During the entire course of the war as I have briefly7 sketched8 it in the foregoing pages, the economic situation in the whole country and particularly in the capital became more and more serious. But, let me just say here, in anticipation10, that Turkey, being a purely11 agricultural country with a very modest population, can never be brought to sue for peace through starvation, nor, with Germany backing and financing her, through any general ex[Pg 108]haustion of commercial resources, until Germany herself is brought to her knees. Any victory must be a purely military and political one. The whole crux12 of the food problem in Turkey is that the people suffer, suffer cruelly, but not enough for hunger to have any results in the shape of an earlier conclusion of peace. This is the case also with the Central Powers, as the Entente have unfortunately only too surely convinced themselves now after their first illusions to the contrary.
There is another element in the Turkish question too—the large majority of the population are a heterogeneous13 mass of enslaved and degenerate14 beings, outcasts of society, plunged15 in the lowest social and commercial depths, entirely16 lacking in all initiative, who can never become a factor in any political upheaval17, for in Turkey this can only be looked for from the military or the educated classes. If the Entente Powers ever counted on Turkey's chronic18 state of starvation and lack of supplies coming to their aid in this war, they have made a sad mistake. Therefore in attempting to sketch9 in a few pages the conditions of life and the economic situation in Tur[Pg 109]key, my aim is solely19 to bring to light the underlying20 Turkish methods, and the ethics21 and spirit of the Young Turkish Government.
During the periods of the very acute bread crises, which occurred more than once, but notably22 in the beginning of 1916, some dozen men literally23 died of hunger daily in Constantinople alone. With my own eyes I have repeatedly seen women collapsing24 from exhaustion25 in the streets. From many parts of the interior, particularly Syria, there were reliable reports of a still worse state of affairs. But even in more normal times there was always a difficulty in obtaining bread, for the means of communication in that vast and primitive26 land of Turkey are precarious27 at best, and it was no easy matter to get the grain transported to the centres of consumption.
Then in Constantinople there was a shortage not only of skilled labour, but of coal for milling purposes. The result was that the townspeople only received a daily ration28 of a quarter of a kilogramme (about 8 oz.—not a quarter of an oka, which would be about 10 oz.) of bread, which was mostly of an indigestible and[Pg 110] occasionally very doubtful quality—utterly uneatable by Europeans—although occasionally it was quite good though coarse. If the poor people in Constantinople wanted to supplement this very insufficient29 allowance, they could do so when things were in a flourishing condition at the price of about 2-1/2 or 3 piastres (1 piastre = about 2-1/4d.) the English pound, and later 4 or 5 piastres. Even this was for the most part only procurable30 by clandestine31 means from soldiers who were usually willing to turn part of their bread ration into money.
This is about all that can be said about the feeding of the people, for bread is by far the most important food of the Oriental, and the prices of the other foodstuffs32 soon reached exorbitant33 heights. What were the poor to feed on when rice, reckoned in English coinage, cost roughly from 3s. 2d. to 4s. 4d. an oka (about 2-1/2 lb.), beans 2s. 4d. the oka, meat 3s. to 4s., and the cheapest sheep's cheese and olives, hitherto the most common Turkish condiment34 to eat with bread, rose to 3s. and 1s. 8d. the oka?
Wages, on the other hand, were ludicrously low. We may obtain some idea of the standard[Pg 111] of living from the fact that the Government, who always favoured the soldiers, did not pay more than 5 piastres (about 1s.) a day to the families of soldiers on active service. I have often wondered what the people really did eat, and I was never able to come to any satisfactory conclusion, although I often went to market myself to buy and see what other people bought. It is significant enough that just shortly before I left Constantinople—that is, a few weeks after the Turko-Bulgarian-German victories in Rumania and the fall of Bucharest—the price of bread in the Turkish capital, in spite of the widely advertised "enormous supplies" taken in Rumania, rose still higher.
I cannot speak from personal experience of what happened after Christmas 1916 in this connection, but everyone was quite convinced, in spite of the official report, that the harvest of 1916, despite the tremendous and praiseworthy efforts of the Ministry36 of Agriculture and the military authorities, would show a very marked decrease as a result of the mobilisation of agricultural labour, the requisitioning of implements37, and the shortage of buffaloes38,[Pg 112] which, instead of ploughing fields, were pulling guns over the snow-covered uplands of Armenia. There was a very general idea that the harvest of 1917 would be a horrible catastrophe39. And yet I am fully40 convinced, and I must emphasise41 it again, that, in spite of agricultural disaster, Turkey will still go on as a military power.
And now let us see what the Government did in connection with the food problem. At a comparatively early stage they followed Germany's example and introduced bread tickets, which were quite successful so long as the flour lasted. In the autumn of 1915 they took the organisation42 of the bread supply for large towns out of the hands of the municipalities, and gave it over to the War Office. They got Parliament to vote a large fund to buy up all available supplies of flour, and in view of the immense importance of bread as the chief means of nourishment43 of the masses, they decided44 to sell it at a very considerable loss to themselves, so that the price of the daily ration (though not of the supplementary45 ration) remained very much as it had been in peace time. The Government always favoured the[Pg 113] purely Mohammedan quarters of the town so far as bread supply was concerned, and the people living in Fatih and other parts of Stamboul were very much better off than the inhabitants of Gr?co-European Pera.
Then Talaat made speeches in the House on the food question in which he did all in his power to throw dust in the eyes of the starving population, but he did not really succeed in blinding anyone as to the true state of affairs. In February 1916, when there was practically a famine in the land, he even went so far as to declare in Parliament that the food supplies for the whole of Turkey had been so increased by enormous purchases in Rumania, that they were now fully assured for two years.
It was no doubt with cynical46 enjoyment47 that the "Committee" of the Young Turks enlarged on the privations of the people in such publications as the semi-official Tanin, in which the following wonderful sentiment appeared: "One can pass the night in relative brightness without oil in one's lamp if one thinks of the bright and glorious future that this war is preparing for Turkey!"
One could have forgiven such cheap phrases[Pg 114] if they had been a true, though possibly misguided, attempt to provide comfort in face of real want; but at the same time as such paragraphs were appearing in the Tanin and thousands of poor Turkish households had to spend the long winter nights without the slightest light, thousands of tons of oil were lying in Constantinople alone in the stores of the official accapareurs.
This brings me to the second series of measures taken by the Turkish Government to relieve the economic situation—those of a negative nature. Their positive measures are pretty well exhausted48 when one has mentioned their treatment of the bread crisis.
The question of requisitioning is one of the most important in Turkish life in war-time, and is not without its ludicrous side. In imitation of German war-time methods, either wrongly understood or wittingly misapplied by Oriental greed, the Turkish Government requisitioned pretty well everything in the food line or in the shape of articles of daily use that were sure to be scarce and would necessarily rise in price. But while in the civilised countries of Central Europe the supplies so requisitioned were[Pg 115] sagely50 applied49 to the general good, the members of the "Committee of union and Progress" looked with fine contempt and the grim cynicism of arch-dictators on the privations and sufferings of the people so long as they did not actually starve, and used the supplies requisitioned for the personal enrichment of their clique.
When I speak of requisitioning, I do not mean the necessary military carrying off of grain, cattle, vehicles, buffaloes, and horses, general equipment, and so on, in exchange for a scrap51 of paper to be redeemed52 after the war (of very doubtful value in view of Turkey's position)—I do not mean that, even though the way it was accomplished53 bled the country far more than was necessary, falling as it did in the country districts into the hands of ignorant, brutal54, and fanatical underlings, and in the town being carried out with every kind of refinement55 by the central authorities. Too often it was a means of violent "nationalisation" and deprivation56 of property and rights exercised especially against Armenians, Greeks, and subjects of other Entente countries. If there was a particularly nice villa58 or[Pg 116] handsome estate belonging to someone who was not a Turk, soldiers were immediately billeted there under some pretext59 or other, and it was not long before these rough Anatolians had reduced everything to rack and ruin.
I do not mean either the terrible damage to commercial life brought about by the way the military authorities, in complete disregard of agricultural interests, were always seizing railway waggons60, and so completely laming61 all initiative on the part of farmers and merchants, whose goods were usually simply emptied out on the spot, exposed to ruin, or disposed of without any kind of compensation being given.
What I do mean is the huge semi-official cornering of food, which must be regarded as typical of the Young Turks' idea of their official responsibility towards those for whom they exercised stewardship62.
The "Bakal Clique" ("provision merchants," "grocers") was known through the whole of Constantinople, and was keenly criticised by the much injured public. It was, first of all, under the official patronage63 of the city prefect, Ismet Bey, a creature of the Committee; but later on, when they realised that dire64[Pg 117] necessity made a continuance of this system of cornering quite unthinkable, he was made the scapegoat65, and his dismissal from office was freely commented on in the Committee newspapers as "an act of deliverance." The Committee thought that they would thus throw dust in the eyes of the sorely-tried people of Constantinople. Hundreds of thousands of Turkish pounds were turned into cash in the shortest possible time by this semi-official syndicate, at the expense of the starving population, and found their way into the pockets of the administrators66.
That was how the Young Turkish parvenus67 were able to fulfil their one desire and wriggle68 their way into the best clubs, where they gambled away huge sums of money. The method was simple enough: whatever was eatable or useable, but could only be obtained by import from abroad, was "taken charge of," and starvation rations69, which were simply ludicrously inadequate70 and quite insufficient for the needs of even the poorest household, were doled71 out by "vesikas" (the ticket system).
The great stock of goods, however, was sold secretly at exorbitant prices by the creatures[Pg 118] of the "Bakal Clique," who simply cornered the market. That is how it happened that in Constantinople, cut off as it was from the outer world and without imports, even at the end of 1916, with a population of well over a million, there were still unlimited72 stores of everything available for those who could pay fancy prices, while by the beginning of 1915 those less well endowed with worldly goods had quite forgotten the meaning of comfort and the poor were starving with ample stores of everything still available.
In businesses belonging to enemy subjects the system of requisitioning, of course, reached a climax73, stores of all kinds worth thousands of pounds simply disappearing, without any reason being given for carrying them off, and nothing offered in exchange, but one of these famous "scraps74 of paper." Cases have been verified and were freely discussed in Pera of ladies' shoes and ladies' clothing even being requisitioned and turned into large sums of cash by the consequent rise in price.
The profiteering of Ismet and company, who chose the specially57 productive centre of the capital for their system of usury75, was not, how[Pg 119]ever, by any means an isolated76 case of administrative77 corruption78, for exactly the same system of requisitioning, holding up and then reselling under private management at as great a profit as possible, underlay79 and underlies80 the great semi-official Young Turkish commercial organisation, with branches throughout the whole country, known as the "Djemiet" and under the distinguished81 patronage of Talaat himself.
After Ismet Bey's fall, the "Djemiet" took over the supplying of the capital as well (with the exception of bread). We will speak elsewhere of this great organisation, which is established not only for war purposes, but serves towards the nationalisation of economic life. So far as the system of requisitioning is concerned, it comes into the picture through its firm opposition82 to German merchants who were trying to buy up stores of food and raw materials from their ally Turkey. The intrigues83 and counter-intrigues on both sides sometimes had most remarkable84 results.
One of the really bright sides of life in Constantinople in war-time was the amusement one extracted from the silent and desperate war[Pg 120] continually being waged by the many well-fed gentlemen of the "Z.E.G." ("Zentraleinkaufsgesellschaft," "Central Purchasing Commission") and their minions85 who tried to rob Turkey of foodstuffs and raw material for the benefit of Germany, against the "Djemiet" and more particularly the Quartermaster-General, Ismail Hakki Pasha, that wooden-legged, enormously wealthy representative of the neo-Turkish spirit—he was the most perfect blend of Oriental politeness and narrow-minded decision to do exactly the opposite of what he had promised. On the Turkish side, the determination to safeguard the interests of the Army, and in the case of the "Djemiet" the effort not to let any foodstuffs out of Germany—a standpoint that has at last found expression in a formal prohibition86 of all export—then the quest of personal enrichment on the part of the great "Clique"; on the German side, the insatiable hunger for everything Turkey could provide that had been lacking for a long time in Germany: the whole thing was a wonderfully variegated87 picture of mutual88 intrigue.
The gentlemen of the "Z.E.G.," after months of inactivity spent in reviling89 the[Pg 121] Turks and studying Young Turkish and other morals and manners by frequenting all the pleasure resorts in the place, managed at last to get the exports of raw materials set on the right road, and so it came about that the fabulous90 sums in German money that had to be put into circulation in payment of these goods, in spite of Turkey's indebtedness to Germany, led to a very considerable depreciation in the value of the Mark even in Turkey for some time.
But until the understanding as to exports was finally arrived at, there were many dramatic events in Constantinople, culminating in the Turks re-requisitioning, with the help of armed detachments, stores already paid for by Germany and lying in the warehouses91 of the "Z.E.G." and the German Bank!
On the financial side, apart from Turkey's enormous debt to Germany, the wonderful attempt at a reform and standardisation of the coinage in the middle of May 1916 is worthy35 of mention. The reform, which was a simplification of huge economic value of the tremendously complicated money system and introducing a theoretical gold unit, must be re[Pg 122]garded chiefly as a war measure to prevent the rapid deterioration92 of Turkish paper money.
This last attempt, as was obvious after a few months' trial, was entirely unsuccessful, and even hastened the fall of paper money, for the population soon discovered at the back of these drastic measures the thinly veiled anxiety of the Government lest there should be a further deterioration. Dire punishments, such as the closing down of money-changers' businesses and arraignment93 before a military court for the slightest offence, were meted94 out to anyone found guilty of changing gold or even silver for paper.
In November 1916, however, it was an open secret that, in spite of all these prohibitions95, there was no difficulty in the inland provinces and in Syria and Palestine in changing a gold pound for two or more paper pounds. In still more unfrequented spots no paper money would be accepted, so that the whole trade of the country simply came to a standstill. Even in Constantinople at the beginning of December 1916, paper stood to gold as 100 to 175.
The Anatolian population still went gaily96 on, burying all the available silver medjidiehs[Pg 123] and even nickel piastres in their clay pots in the ground, because being simple country folk they could not understand, as the Government with all its prayers and threats were so anxious they should, that throughout Turkey and in the greater and mightier97 and equally victorious98 Germany, guaranteed paper money was really much better than actual coins, and was just as valuable as gold! The people, too, could not but remember what had happened with the "Kaimé" after the Turko-Russian war, when thousands who had believed in the assurances of the Government suddenly found themselves penniless. In Constantinople it was a favourite joke to take one of the new pound, half-pound, or quarter-pound notes issued under German paper, not gold, guarantee and printed only on one side and say, "This [pointing to the right side] is the present value, and that [blank side] will be the value on the conclusion of peace."
Even those who were better informed, however, and sat at the receipt of custom, did exactly the same as these stupid Anatolian country-people; no idea of patriotism99 prevented them from collecting everything metal they[Pg 124] could lay their hands on, and, in spite of all threats of punishment—which could never overtake them!—paying the highest price in paper money for every gold piece they could get. Their argument was: "One must of course have something to live on in the time directly following the conclusion of peace." In ordinary trade and commerce, filthy100, torn paper notes, down to a paper piastre, came more and more to be practically the only exchange.
A discerning Turk said to me once: "It would be a very good plan sometime to have the police search these great men for bullion every evening on their return from the official exchanges. That would be more to the point than any reform in the coinage!"
Those who could not get gold, bought roubles, which were regarded as one of the very best speculations101 going, until one day the Turkish Government, in their annoyance102 at some Russian victory, suddenly deported103 to Anatolia a rich Greek banker of the name of Vlasdari, who was accused of having speculated in roubles, which of course gave them the[Pg 125] double benefit of getting rid of a Greek and seizing his beautiful estate in Pera.
Only the greatest optimists104 were deceived into believing that it was a profitable transaction to buy Austrian paper money at the fabulously105 low price the Austrian Krone had reached against the Turkish pound, which was really neither politically nor financially in any better a state. The members of the "Committee of union and Progress" had of course shipped their gold off to Switzerland long ago.
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1
entente
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| n.协定；有协定关系的各国 | |
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clique
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| n.朋党派系，小集团 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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depreciation
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| n.价值低落，贬值，蔑视，贬低 | |
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hoarding
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| n.贮藏；积蓄；临时围墙；囤积v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的现在分词 ) | |
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bullion
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| n.金条，银条 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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crux
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| adj.十字形；难事，关键，最重要点 | |
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heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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upheaval
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| n.胀起，(地壳)的隆起；剧变，动乱 | |
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chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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collapsing
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| 压扁[平]，毁坏，断裂 | |
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exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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ration
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| n.定量(pl.)给养，口粮；vt.定量供应 | |
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insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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procurable
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| adj.可得到的，得手的 | |
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clandestine
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| adj.秘密的，暗中从事的 | |
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foodstuffs
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| 食物，食品( foodstuff的名词复数 ) | |
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exorbitant
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| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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condiment
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| n.调味品 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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buffaloes
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| n.水牛（分非洲水牛和亚洲水牛两种）( buffalo的名词复数 )；（南非或北美的）野牛；威胁；恐吓 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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emphasise
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| vt.加强...的语气，强调，着重 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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nourishment
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| n.食物，营养品；营养情况 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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supplementary
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| adj.补充的，附加的 | |
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cynical
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| adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的，不信世道向善的 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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sagely
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| adv. 贤能地，贤明地 | |
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scrap
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| n.碎片；废料；v.废弃，报废 | |
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redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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deprivation
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| n.匮乏；丧失；夺去，贫困 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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waggons
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| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
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61
laming
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| 瘸的( lame的现在分词 )； 站不住脚的； 差劲的； 蹩脚的 | |
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stewardship
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| n. n. 管理工作；管事人的职位及职责 | |
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patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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scapegoat
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| n.替罪的羔羊，替人顶罪者；v.使…成为替罪羊 | |
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administrators
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| n.管理者( administrator的名词复数 )；有管理（或行政）才能的人；（由遗嘱检验法庭指定的）遗产管理人；奉派暂管主教教区的牧师 | |
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67
parvenus
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| n.暴富者( parvenu的名词复数 )；暴发户；新贵；傲慢自负的人 | |
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wriggle
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| v./n.蠕动，扭动；蜿蜒 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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doled
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| 救济物( dole的过去式和过去分词 )； 失业救济金 | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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73
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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74
scraps
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| 油渣 | |
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usury
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| n.高利贷 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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underlay
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| v.位于或存在于（某物）之下( underlie的过去式 )；构成…的基础（或起因），引起n.衬垫物 | |
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underlies
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| v.位于或存在于（某物）之下( underlie的第三人称单数 )；构成…的基础（或起因），引起 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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83
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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85
minions
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| n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 )；走狗；宠儿；受人崇拜者 | |
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prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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variegated
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| adj.斑驳的，杂色的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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reviling
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| v.辱骂，痛斥( revile的现在分词 ) | |
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fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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warehouses
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| 仓库，货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
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deterioration
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| n.退化；恶化；变坏 | |
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arraignment
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| n.提问，传讯，责难 | |
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meted
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| v.（对某人）施以，给予（处罚等）( mete的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prohibitions
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| 禁令，禁律( prohibition的名词复数 )； 禁酒； 禁例 | |
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gaily
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| adv.欢乐地，高兴地 | |
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mightier
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| adj. 强有力的，强大的，巨大的 adv. 很，极其 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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99
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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100
filthy
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| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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101
speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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102
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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103
deported
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| v.将…驱逐出境( deport的过去式和过去分词 )；举止 | |
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104
optimists
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| n.乐观主义者( optimist的名词复数 ) | |
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105
fabulously
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| 难以置信地，惊人地 | |
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