 可耻地； 丢脸地； 不体面地； 羞耻地 | |
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133
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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134
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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135
wailing
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| v.哭叫，哀号( wail的现在分词 )；沱 | |
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136
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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137
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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138
sobbing
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|
| <主方>Ⅰ adj.湿透的 | |
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brutes
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| 兽( brute的名词复数 )； 畜生； 残酷无情的人； 兽性 | |
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140
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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141
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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142
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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143
unconditionally
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| adv.无条件地 | |
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144
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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145
grumbling
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| adj. 喃喃鸣不平的, 出怨言的 | |
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146
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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148
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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149
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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150
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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151
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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152
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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153
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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154
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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155
diplomats
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| n.外交官( diplomat的名词复数 )；有手腕的人，善于交际的人 | |
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156
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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157
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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158
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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159
scattering
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| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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160
scrupled
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| v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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161
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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barricaded
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| 设路障于，以障碍物阻塞( barricade的过去式和过去分词 )； 设路障[防御工事]保卫或固守 | |
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163
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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165
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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166
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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167
bazaar
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| n.集市，商店集中区 | |
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168
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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169
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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170
dealer
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| n.商人，贩子 | |
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171
authenticity
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| n.真实性 | |
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172
glimmer
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| v.发出闪烁的微光；n.微光，微弱的闪光 | |
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173
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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174
adaptable
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| adj.能适应的，适应性强的，可改编的 | |
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175
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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176
cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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177
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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178
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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179
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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180
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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181
abhor
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| v.憎恶；痛恨 | |
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182
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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183
condone
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| v.宽恕；原谅 | |
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184
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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185
jingoistic
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| adj.强硬外交政策的，侵略分子的 | |
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186
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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187
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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188
enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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