We have come to the end of our sketches5. The question before us now is: What will become of Turkey? The Entente has pronounced formal sentence of death on the Empire of the Sultan, and neither the slowly fading military power of Turkey, nor the help of Germany, who is herself already virtually conquered, will be able to arrest her fate.
[Pg 259]
On the high frost-bound uplands of Armenia the Russians hold a strategic position from which it is impossible to dislodge them, and which will probably very soon extend to the Gulf6 of Alexandretta. In Mesopotamia, after that enormously important political event, the Fall of Baghdad, the union was effected between the British troops and the Russians, advancing steadily7 from Persia. The Suez Canal is now no longer threatened, and the British troops have been removed from there for a counter-offensive in Southern Palestine, and probably, when the psychological moment arrives, an offensive against Syria, now so sadly shattered politically. It is quite within the bounds of possibility, too, that during this war a big new Front may be formed in Western Anatolia, already completely broken up by the Pan-Hellenic Irredenta, and the Turks will be hard put to it to find troops to meet the new offensive. Arabia is finally and absolutely lost, and England, by establishing an Arabian Caliphate, has already won the war against Turkey. Meantime, on the far battlefields of Galicia and the Balkans, whole Ottoman divisions are pouring out their life-[Pg 260]blood, fighting for that elusive8 German victory that never comes any nearer, while in every nook and corner of their own land there is a terrible lack of troops. Enver Pasha, at length grown anxious, has attempted to recall them, but in vain.
That is a short résumé of the military situation. This is how the Turkey of Enver and Talaat is atoning9 for the trust she has placed in Germany.
To a German journalist who went out two years ago to a great Turkey, striving for a "Greater Turkey," it does indeed seem a bitter irony10 of fate to see his sphere of labour thus reduced to nothingness. The fall of Turkey is the greatest blow that could have been dealt to German "world-politics"; it is a disappointment that will have the gravest consequences. But from the standpoint of culture, human civilisation11, ethics12, the liberty of the peoples and justice, historical progress, the economic development of wide tracts13 of land of the greatest importance from their geographical14 position, it is one of the most brilliant results of the war, and one to be hailed with unmixed joy. When I look back on how wonderfully things[Pg 261] have shaped in the last two and a half years I am bound to admit that I am happy things have turned out as they have. If perchance any Turk who knows me happens to read these lines, I beg him not to think that my ideas are saturated16 with hatred17 of Turkey. On the contrary, I love the country and the Turkish race with those many attractive qualities that rightly appealed to a poet like Loti.
I have asked myself thousands of times what would be the best political solution of the problem, how to help this people—and the other races inhabiting their country—to true and lasting18 happiness. From my many journeys in tropical lands, I have grown accustomed to the sight of autochthonous civilisations and semi-civilised peoples, and am as interested in them as in the most perfectly19 civilised nations of Europe. I have therefore, I think, been able to set aside entirely20 in my own mind the territorial21 interests of the West in the development of the Near East, and give my whole attention to Turkey's own good and Turkey's own needs. But even then I have been obliged to subscribe22 to the sentence of death passed on the Turkey of the Young Turks and the sovereignty of the[Pg 262] Ottoman Empire. It is with the fullest consciousness of what I am doing that I agree to the only seemingly cruel amputation23 of this State. It is merely the outer shell covering a number of peoples who suffer cruelly under an unjust system, chief among them the brave Turkish people who have been led by a criminal Government to take the last step on the road to ruin. The point of view I have adopted does not in any way detract from my personal sympathies, and I still have hopes that the many personal friendships I made in Constantinople will not be broken by the hard words I have been obliged to utter in the cause of truth, in the interests of outraged24 civilisation, and in the interests of a happier future for the Ottoman people themselves.
The amputation of Turkey is a stern social necessity. Someone has said: "The greatest enemy of Turkey is the Turk." I have too much love for the Turkish people, too much sympathy for them, to adopt this pessimistic attitude without great inward opposition25; but unfortunately it is only too true. We have seen how the Turkey of Enver and Talaat has reacted sharply against the Western-minded,[Pg 263] liberal era of the 1876 and 1908 constitutions, and has turned again to Asia and her newly discovered ideal, Turanism. To the Turks of to-day, European culture and civilisation are at best but a technical means; they are no longer an end in themselves. Their dream is no longer Western Europe, but a nationally awakened26 and strengthened Asiatentum.
In face of this intellectual development, how can we hope that in the new Turkey there will be a radical27 alteration28 of what, in the whole course of Ottoman history, has always been the one characteristic, unchangeable, momentous29 fact, of what has always shattered the most honest efforts at reform, and always will shatter every attempt at improvement within a sovereign Turkey—I refer to the relationship of the Turk to the "Rajah" (the "herd30"), the Christian31 subjects of the Padishah. The Ottoman, the Mohammedan conqueror32, lives by the "herd" he has found in the land he has conquered; the "herd" are the "unbelievers," and rooted deep in the mind of this sovereign people, who have never quite lost their nomadic33 instincts, is the conviction that they have the right to live by the sweat of the brow of their Chris[Pg 264]tian subjects and on the fruits of their labour. That we Europeans think this unjust the Turk will never be able to grasp.
A Wali of Erzerum once said: "The Turkish Government and the Armenian people stand in the relationship of man and wife, and any third persons who feel sympathy for the wife and anger at the wife-beating husband will do better not to meddle34 in this domestic strife35." This quotation36 has become famous, for it exactly characterises the relationship of the Turk to the "Rajah," not to the Armenians. In this phrase alone there lies, quite apart from all the crimes committed by the present Turkish Government, a sufficient moral and political foundation for the sentence of death passed on the sovereignty of the present Turkish State. For so long as the Turks cling to Islam, from which springs that opposition between Moslem37 rulers and "Giaur" subjects so detrimental38 to all social progress, it is Europe's sacred duty not to give Turkey sovereignty over any territory with a strong Christian element. That is why Turkey must at all costs be confined to Inner Anatolia; that is why complete amputation is necessary; and why the[Pg 265] outlying districts of Turkey, the Straits, the Anatolian coast, the whole of Armenia must be rescued and, part of it at any rate, placed under formal European protection.
Even in Inner Anatolia, which will probably still be left to the Ottomans after the war, the strongest European influence must be brought to bear—which will probably not be difficult in view of Turkey's financial bankruptcy39; European customs and civilisation must be introduced; in a word, Europe must exercise sufficient control to be in a position to prevent the numerous non-Turks resident even in Anatolia from being exposed to the old system of exploiting the "Rajah." Discerning Turks themselves have admitted that it would be best for Europe to put the whole of Turkey for a generation under curatorship and general European supervision40.
I, personally, should not be satisfied with this system for the districts occupied more by non-Turks than by Turks; but, on the other hand, I should not go so far in the case of Inner Anatolia. I trust that strong European influence will make it possible to make Inner Anatolia a sovereign territory. I have pinned[Pg 266] my faith on the Ottoman race being given another and final opportunity on her own ground of showing how she will develop now after the wonderful intellectual improvement that has taken place during the war. I hope at the same time that even in a sovereign Turkish Inner Anatolia Europe will have enough say to prevent any outgrowths of the "Rajah principle."
The Turks must not be deprived of the opportunity to bring their new-found abilities, which even we must praise, to bear on the production of a new, modern, but thoroughly41 Turkish civilisation of their own on their own ground. Anatolia, beautiful and capable of development, is, even if we confine it to those interior parts chiefly inhabited by Ottomans, still quite a big enough field for the production of such a civilisation; it is quite big enough too for the terribly reduced numbers now belonging to the Osmanic race.
The amputation and limitation of Turkey, even if they do not succeed in altering the real Turkish point of view—and this, so far as the relationship to the Christians42 is concerned, is the same, from the Pasha down to the poorest[Pg 267] Anatolian peasant—will at least have a tremendously beneficial effect. The possibilities in the Turkish race will come to flower. "The worst patriots," I once dared to say in one of my articles in spite of the censorship, "are not those who look for the future of the nation in concentrated cultural work in the Turkish nucleus-land of Anatolia, instead of gaping43 over the Caucasus and down into the sands of the African desert in their search for a 'Greater Turkey.'" And in connection with the series of lectures I have already mentioned about Anatolian hygiene44 and social politics, I said, with quite unmistakable meaning: "Turkey will have a wonderful opportunity on her own original ground, in the nucleus-land of the Ottomans, of proving her capability45 and showing that she has become a really modern, civilised State."
My earnest wish is that all the Turks' high intellectual abilities, brought to the front by this war, may be concentrated on this beautiful and repaying task. Intensive labour and the concentration of all forces on positive work in the direction of civilisation will have to take the place of corrupt46 rule, boundless47 neglect,[Pg 268] waste, the strangulation of all progressive movements, political illusions, the unquenchable desire for conquest and oppression. This is what we pray for for Anatolia, the real New Turkey after the war. In other districts, also, now fully15 under European control, the pure Turkish element will flourish much more exceedingly than ever before under the beneficent protection of modern, civilised Governments. Frankly48, the dream of Turkish Power has vanished. But new life springs out of ruin and decay; the history of mankind is a continual change.
Russia, too, after war, will no longer be what she seemed to terrified Turkish eyes and jealous German eyes dazzled by "world-politics": a colossal49 creature, stretching forth50 enormous suckers to swallow up her smaller neighbours; a country ruled by a dull, unthinking despotism.
From the standpoint of universal civilisation it is to be hoped that the solution of the problem of the Near East will be to transform the Straits between the Black Sea and Aegea, together with the city of Constantinople, uniquely situated51 as it is, into a com[Pg 269]pletely international stretch with open harbours. Then we need no longer oppose Russian aspirations52. If England, the stronghold of Free Trade and of all principles of freedom of intercourse53, and France, the land of culture, interested in Turkey to the extent of millions, were content to leave Russia a free hand in the Straits; if Roumania, shut in in the Black Sea, did not fear for her trade, but was willing to become an ally of Russia in full knowledge of the Entente agreement about the Straits, it is of course sufficiently54 evident what guarantee with regard to international freedom modern Russia will have to give after the war, and even the Germans have nothing to fear. Of course the German anti-European "Antwerp-Baghdad" dream will be shattered. But once Germany is at peace, she will probably find that even the Russian solution of the Straits question benefits her not a little. The final realisation of Russia's efforts, justifiable55 both historically and geographically56, to reach the Mediterranean57 at this one eminently58 suitable spot, will certainly contribute in an extraordinary degree to remove the unbearable59 politi[Pg 270]cal pressure from Europe and ensure peace for the world.
Just a few parting words to the German "World-politicians." Very often, as I have said, I heard during my stay in Constantinople expressions of anxiety on the part of Germans that all German interests, even purely60 commercial ones, would be gravely endangered in the victorious New Turkey, which would spring to life again with renewed jingoistic61 passions and renewed efforts at emancipation62. And more than once—all honour to the feelings of justice and the sound common sense of those who dared to utter such opinions—I was told by Germans, in the middle of the war, and with no attempt at concealment63, that they fully agreed it was an absolute necessity for Russia to have the control of the only outlet64 for her enormous trade to the Mediterranean, and that commercially at any rate the fight for Constantinople and the Straits was a fight for a just cause.
Now, let us take these two points of view together. From the purely German standpoint, which is better?—a victorious and self-governing Turkey imbued65 with jingoism66 and[Pg 271] the desire for emancipation, practically closed to us, even commercially, or an amputated Turkey, compelled to appeal for European help and European capital to recover from her state of complete exhaustion67; a Turkey freed from those Young Turkish jingoists who, in spite of all their fine phrases and the German help they had to accept for all their inward distaste of it, hate us from the very depths of their heart; a Turkey which, even if Russia,—as a last resort!—is allowed to become mistress of the Dardanelles with huge international guarantees, would, in the Anatolia that is left to her, capable of development as it is, and rich in national wealth, offer a very considerable field of activity for German enterprise? The short-sighted Pan-Germans, who are now fighting for the victory of anti-foreign neo-Pan-Turkism against the modern, civilised States of the Entente, who had no wish at all that Germany should not fare as well as the rest in the wide domains68 of Asiatic Turkey, can perhaps answer my question. They should have asked themselves this, and foreseen the consequences before they yielded[Pg 272] weakly to Turkish caprices and themselves stirred up the Turks against Europe.
As things stand now, however, the German Government has thought fit, in her blind belief in ultimate victory, to enter on a formal treaty, guaranteeing the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire, at a point in the war when no reasonable being even in Germany could possibly still believe that a German victory would suffice to protect Turkey after she has been solemnly condemned69 by the Entente for her long list of crimes. Germany has thus given a negative answer to the question passed from mouth to mouth in the international district of Pera almost right from Turkey's entry into the war: "Will Germany, if necessary, sacrifice Constantinople and the Dardanelles, if she can thus secure peace with Russia?" She had already given the answer "No" before the absurd illusions of a possible separate peace with Russia at this price were finally and utterly70 dispelled71 by the speech of the Russian Minister Trepoff, and the purposeful and cruelly clear refusal of Germany's offer of peace. These events and the increasing excitement about the war in Constantinople and[Pg 273] elsewhere were not required to show that in the Near East as well the fight must be fought "to the bitter end."
Never, however—and that is German World-politics, and the ethics of the World-politician—have I ever heard a single one of those Germans, who thought it an impossibility to sacrifice their ally Turkey in order to gain the desired peace, put forward as an argument for his opinion the shame of a broken promise, but only the consideration that German activity in the lands of Islam, and particularly in the valuable Near East, would be over and done with for ever. I wonder if those who have decided72, with the phantom73 of a German-Turkish victory ever before them, to go on with the struggle on the side of Turkey even after she had committed such abominable74 crimes, and to drench75 Europe still further with the blood of all the civilised nations of the world, ever have any qualms76 as to how much of their once brilliant possibilities of commercial activity in Turkey, now so lightly staked, would still exist were Turkey victorious.
Luckily for mankind, history has decided[Pg 274] otherwise. After the war, the huge and flourishing trade of Southern Russia will be carried down to the then open seaports77 between Europe and Asia; the wealth of Odessa and the Pontus ports, enormously increased and free to develop, will be concentrated on the Bosporus and the Dardanelles, and the whole hitherto neglected city of Constantinople, from Pera and Galata to Stamboul and Scutari and Haidar-Pasha, will become an earthly paradise of pulsing life, well-being78, and comfort. The luxury and elegance79 of the Crimea will move southwards to these shores of unique natural beauty and mild climate which form the bridge between two continents and between two seas. Anyone who returns after a decade of peaceful labour, when the Old World has recovered from its wounds, to the Bosporus and the shores of the Sea of Marmora, which he knew before the war, under Turkish régime, will be astonished at the marvellous changes which will then have been wrought80 in that favoured corner of the earth.
Never, even after another hundred years of Turkish rule, would that unique coast ever have become what it can be and what it must[Pg 275] be—one of the very greatest centres of international intercourse and the Riviera of the East, not only in beauty of landscape, but in luxury and wealth. The greatest stress in this connection is to be laid on the lively Russian impetus that will spring from a modernised Russia, untrammelled by restrictions81 in the Straits. Convinced as I am that Russia after the war will no longer be the Russia of to-day, so feared by Germany, the Balkan States, and Turkey, I am prepared to give this impetus full play, as being the best possible means for the further development of Constantinople.
In Asia Minor82, from Brussa to the slopes of the Taurus and the foot of the Armenian mountains, there will extend a modern Turkey which has finally come to rest, to concentration, to peaceful labour, after centuries of conflict, despotic extortion, the suicidal policy of military adventurers, and superficial attempts at expansion coupled with neglect of the most important internal duties. The inhabitants of these lands will soon have forgotten that "Greater Turkey" has collapsed83. They will be really happy at last, these people whose[Pg 276] idea of happiness hitherto had been a veneer84 of material well-being obtained by toadying85, while the great bulk of the Empire pined in dirt, ignorance, and poverty, consumed by an outworn militarism, oppressed by a decaying administration. Then, but not till then, the world will see what the Turkish people is capable of. Then there will be no need for pessimism86 about this kindly87 and honourable88 race. Then we can become honest "Pro-Turks" again.
In Western Asia Minor, Europe will not forget that the whole shore, where once stood Troy, Ephesus, and Milet, is an out-and-out Hellenic centre of civilisation. Quite independently of all political feelings towards present-day Greece, this historical fact must be taken into consideration in the final ruling. It is to be hoped that the Greek people will not have to atone89 for ever for the faults of their non-Greek king who has forgotten that it is his sacred duty to be a Greek and nothing but a Greek, and who has betrayed the honour and the future of the nation.
The Armenian mountain-land, laid waste by war, and emptied of men by Talaat's passion[Pg 277] for persecution90, will obtain autonomy from her conqueror, Russia, and will perhaps be linked up with all the other parts of the east, inhabited by the last remnants of the Armenian people. Armenia, with its central position and divided into three among Turkey, Russia, and Persia, may from its geographical position, its unfortunate history, and the endless sufferings it has been called upon to bear, be called the Poland of Further Asia. Delivered from the Turkish system, freed from all antagonistic91 Turko-Russian military principles of obstruction92, linked up by railways to the west as well as the already well-developed region of Transcaucasia, with a big through trade from the Black Sea via Trapezunt to Persia and Mesopotamia, it will once more offer an excellent field of activity to the high intellectual and commercial abilities of its people, now, alas93! scattered94 to the four winds of heaven. But they will return to their old home, bringing with them European ideas, European technique, and the most modern methods from America.
If men are lacking, they can be obtained from the near Caucasus with its narrow, over-[Pg 278]filled valleys, inhabited by a most superior race of men, who have always had strong emigrating instincts. Even this most unfortunate country in the whole world, which the Turks of the Old Régime and of the New have systematically95 mutilated and at last bequeathed to Russia with practically not a man left, is going to have its spring-time.
In the south, Great Arabia and Syria will have autonomy under the protection of England and France with their skilful96 Islam policy; they will have the benefit of the approved methods of progressive work in Egypt, the Soudan, and India as well as the Atlas97 lands; they will be exposed to the influences and incitements of the rest of civilised Europe; they will probably be enriched with capital from America, where thousands of Arab and Syrian, as well as Armenian, refugees have found a home; they will provide the first opportunity in history of showing how the Arab race accommodates itself to modern civilisation on its own ground and with its own sovereign administration. The final deliverance of the Arabs from the oppressive and harmful supremacy98 of the Turks, now happily accomplished99 by the war,[Pg 279] was one of the most urgent demands for a race that can look back on centuries of brilliant civilisation. The civilised world will watch with the keenest interest the self-development of the Arabian lands.
Even Germany, once she is at peace, will have no need to grumble100 at these arrangements, however diametrically opposed they may be to the now sadly shattered plans of the Pan-German and Expansion politicians. Germany will not lose the countless101 millions she has invested in Turkey. She will have her full and sufficient share in the European work and commercial activity that will soon revive again in the Near East. The Baghdad railway of "Rohrbach & Company" will never be built, it is true; but the Baghdad Railway with a loyal international marking off of the different zones of interest, the Baghdad Railway, as a huge artery102 of peaceful intercourse linking up the whole of Asia Minor and bringing peace and commercial prosperity, will all the more surely rise from its ruins. And when once the German Weltpolitik with its jealousy103, its tactless, sword-rattling interference in the time-honoured vital interests of other States,[Pg 280] its political intrigues104 disguised in commercial dress, is safely dead and buried, there will be nothing whatever to hinder Germany from making use of this railway and carrying her purely commercial energy and the products of her peaceful labour to the shores of the Persian Gulf and receiving in return the rich fruits of her cultural activity on the soil of Asia Minor.
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entente
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| n.协定；有协定关系的各国 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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elusive
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| adj.难以表达(捉摸)的；令人困惑的；逃避的 | |
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atoning
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| v.补偿，赎（罪）( atone的现在分词 )；补偿，弥补，赎回 | |
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irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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saturated
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| a.饱和的，充满的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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amputation
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outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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opposition
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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radical
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alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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nomadic
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| adj.流浪的；游牧的 | |
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meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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strife
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quotation
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Moslem
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detrimental
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| adj.损害的，造成伤害的 | |
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bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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gaping
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| adj.口的；张口的；敞口的；多洞穴的v.目瞪口呆地凝视( gape的现在分词 )；张开，张大 | |
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hygiene
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| n.健康法，卫生学 （a.hygienic） | |
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capability
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| n.能力；才能；(pl)可发展的能力或特性等 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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geographically
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| adv.地理学上，在地理上，地理方面 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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unbearable
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| adj.不能容忍的；忍受不住的 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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jingoistic
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| adj.强硬外交政策的，侵略分子的 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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jingoism
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| n.极端之爱国主义 | |
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exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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phantom
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| n.幻影，虚位，幽灵；adj.错觉的，幻影的，幽灵的 | |
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abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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drench
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| v.使淋透，使湿透 | |
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qualms
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| n.不安；内疚 | |
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seaports
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| n.海港( seaport的名词复数 ) | |
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well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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collapsed
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| adj.倒塌的 | |
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84
veneer
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| n.(墙上的)饰面，虚饰 | |
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85
toadying
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| v.拍马，谄媚( toady的现在分词 ) | |
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pessimism
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| n.悲观者，悲观主义者，厌世者 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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atone
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| v.赎罪，补偿 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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93
alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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97
atlas
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| n.地图册，图表集 | |
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98
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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99
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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100
grumble
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| vi.抱怨；咕哝；n.抱怨，牢骚；咕哝，隆隆声 | |
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101
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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102
artery
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| n.干线，要道；动脉 | |
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103
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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104
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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