“These two generals, who were not only the most illustrious of their own age, but worthy1 of being ranked with the most renowned2 princes and warriors3 that had ever lived, meeting at the place appointed, continued for some time in a deep silence, as though they were astonished, and struck with a mutual5 admiration6 at the sight of each other. At last Hannibal spoke7; and, after having praised Scipio in the most artful and delicate manner, he gave a very lively description of the ravages8 of the war, and the calamities9 in which it had involved both the victors and the vanquished10. He conjured11 him not to suffer himself to be dazzled by the[428] splendor12 of his victories. He represented to him, that how successful soever he might have hitherto been, he ought, however, to tremble at the inconstancy of fortune: that without going far back for examples, he himself who was then speaking to him, was a glaring proof of this: that Scipio was at that time what himself, Hannibal, had been at Thrasymene and Cann?: that he ought to make a better use of opportunity than himself had done, and consent to peace, now it was in his power to propose the conditions of it. He concluded with declaring, that the Carthaginians would willingly resign Sicily, Sardinia, Spain, and all the islands between Africa and Italy to the Romans. That they must be forced, since such was the will of the gods, to confine themselves to Africa; whilst they should see the Romans extending their conquests to the most remote regions, and obliging all nations to pay obedience13 to their laws.
Scipio answered in few words, but not with less dignity. He reproached the Carthaginians for their perfidy14, in plundering15 the Roman galleys16 before the truce17 was expired. He imputed18 to them only, and to their injustice19, all the calamities with which the two wars had been attended. After thanking Hannibal for the admonition he gave him, with regard to the uncertainty20 of human events, he concluded with desiring him to prepare for battle, unless he chose rather to accept of the conditions that had been already proposed; to which he observed some others would be added, in order to punish the Carthaginians for their having violated the truce.
Hannibal could not prevail with himself to accept these conditions and the generals left one another, with the resolution to decide the fate of Carthage by a general battle. Each commander exhorted21 his troops to fight valiantly22. Hannibal enumerated23 the victories he had gained over the Romans, the generals he had slain24, the armies he had cut to pieces. Scipio represented to his soldiers, the conquests of both the Spains, his successes in Africa, and the tacit confession25 their enemies themselves made of their weakness, by thus coming to sue for peace. All this he spoke with the tone and air of a conqueror26. Never were motives27 more prevalent to prompt troops to behave gallantly28. This day was to complete the glory of the one or the other of the generals; and to decide whether Rome or Carthage was to prescribe laws to all other nations.
I shall not undertake to describe the order of the battle, nor the valour of the forces on both sides. The reader will naturally suppose, that two such experienced generals did not forget any circumstance which could contribute to the victory. The Carthaginians, after a very obstinate30 fight, were obliged to fly, leaving 20,000 men on the field of battle, and the like[429] number of prisoners were taken by the Romans. Hannibal escaped in the tumult31, and, entering Carthage, owned that he was irrecoverably overthrown33, and that the citizens had no other choice left, but to accept of peace on any conditions. Scipio bestowed34 great eulogiums on Hannibal, chiefly with regard to his capacity in taking advantages, his manner of drawing up his army, and giving out his orders in the engagement; and he affirmed that Hannibal had this day surpassed himself, although the success had not answered his valour and conduct.
With regard to himself, he well knew how to make a proper advantage of the victory, and the consternation35 with which he had filled the enemy. He commanded one of his lieutenants36 to march his land army to Carthage, whilst himself prepared to sail the fleet thither37.
He was not far from the city, when he met a vessel38 covered with streamers and olive branches, bringing ten of the most considerable persons of the state, as ambassadors to implore39 his clemency40. However, he dismissed them without making any answer, and bid them come to him at Tunis, where he should halt. The deputies of Carthage, being 30 in number, came to him at the place appointed, and sued for peace in the most submissive terms. He then called a council there, the majority of which were for razing41 Carthage, and treating the inhabitants with the utmost severity. But the consideration of the time which must necessarily be employed before so strongly fortified42 a city could be taken, and Scipio’s fear lest a successor might be appointed him whilst he should be employed in the siege, made him incline to clemency.”
ZARAGOZA, SECOND SIEGE OF.—“The sufferings of the gallant29 Zaragozans, during the former siege, had not subdued43 the spirit of heroic devotion by which they had been animated44. Another trial awaited them, not less memorable45 and glorious, though less fortunate in its result.
After the defeat of Tudela, Palafox retired47 to Zaragoza, to make preparations for a second siege. He was not present in the action. The intelligence of its issue came upon him like a thunderbolt; and the refusal of Castanos to throw his troops into Zaragoza, instead of retreating on Madrid, put an end to those feelings of confidence and frankness which had hitherto existed between the generals.
The multiplied disasters of the Spanish armies, however, so far from shaking the resolution of Palafox or the Zaragozans, appear only to have stimulated49 them to redoubled exertions50 in the service of their country.[430] Proclamations were issued, commanding all women, old men, and children, to quit the city. Every inhabitant was imperatively51 called upon to make sacrifice, if necessary, of his life and property, in the common cause; and the whole population were required, by their personal exertions, to contribute to the completion of the fortifications of the city.
The approach of the enemy cut short the preparations for defence. Neither women nor children left the place. Even these refused to seek safety at a distance from their fathers and husbands, and preferred participating in the danger and the glory which awaited them in Zaragoza, to wandering unprotected through a troubled and a suffering country.
During the former siege, the defenders52 had been embarrassed by the presence of French residents in the city. These had been strictly53 guarded, with the double object of preventing any intercourse54 between them and the besiegers, and of protecting them against the fatal effects of popular suspicion, to which, without such precaution, it is more than probable they would have fallen victims. In order to prevent the repetition of such danger and inconvenience, Palafox determined55 that these unfortunate persons should be removed from the city to other places of confinement56. This was done, notwithstanding the hostility57 of the populace, though not until Palafox had issued a proclamation appealing to Spanish honour and humanity, and imploring58 the gallant Zaragozans not to stain the sacred cause of liberty and justice by the foul59 murder of these defenceless victims.
The aid of superstition60 was not wanting to strengthen the confidence of the Zaragozans. They relied on the miraculous61 protection of Our Lady of the Pillar, who had made their favoured city the seat of her peculiar62 worship. The successful termination of the former siege had given strength to their belief in the beneficent regards of the patron saint. Omens63, too, had been observed in the sky. Approaching victory had been prefigured by unwonted conformations of the clouds; and celestial64 voices were heard in the elements, offering divine promise of glory and protection.
Fortunately, the Zaragozans were not induced, by their belief in these flattering portents65, to disregard any of the human means of safety in their power. A continued line of exterior66 defensive67 works had been planned and executed, as far as time and circumstances permitted. Yet this, imperfect as it was, added little to the real strength of the city; and, in forming a just estimate of the zeal68 and courage of the defenders, Zaragoza should almost be considered as an unfortified town. The walls,[431] originally built rather for the purpose of civic69 impost70 than defence, were surmounted71 by 150 pieces of cannon73. Large stores of provisions had been formed. Arms and ammunition74 were in abundance; and the town contained upwards75 of 20,000 regular troops, besides 15,000 armed peasants.
All the houses within 700 toises of the place were demolished76, and the materials employed to strengthen the fortifications. The trees around the city were cut down. The greatest activity reigned77 on all hands; the women were employed in making clothes for the soldiers; the monks78 made cartridges81: and all those not employed in labouring at the works, practised the use of arms.
Measures were likewise taken for the defence of the city, in case the enemy, which was scarcely to be doubted, should effect an entrance. Traverses were cut across the streets. The doors and windows on the ground-floor were strongly barricaded83. Communications were made between the houses; and parapets were constructed on the roofs. Every householder had in his dwelling84 an ample store of provisions, to enable him to continue his resistance when the enemy should gain possession of the streets. Thus prepared, the Zaragozans awaited the approach of the besiegers.
In the meanwhile, the corps85 of Marshal Moncey, which had been ordered to blockade the city, remained at Alagon, collecting materials, and awaiting the arrival of his heavy artillery86 from Pamplona. On the 19th of December it was joined by the corps of Mortier, and on the 20th the united army appeared before Zaragoza. It consisted of about 35,000 infantry87, and was accompanied by a battering88 train of sixty pieces. A corps of cavalry89 was stationed at Fuentes, to keep the surrounding country in a state of subjection.
The city was approached on both sides of the Ebro. Gazan’s division, having passed the river at Tauste, marched, by the road of Castejon, to Cuera and Villa90 Nuevo. That of Suchet took post on the right of the Ebro, near a convent, about a league distant from Zaragoza, after driving in the Spanish outposts.
During the night, the enemy erected91 a battery, which commanded the Torrero, and, in the morning, opened fire on the fort. Unfortunately, a quantity of ammunition was blown up, by the bursting of a shell, which occasioned considerable disorder92 in the garrison93. The French took advantage of this. A column crossed the canal by an aqueduct, of which on the evening before, they had become masters, and entering the fort by the gorge94, succeeded in maintaining the place against the efforts of the[432] garrison. At the same time, a brigade of Morlot’s division advanced up the ravine of the Huerba, and, passing the canal under the aqueduct on which it crosses that river, gained possession of a work commanding the sluices95 of the canal. Two guns were taken in this work. Three guns and 100 prisoners in the fort. General St. Mark succeeded in withdrawing the rest of the garrison.
On the 22nd, General Gazan advanced against the suburb, on the left of the river. He was encountered by about 4000 of the garrison, posted in the woods and gardens, from which, after a warm contest, he succeeded in dislodging them. Gazan then attempted to carry the suburb by a coup-de-main. In this he failed. Repulsed97 in all his efforts, after a long and fruitless contention98, he at length withdrew, pursued by the garrison, and with the loss of near 1000 men. The chief loss of the besieged99 consisted of a corps of Swiss, almost all of whom were killed or taken prisoners in a large building considerably100 in advance of the suburb.
For several days all was quiet. The enemy were now aware that it was necessary to make a regular investment of the place; and the works in all quarters, were pushed on with vigour101. The besieged on their part endeavoured, by incessant102 labour, to complete the works of defence; batteries were constructed, to enfilade the principal approaches—the magazines were rendered bomb-proof—every outlet103 was palisaded and traversed; and, thus prepared, they waited with calm fortitude104 for the approaching struggle.
On the 30th, Marshal Moncey addressed a letter to Palafox, summoning him to surrender the city, now entirely105 invested, and to spare the effusion of blood which must necessarily follow any further attempt at hopeless resistance. Moncey likewise informed him that Madrid had fallen; and that Napoleon, at the head of a great army, was then in the act of chasing the English to their ships.
To this Palafox replied, that if Madrid had fallen, Madrid had been sold. The works of Zaragoza were yet entire; but, were they levelled with the ground, the people and the garrison would rather be buried in the ruins of their city, than disgraced by surrender.
In the meanwhile, General Gazan succeeded in effecting the blockade of the suburb.
On the 29th, the trenches106 were regularly opened against the Chateau107 of the Inquisition on the left, the bridge of the Huerba in the centre, and the convent of St. Joseph on the right. The last of these was the principal object of the enemy, because the works in rear were destitute[433] of a rampart, and it was intended to connect the attack with a simultaneous attempt to gain possession of the suburb.
The garrison, however, were not idle. The communication between the convent and the city could not be interrupted; and the garrison of the former, being daily relieved, made frequent sallies, by which the progress of the besiegers was materially retarded108. On the 31st, a general sortie, supported by the whole guns of the place, was made against the enemy’s line. Though gallantly supported, it was unattended by any successful result. The repeated attacks of the garrison were repulsed; and, baffled in their efforts, they again entered the city. The loss on both sides was nearly equal.
On the 2nd of January, Moncey was superseded109 by Marshal Junot in the command of the besieging110 army. The latter was the bearer of an order to Mortier, to move on Calatayud with Suchet’s division, in order to keep open the communication with Madrid. This arrangement occasioned a material diminution111 of the besieging force, but no cessation of hostile operations. The works against the convent of St. Joseph still went on, and between the 3rd and 6th of January the second parallel was completed. Till the 10th no action took place; but on that day a tremendous fire from thirty guns was opened on the convent. It was soon rendered untenable. But, amid the ruins, the gunners covered by bags of wool, still continued to exercise their vocation112, and fired on the enemy, till the walls were levelled with the ground. Even then the post was not relinquished113 without a gallant effort. At midnight a sortie was made against one of the batteries, in ignorance that two guns had been planted for its protection. The intention of the brave assailants was thus defeated; and, having suffered heavy loss from a murderous fire, both in front and flank, they again retreated to the city.
Even in the dilapidated condition of the convent, it was not till the evening of the next day that the enemy attempted to carry it by assault. At the same time a party, having turned the convent, succeeded, by means of a wooden bridge which the besieged had omitted to destroy, in effecting an entrance; and thus did the French at length become masters of a heap of ruins, and of about 100 gallant men by whom they were defended.
No sooner were the enemy in possession of St. Joseph, than they employed themselves in repairing the works, and completing the communication between the second and third parallels, the latter of which they established on the right and left of the convent. The garrison on that[434] side were now compelled to remain within their walls; for the besiegers were secured against their efforts by the double obstacle of a river and an escarpment eight feet high.
On the 15th a second parallel was opened against the town; and batteries were commenced in it, to enfilade the defences of the Augustine and Capuchin convents, and that of Sta. Engracia. Yet neither the loss of their outworks, nor a tremendous bombardment, which the French kept up for several days, had the effect of diminishing the ardour of the inhabitants. The Zaragozans were not only actuated by that active and living energy which stimulates114 to deeds of high enterprize, but they possessed115, likewise, that calm and passive fortitude, that buoyant upbearing of the spirit, which suffering cannot depress, nor misfortune overthrow32.
But their cup was not yet full. The inhabitants of the part of the city most injured by the bombardment, were driven into the other quarters, where many of them took up their abode116 in cellars, which afforded comparative security from the shells. The consequence was, that these dark and miserable117 receptacles became the focus of infectious fever. The disease spread rapidly among a crowded and redundant118 population. Thus did death, on all hands, present itself to the unshrinking Zaragozans; and the greater part preferred exposing themselves on the ramparts, to breathing the infected air which pervaded119 the dark and noisome120 retreats in which they had sought refuge from the shells.
From the 17th to the 21st, the besiegers were occupied in the construction of new batteries to overcome the defences of the garrison; and the third parallel was extended to command two sides of the convent of Sta. Engracia. In these circumstances, a sortie was made, in the hope of spiking121 the enemy’s artillery. The fire of a battery of four mortars122 was found peculiarly annoying: and eighty men, commanded by Don Mariano Galindo, volunteered to attack it. They boldly precipitated123 themselves on the guard of the third parallel, put them to the sword, and succeeded in entering the battery. At the same moment the enemy’s reserve came up. There was no retreat; all perished except the officers and a few wounded soldiers, who were made prisoners.
The movements of the numerous bodies of armed peasantry, in the surrounding country, occasioned great inconvenience to the besiegers. Bands were formed on all hands; which, though unable to resist the attack of disciplined troops, yet were sufficiently124 formidable to require perpetual vigilance, and numerous enough to narrow the supplies of the besieging army, in a very considerable degree.
[435]
About this time, Napoleon, dissatisfied with the slow progress of the siege, sent Marshal Lannes to assume the command. This officer directed Mortier, with his division, to leave Calatayud, and to act on the left of the Ebro. Mortier attacked the force of Francisco Palafox, and succeeded in dispersing125 it with very considerable loss. Lannes, in order to depress the hopes of the garrison of external assistance, addressed a letter to Palafox, communicating this circumstance, and all the other disasters which had befallen the Spanish armies. But the mortifying126 intelligence thus conveyed, did not shake the firmness of the undaunted leader. He rejected all compromise, and continued, with undiminished vigour, to oppose every possible obstacle to the progress of the enemy.
All the outworks of the place had now fallen, except the castle of the Inquisition, which had been subjected to no serious attack. The newly-raised works of the Enceinte had been battered127 by fifty-five guns, and, on the 27th January, three breaches129 were declared practicable. One was near an oil-mill, which stood without the walls of the place, though but little removed from them. The second was to the left of this, between the convent of St. Joseph and the town. The third was in the convent of Sta. Engracia. All these were attacked. At mid-day, a column issued from the oil-mill, which had been occupied over-night, and, rapidly clearing the short distance which divided it from the walls, entered the breach128, unbroken by the heavy fire to which they were exposed, and the explosion of two fougasses. Having reached the summit, the assailants found an interior retrenchment131 armed with two guns, which the garrison had unexpectedly erected to obstruct132 their progress. They attempted, without success, to surmount72 this obstacle, under a shower of grape, musketry and grenades. Forced to retire, the besiegers took advantage of the cover afforded by the exploded fougasses to effect a lodgment on the breach.
The breach in face of St. Joseph presented fewer obstacles to be overcome. The column of attack having reached the summit, succeeded in occupying the opposite house, which the artillery, in firing on the wall, had laid open. The houses adjoining were then gained; and on the right of the breach they found a gate which afforded another entrance into the town. Here, however, their progress was arrested by a battery of the enemy, commanding a court which it was necessary to pass. On the left, a double caponnier, which the garrison had used to communicate with St. Joseph’s, was repaired and lengthened134 to the breach.
The attack on Sta. Engracia was yet more successful. After a severe[436] struggle, the assailants gained the breach of the convent, but in attempting to advance further, they met a spirited repulse96. Another effort was made, which terminated in their gaining possession of the building. The curtain leading from Sta. Engracia to the bridge of the Huerba was then enfiladed, and, taking the tête-de-pont in reverse, the enemy at once became masters of that important post. Here they were joined by fresh troops, and, pushing on within the curtain of the convent of Mount Carmel, made an effort to gain possession of it, which met with a repulse.
From thence they advanced rapidly to the Capuchin convent, putting forty artillerymen, who constituted the whole of its garrison, to the sword, The assailants then established themselves along the rampart, in order to guard the posts they had been successful in acquiring.
A dreadful fire was soon opened on the besiegers from the houses commanding the rampart. From this they in vain sought shelter among the ruins of the half-demolished walls. Retreat became necessary, and the column was directed to retire on the Puerta del Carmen. The garrison, by a bold attack, regained135 possession of the Capuchin convent; but two battalions137 coming up to reinforce the assailants, it was again taken, and maintained, though at a dear price, by the enemy.
During the night, a strong but unsuccessful effort was made by the besieged to regain136 possession of the convents of Sta. Engracia and the Capuchins. The result of these operations were the loss to the besieged of fifteen guns and 200 prisoners, and that the enemy gained footing in the city at two different points. The loss in killed and wounded, by the French accounts, was nearly equal on both sides. It amounted to about 600.
The misfortunes of the Zaragozans were hourly accumulating. The fever demon139 stalked through the city like a destroying angel, conquering and to conquer. The number of dead per day amounted to 350, without including those who fell the more immediate140 victims of war. The hospitals were too small to contain the host of patients, and the medicines were exhausted141. The burying grounds were choked with corpses142; and large pits were dug in the streets, into which the dead were tossed indiscriminately. Heaps of bloated and putrescent bodies were piled before the churches, which were often struck by the shells; and the maimed and ghastly carcasses lay dispersed143 along the streets, a frightful144 spectacle of horror. Even under such evils the courage of the Zaragozans did not quail145.
The city was now open to the invaders146, and the war, as formerly147, was[437] carried on in the streets and houses. Not one inch of ground was yielded by the besieged without a struggle; and when finally driven from a building, they frequently, by a desperate offensive effort, recovered it; and an equal resistance had again to be encountered by the assailants. Traverses were cut around the portions of the city occupied by the enemy; and at the sound of the tocsin, the garrison were ever ready to rush to any quarter where hostilities148 had commenced.
Palafox, however, did not limit his efforts to obstructing149 the progress of the enemy; he made vigorous efforts to recover the ground already lost, and drive the assailants from their stations. Two attempts were made to regain the convent of the Capuchins. Both failed. A third more powerful effort was made on the 31st. A breach was effected during the day, and at night the assault took place. The besieged advanced with signal resolution towards the breach, but owing to a ditch sunk by the enemy, it was found impossible to mount it. They then threw themselves on the floor of the church, and endeavoured to force it. In spite of the fire from the windows, and the grenades showered from the steeple, they maintained their ground, and forced the door; but an epaulement within obstructed150 their progress; and fresh troops being brought up by the enemy, the project was at length renounced151.
Priests and women bore part in these operations. The former carried munitions152, and gave ghostly succour to the dying, animating153 the soldiers at once by their words and their example. The latter bore refreshments154 to their sons, or husbands, or fathers; and sometimes, when one of those dear relatives fell by their side, they seized his arms, determined to revenge his death or perish in the same glorious cause. In truth, the contest lay between skill and enthusiasm—mingled155, indeed, with superstition, yet active, firm, vigorous, and unshrinking; skill exerted in a struggle as unjust and degrading, as any by which the pages of history are contaminated and defaced.
Notwithstanding the utmost efforts of the garrison, the French gained ground. The 1st of February was marked by the capture of the convents of St. Augustin and St. Monica. Having been repelled156 in assaulting the breaches, the assailants sprung a mine, and by that means effected an entrance, and took in reverse the works erected for their defence. A deadly struggle took place in the church. Every chapel157, every column, every altar, became a point of defence—the pavement was strewed158 with blood, and the aisles159 and nave160 of the church were covered with the dead. During this terrific conflict, the roof, shattered by bombs, fell in. Those[438] who escaped, renewed the contest on the bodies of the dead and dying. The French were at last successful, and advancing on the Rua Quemada, gained possession of several houses. From these, however, they were eventually compelled to retreat, with a loss of above 100 men.
At the same time, an attack was made on the houses near Sta. Engracia. Two mines, one on the left, the other on the right, of the convent, were sprung by the besiegers; after which two columns of Polish infantry succeeded in gaining possession of the ruins caused by the explosion. The loss of the besiegers was very considerable, and General Lacoste, commandant of engineers, was killed. He was an officer of great professional eminence161, and untarnished character.
During four days, the besiegers were employed in constructing three galleries to cross the Rua Quemada. Two of these failed. By means of the third they succeeded in establishing themselves in the ruins of a house which formed an angle of the Cozo, and of the Rua del Medio. A building, called the Escuelas Pias, commanded several traverses, made for the defence of the Cozo. Aware of the importance of this post, the assailants made several unsuccessful efforts to gain possession of it. They then attempted the adjoining houses; but in this also they failed. The system of blowing up the houses, now adopted, was favourable162 to the besieged; for the enemy, who established themselves on the ruins, were thus exposed to the fire of the surrounding buildings. In the meanwhile the continual succession of formidable and unforeseen obstacles, which presented themselves to the French soldiers, had damped their ardour; while the spirits of the besieged, who had to contend against famine, fever, and the French army, were yet unbroken.
The inner town is encircled by the Cozo, which reaches at both extremities163 to the river; and the French, in order to connect their operations with those of Gazan, on the left of the Ebro, determined, at all risks, to gain possession of it. The convent of St. Francisco, therefore, became their immediate object. A mine was exploded, which brought down part of the building; and a severe contest ensued, which lasted for two days. The Spaniards were at length driven out by the bayonet—the superiority of physical, as well as of numerical strength, being on the side of the assailants.
From the tower of this building, the French now commanded the street, for a musket133-shot on either side. There, however, their progress was for a time arrested. The buildings in the Cozo were large and massive; and from their construction with roofs of arched masonry164, nearly[439] incombustible. Experience had perfected the Zaragozans in their defensive warfare165; and the contest was continued with, if possible, augmented166 pertinacity167. Three days were the French sappers successfully opposed in their endeavours to cross the Cozo. The university was partially169 breached170 by the explosion of two small mines. The besiegers then endeavoured to carry the building by assault; but they were met by a fire so destructive as to compel them to retreat.
Hitherto the suburb on the left of the Ebro had been exempted171 from attack, since Gazan’s failure on the first night of the investment. That officer, availing himself of some ambiguity172 in his orders, had declined to re-engage in active operations; nor was it till Lannes arrived, with authority to enforce his orders, that Gazan was induced to resume the offensive.
On the 7th, the convent of Jesus, on the left of the road to Lerida, was attacked. Trenches were opened against it; and twenty battering pieces having effected a breach, it was carried with little loss, the building not being considered by the besieged as of material importance. The enemy then succeeded in establishing a lodgment to the right and left.
On the 18th, the suburb, after two unsuccessful efforts, was carried by assault. A tremendous fire from fifty guns soon laid open the way to the assailing173 columns. By mid-day a breach was effected in the convent of St. Lazarus, commanding the bridge; and the defenders, after a strenuous174 resistance, were driven from the building. All communication between the suburb and the city was now cut off; and the French advancing to the river, intercepted175 the retreat of about 1500 men, who, enfeebled by disease and suffering, were made prisoners. The capture of St. Lazarus necessarily involved that of the suburb, which was without ammunition or provisions, yet many of its defenders continued to wage a fierce but hopeless war in the streets. The loss of the besieged amounted to about 2000. The brave Baron176 de Versage, who commanded on the Ebro, was killed.
The besiegers, imagining that the courage of the garrison had been abated177 by this irreparable misfortune, continued their operations with vigour. By means of mining, two enormous breaches were made in the university—both of which were attacked and carried; and the traverses of the Cozo were at length abandoned by the Spaniards. In the mean time, Palafox had been smitten178 with the dreadful disease, whose ravages had been more widely spread than even those of famine and the sword. This admirable and heroic leader, who, for above a month, had been[440] unable to quit the vault179 where he lay stretched on a bed of suffering, at length saw the necessity of resigning the command.
On the 19th he transferred his authority to a junta180, of which Don Pedro Ric was appointed president. A council was immediately assembled, to deliberate on the condition of the city, and the measures most proper to be adopted. At this meeting it was stated, by the general of cavalry, that only 62 horses remained, the rest having died of hunger. Of the infantry it appeared there were little more than 2800 men fit for service. Ammunition was nearly exhausted; and should a shell penetrate181 the Inquisition, their only manufactory of powder would be destroyed. The fortifications were stated, by the chief engineer, to have been almost utterly182 demolished. There were neither men nor materials necessary for repairing them; and bags of earth could no longer be formed from want of cloth.
With regard to the measures to be adopted, the junta were divided in opinion. Twenty-six voted for capitulation; eight against it. The latter were averse82 to surrender, while even a possibility of succour remained. With proud gallantry of spirit, the opinion of the minority was adopted by the junta. A flag of truce was sent to the enemy, proposing a suspension of hostilities, with the view of ascertaining183 the situation of the Spanish armies; it being understood, that should no immediate succour be at hand, the junta would then treat for a surrender. This proposal was peremptorily185 declined by Marshal Lannes; and the bombardment recommenced.
On the 20th, the garrison made a last and unsuccessful effort to recover two guns which the enemy had captured on the preceding day. Affairs were now desperate. The fifty guns which had been employed in the attack of the suburb, now opened fire on the city; and the streets of the quay186 were laid in ruins.
Thus situated187 the junta ordered measures to be taken to ascertain184 the sentiments of the people with regard to the situation of their city. Two-thirds of it were in ruins. Fire, famine, and slaughter188, had done their work; and from 300 to 400 persons were daily dying of the pestilence189. Under such circumstances, the junta declared that they had fulfilled their oath of fidelity—and that Zaragoza was destroyed. A flag of truce was dispatched to the French head-quarters, followed by a deputation of the junta, to arrange the terms of capitulation. Marshal Lannes was at first disposed to insist on unconditional190 surrender. The proposal was indignantly rejected by the deputies; and Ric declared, that rather than submit to it the Zaragozans would die beneath the ruins of their[441] city. “I, and my companions,” said this noble patriot191, “will return there, and defend what remains192 to us as best we may. We have yet arms and ammunition, and if these fail we have daggers193. Should the Zaragozans be driven to despair, it yet remains to be proved who are to be victorious194.”
In this temper of the garrison, Lannes did not think it prudent195 to refuse granting terms. It was accordingly conceded that the troops should march out with the honours of war: that the heroic Palafox should be suffered to retire to any place where he might think proper to fix his residence, and that all persons, not included in the garrison, should be suffered to quit the city, to avoid the contagion196.
On the 21st of February, 1809, the city was delivered up to the French; and thus terminated one of the most strenuous and extraordinary struggles of which history bears record. The resistance continued for 52 days with open trenches; 29 of these were consumed by the enemy in effecting an entrance—23 in the war subsequently carried on in the streets and houses. By their own account, the French threw above 17,000 bombs into the city, and expended197 above 160,000 pounds weight of powder. More than 30,000 men and 500 officers perished in the defence, exclusive of a vast number of women and children. The amount of loss sustained by the besiegers was studiously concealed—that it was very great, cannot be doubted; and the contemplated198 operations on Lerida and Valencia, for which the army was destined199, were in consequence given up.
When the garrison quitted the city, only 2400 men were capable of bearing arms; the rest were in the hospitals.
Among the prisoners, was Augustina Zaragoza, who had distinguished200 herself in the former siege. At the commencement, she had resumed her station at the Portillo gate. When Palafox visited the battery, she pointed4 to the gun she had formerly served with so much effect, and exclaimed, “See, general, I am again with my old friend.” Once, when her wounded husband lay bleeding at her feet, she discharged the cannon at the enemy, in order to avenge201 his fall. She frequently led the assaulting parties, and with sword in hand mingled in the daily conflicts which took place in the streets. Though exposed, during the whole siege to the most imminent202 danger, Augustina escaped without a wound. On the surrender of the city, she was too well known to escape notice, and was made prisoner. But she had already caught the contagion; and being taken to the hospital, she subsequently succeeded in effecting her escape.
[442]
The terms of capitulation were shamefully203 violated by Lannes. Palafox was sent a prisoner into France; and the city became a scene of pillage204 and atrocity205. Nothing was to be heard but the drunken shouts and cries of the French soldiery. Even the convents were not spared; their gates were beaten in, the costly206 plate seized, and the decorations torn down; while the monk79, with uplifted hand and scowling208 brow, listened to the drunken revelry and obscene jests of the heavy mailed cuirassier.”
ZEALAND, NEW.—Discovered by Tasman in 1642. Captain Cook planted several spots here in 1773. Great Britain’s right to this island recognized at the general peace of 1814. Since then it has continued slowly developing its inland resources. A rather disastrous209 war was waged against the British forces by the New Zealanders not long ago; but after some months of continual annoyance210 the Aborigines were subdued and the island quieted, with every prospect211 of commercial development.
ZELA, BATTLE OF.—In which Julius C?sar defeated Pharnaces, King of Pontus, and sent the Senate the well-known laconic212 letter of three words: “Veni, Vidi, Vici.” Fought B.C. 47.
ZELICHON, BATTLE OF.—Fought, April 6th, 1831, between the Poles and Russians. The Russians were terribly defeated, with the loss of 12,000 men, killed, wounded and prisoners, and Deibitsch, the Russian General, narrowly escaped being taken prisoner in the rout213.
ZEUTA, BATTLE OF.—Fought, between the Germans and Turks, the former commanded by Prince Eugene; and it is memorable for the tremendous slaughter of the enemy, A.D. 1697.
ZORNDORFF, BATTLE OF.—Fought between the Prussian and Russian armies: the Prussian commanded by their King. They gained a great victory over the forces of the Czarina of Russia—21,529 men being lost to the Russians, while the Prussians lost 11,000. Fought, August 25th and 26th, 1758.
ZOUAVE OR ZOU-ZOU.—“The gamins of Paris, we believe, first applied214 to the world-renowned Zouaves the pet name of Zou-Zous; and France has confirmed the pleasant diminutive215. We know well enough that Zou-Zou has certain faults; but we also know that he possesses[443] some estimable qualities. On the whole, we gaze at his scarred bronzed face and long shaggy beard with respect, and do not shrink from cordially clasping his horny brown hand, powder-begrimed though it be. We read all about his valorous doings, and his somewhat ludicrous and not unpardonable misdoings, during the late Italian campaign, as chronicled daily by his own countrymen, and we shall now compile some interesting examples of his exploits and racy peculiarities216, which have fallen under our notice.
When the Zou-Zous embarked217 at Marseilles, they leapt on board the vessels218 as though charging a column of Croats, crying to their comrades, “Come, gentlemen, take your tickets for Austria!” Arrived at Genoa, they received their fair share of flowers and kisses from the enraptured219 signoras, and embracements and orations207 from their lords and fathers.
M. Achard visited the camp of the famous 3rd Zouaves, and gives us a graphic220 sketch221 of the fire-eaters reposing222. We must premise223 that they had only arrived four or five days from Algeria. “It was,” says he, “like a little corner of a great war picture. The canvas town possessed regularity224, animated order, picturesque225 and lively movement, and one felt the presence of discipline, and a pleasing sense of gaiety and fearlessness. Behold226 the little, narrow, short tents reserved for the sub-officers; their neighbours large, and similar to a squab coffee-pot, for the captains and commandants; others ample and conical, each for five soldiers, ranged in ranks; groups of Zouaves round a candle, in a low tone chatting about their African campaigns; some silently smoking a pipe apart; two or three lying on the ground in corners, reading letters and dreaming, their comrades singing the chorus of songs; the evening dies away and sleep succeeds. Here and there, under the canvas, a little lamp gives light to an officer, who writes in haste a last letter. Little noise, great order; each battalion138 has its place. As the darkness increases, we see red sparks in the air along the tents. The cigar enlivens the promenade227, then the sparks disappear one by one; the bivouac fires are extinguished; the mules228 of the regiment229 bite at each other, and endeavour to break their straps230; close by, the Arab horses of the officers, digging the earth with their hoofs231, snuffing the air, devoid232 of the warm odour of the desert, and shaking their manes. * * * The next day, at seven o’clock in the morning, the regiment, containing three battalions on a war strength—2700 men, exclusive of officers—was reviewed by Prince Napoleon. They looked models of hardy233 active soldiers. Their faces, which appeared cut out of Florentine bronze, had the manly234 ardour and the confidence resulting[444] from habitual235 acquaintance with danger. They were in marching order. At eight o’clock they started, clarions at their head and tarbouch in front for their first étape de guerre, twenty-seven kilometres, and in the evening they encamped in the mountain, at Toreglia, very near the Austrians!”
We may remark that one great reason for the very singular celerity with which the Zouaves encamp, provide their food, etc., is the fact, that each company, or portion of a company, or “tribe,” as it is called by the men themselves, is subdivided236 for what we may term domestic duties, each individual being charged with a distinct and special function; and constant practice naturally renders them amazingly expert at doing whatever they are called upon to daily and nightly perform.
The Zou-Zous, and their African friends the Turcos, are said to have an invincible237 preference for fighting at close quarters with the bayonet. A certain quantity of cartouches were served out at the moment of departure, but these cartridges were not forthcoming at Genoa. The officers were angry, and required the production of the missing ammunition. “Be not troubled,” said the Zou-Zous; “leave us alone, and we will return you ten for one at the first battle.” A stubborn old sergeant238 added, “We wish to see if the Austrians are like the Kabyles.” In fact, their point of honour is to charge with the bayonet, and to charge at a swift run. Their activity is incredible; and they have been aptly called “foot cavalry,” which is hardly a paradoxical jest like our own time-honoured sneer240 of “horse marines.”
The Zou-Zous have a marvellous capacity for physical endurance. Some black coffee, and a biscuit or piece of hard ammunition bread steeped in it, generally formed their breakfast, and then they were able and willing to march with their very heavy knapsacks a whole day in the broiling241 sun before dining. A Zouave’s knapsack is full of a wonderful variety of articles, and, when in marching order, he actually carries the enormous weight of sixty pounds! But Zou-Zou is not an anchorite; he does not voluntarily endure hunger when he can lawfully242, or (as some whisper) even unlawfully, obtain an appetizing addition to his rations48. At Palestro, the Zouaves drolly243 distinguished themselves, by marching with a pleasing variety of edible239 prizes secured about their persons. They bore quarters of lamb, immense pieces of raw meat, salad, cabbage, and all kinds of vegetables; upon the shoulder of one was perched an old cock, tied by the foot by way of precaution! All the world knows how omnivorous244 Zouaves are; and, by way of illustration, we will only mention[445] the astounding245 fact, that at Solferino they daintily feasted on fillets cut from the backs of the horses killed in that tremendous battle!
The Austrians sent some daring spies into the Zouave camp, fully168 and carefully dressed as Zou-Zous, speaking French, and affecting in all respects the habits and language of the men among whom they treacherously246 stole. But, as an old soldier observed, “the asses130 who wear lions’ skins are recognized, not by the dress, but by the language.” So it was with these Austrian spies. The touch-stone which infallibly detected them was the Arab, or rather the Sabir tongue. The Sabir is a dialect used by the Zouaves and the Turcos, and is a singular mixture of French, Italian, Maltese, Spanish and Arabian. Let us see what the Sabir can do with the wicked hawk247 who has stolen into the Zouave dovecot, disguised in innocent plumage like their own.
“A spy, dressed as a Zouave, holding his cap behind him, accosts248 other Zouaves, (true ones these). They talk of war, ambuscades, battles; they drink and sing. An old Zouave addresses the spy: ‘Didou, camarade, gib el touchran; j’ai laisse mon sipsi dans la gitoun.’ This, in Sabir, signifies, ‘Comrade, hand me some tobacco; I have forgotten my pipe in the tent.’ The spy, surprised, does not reply. ‘Enta machache narl el Arabi?’ (Dost thou not understand Arabian?) continues the Zouave. The same silence. Suspicions are aroused: the pretended Zouave is closely questioned. He is confused; he confounds Blidah with Orléansville: finally he is seized, and duly shot.”
No body of men attracted more notice, on first landing in Italy, than the 3rd Zouaves. Nearly all the officers had risen from the ranks, or, at any rate, all had been sub-officers, and had won their epaulettes and crosses in Africa. The men could reckon a number of years’ service, both in Africa and the Crimea. Their flag was in tatters, and tied together with shoemaker’s thread.
At Palestro, these 3rd Zouaves performed a brilliant feat46 of arms. A wounded Zou-Zou subsequently described it most graphically249. “We were,” said he, “very tranquilly250 opposite a rivulet251; we beheld252 five or six horsemen upon an eminence; it was said that they must be enemy’s hussars, watching us, and the word passed to prepare to have a chat with them. But all in a moment, and without a note of warning, a parcel of bullets, accompanied by a hail of cannon balls, saluted253 us. The rogues254 had mounted cannon on the hills, and their tirailleurs skulked255 in the corn, where one could not see them. Whilst we looked out, the mitraille[45][446] mingled in the conversation. The colonel saw whence it came by the smoke. The officers turned towards us. ‘Eh Zouaves!’ cried they, ‘to the cannon!’ We leapt in the stream. There was water up to our elbows, and so our cartridge80 boxes took a bath; we were no longer able to fire a single charge. From the stream to the batteries we had to run about 300 metres. Ah, we already surpass the pas gymnastique!
Among the wounded Austrians taken prisoners, was a young man of twenty-two, who had previously257 studied at Paris five or six years. He fought at Palestro, and when he saw the Zouaves running and leaping with bayonets in advance, he cried, “Comrades! they are Zouaves! We are lost!”
An Austrian officer related that General Jellachich, struck with astonishment258 at sight of the Zouaves in action, exclaimed, “They are not men, they are tigers!” And then he muttered, “They told me so, but I did not believe it.” A good many others of his countrymen had reason to think and speak very much the same. Yet, even among the Zouaves there are some who pre-eminently distinguish themselves by their surpassing activity, daring, and successful valour.
Zou-Zou has a humour of his own even in the heat of battle—grimmest of all grim humours! Endless anecdotes259 are told of their strange speeches and stranger deeds in the midst of the storm of battle. Many of these would be painful to our readers, but the following give relief to the stern cruelties of war. Would that the kindly260 or generous feelings which they record could be displayed on more peaceful scenes!
During a bayonet fight, a Zouave fought against an Austrian, and broke his thigh261 with a violent butt-end blow; the Austrian, in falling, broke the arm of the Zouave. There they lay side by side, their mutual fury extinguished. The Zouave, who had a smattering of Italian, said to the Austrian, “Thou art brave, and I will not leave thee to die like a dog. I have yet an arm and a pair of good legs, and I will carry thee to the ambulance.” He was as good as his word. When he arrived with his burthen, he said to the surgeon-major. “You see, major, that we are on a level; cure us quickly, that we may do our duty afresh.” We will add, that the compassion262 and kindness manifested after a battle by the erewhile fierce Zouaves towards their wounded enemies, is a fine trait in their character. Like our own matchless seamen263, the Zouaves, are lions whilst the battle rages, and lambs after it is ended.
[447]
Here is a touching264 incident. The day after the battle of Palestro, the Zouaves buried their dead comrades in a great pit dug on a little eminence. When the earth was levelled, they bid adieu, with emotion, to their slain brothers-in-arms. “Comrades!” cried a sergeant, “may God receive you! ’Tis your turn to-day—to morrow it may be ours!” With these simple words the Zou-Zous left their dead brethren to repose265 on the field of their victory.
And the wounded Zou-Zous, how bear they the agony of musket ball, or bayonet thrust, or sabre gash266, when the excitement of the actual combat is over? When Commandant de Bellefonds, of the Zouaves of the Guard, was wounded at Magenta267, his men wished to carry him to the ambulance. “Remain in your place,” said he. “Leave me, my friends; I forbid you to remove me: continue to fight.” After the Austrians were repulsed, the Zou-Zous sought their brave officer and bore him away. He eventually recovered.
The Zouaves being by far the most popular and brilliant corps in the army, it is considered, both by officers and privates, an absolute privilege to wear their uniform, and both sub and superior officers have been known to refuse to exchange into line regiments268 even with prospect of higher rank.
Some of the Zouaves were themselves taken prisoners and sent to Vienna, where they attracted extraordinary notice. On their arrival they were surrounded by Hungarian and Polish soldiers, who examined their uniform and criticized their personal appearance with lively curiosity, making each poor Zou-Zou exhibit himself and explain the use of every portion of his equipments—which, it is said, he did with great good humour. By way of contrast to the above, we present the following. A number of Austrian prisoners arrived at Toulouse. A sub-officer of the 3rd Zouaves, whose family lived there, and who was himself en route to Paris, happened to be at the railway station when the prisoners arrived, and he recognized three Austrians whom he had made prisoners at the battle of Magenta, where he was wounded by one of them. He now shook hands with his ex-captives, and having obtained permission to defer269 his own departure, he took all three home with him, and treated them with the utmost hospitality.”
ZURICH, BATTLES OF.—The French were defeated here, losing 4000 men, June 4th, 1799. The Imperialists were also defeated here by the French, under Messina, and lost the great number of 20,000 men in action. September 24th, 1799.
The End
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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conjured
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| 用魔术变出( conjure的过去式和过去分词 )； 祈求，恳求； 变戏法； （变魔术般地） 使…出现 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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valiantly
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| adv.勇敢地，英勇地；雄赳赳 | |
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enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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razing
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| v.彻底摧毁，将…夷为平地( raze的现在分词 ) | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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imperatively
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| adv.命令式地 | |
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defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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58
imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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59
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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60
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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61
miraculous
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| adj.像奇迹一样的，不可思议的 | |
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62
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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63
omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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64
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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65
portents
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| n.预兆( portent的名词复数 )；征兆；怪事；奇物 | |
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66
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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67
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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68
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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69
civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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70
impost
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| n.进口税，关税 | |
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71
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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72
surmount
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| vt.克服；置于…顶上 | |
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73
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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74
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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75
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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76
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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77
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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78
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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79
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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80
cartridge
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| n.弹壳，弹药筒；(装磁带等的)盒子 | |
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81
cartridges
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| 子弹( cartridge的名词复数 )； （打印机的）墨盒； 录音带盒； （唱机的）唱头 | |
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82
averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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83
barricaded
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| 设路障于，以障碍物阻塞( barricade的过去式和过去分词 )； 设路障[防御工事]保卫或固守 | |
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84
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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85
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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86
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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87
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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88
battering
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| n.用坏，损坏v.连续猛击( batter的现在分词 ) | |
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89
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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90
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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91
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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92
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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93
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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94
gorge
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| n.咽喉，胃，暴食，山峡；v.塞饱，狼吞虎咽地吃 | |
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95
sluices
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| n.水闸( sluice的名词复数 )；（用水闸控制的）水；有闸人工水道；漂洗处v.冲洗( sluice的第三人称单数 )；（指水）喷涌而出；漂净；给…安装水闸 | |
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96
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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97
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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98
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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99
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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101
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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102
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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103
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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104
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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105
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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106
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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107
chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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108
retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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109
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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110
besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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111
diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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112
vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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113
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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114
stimulates
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| v.刺激( stimulate的第三人称单数 )；激励；使兴奋；起兴奋作用，起刺激作用，起促进作用 | |
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115
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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116
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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117
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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118
redundant
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| adj.多余的，过剩的；(食物)丰富的；被解雇的 | |
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119
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
noisome
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| adj.有害的，可厌的 | |
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121
spiking
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| n.尖峰形成v.加烈酒于( spike的现在分词 )；偷偷地给某人的饮料加入（更多）酒精（ 或药物）；把尖状物钉入；打乱某人的计划 | |
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122
mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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123
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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124
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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125
dispersing
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| adj. 分散的 动词disperse的现在分词形式 | |
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126
mortifying
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| adj.抑制的，苦修的v.使受辱( mortify的现在分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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127
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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128
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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129
breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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130
asses
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| n. 驴，愚蠢的人，臀部 adv. (常用作后置)用于贬损或骂人 | |
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131
retrenchment
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| n.节省，删除 | |
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132
obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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133
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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134
lengthened
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| （时间或空间）延长，伸长( lengthen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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136
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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137
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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138
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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139
demon
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| n.魔鬼，恶魔 | |
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140
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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141
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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142
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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143
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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144
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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145
quail
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| n.鹌鹑；vi.畏惧，颤抖 | |
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146
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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147
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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148
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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149
obstructing
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| 阻塞( obstruct的现在分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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150
obstructed
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| 阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 )； 堵塞； 阻碍； 阻止 | |
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151
renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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152
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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153
animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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154
refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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155
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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156
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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157
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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158
strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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159
aisles
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| n. (席位间的)通道, 侧廊 | |
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160
nave
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| n.教堂的中部；本堂 | |
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161
eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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162
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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163
extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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164
masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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165
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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166
Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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167
pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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168
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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169
partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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170
breached
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| 攻破( breach的现在分词 )； 破坏，违反 | |
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171
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
ambiguity
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| n.模棱两可；意义不明确 | |
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173
assailing
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| v.攻击( assail的现在分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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174
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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175
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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176
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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177
abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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178
smitten
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| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
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179
vault
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| n.拱形圆顶，地窖，地下室 | |
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180
junta
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| n.团体；政务审议会 | |
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181
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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182
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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183
ascertaining
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
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184
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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185
peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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186
quay
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| n.码头，靠岸处 | |
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187
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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188
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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189
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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190
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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191
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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192
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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193
daggers
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| 匕首，短剑( dagger的名词复数 ) | |
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194
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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195
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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196
contagion
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| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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197
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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198
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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199
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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200
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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201
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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202
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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203
shamefully
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| 可耻地； 丢脸地； 不体面地； 羞耻地 | |
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204
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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205
atrocity
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| n.残暴，暴行 | |
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206
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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207
orations
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| n.（正式仪式中的）演说，演讲( oration的名词复数 ) | |
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208
scowling
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| 怒视，生气地皱眉( scowl的现在分词 ) | |
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209
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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210
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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211
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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212
laconic
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| adj.简洁的；精练的 | |
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213
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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214
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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215
diminutive
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| adj.小巧可爱的，小的 | |
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216
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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217
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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218
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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219
enraptured
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| v.使狂喜( enrapture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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220
graphic
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| adj.生动的，形象的，绘画的，文字的，图表的 | |
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221
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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222
reposing
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的现在分词 ) | |
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223
premise
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| n.前提；v.提论，预述 | |
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224
regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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225
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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226
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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227
promenade
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| n./v.散步 | |
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228
mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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229
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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230
straps
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| n.带子( strap的名词复数 )；挎带；肩带；背带v.用皮带捆扎( strap的第三人称单数 )；用皮带抽打；包扎；给…打绷带 | |
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231
hoofs
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| n.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的名词复数 )v.（兽的）蹄，马蹄( hoof的第三人称单数 ) | |
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232
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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233
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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234
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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235
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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236
subdivided
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| 再分，细分( subdivide的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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237
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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238
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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239
edible
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| n.食品，食物；adj.可食用的 | |
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240
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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241
broiling
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| adj.酷热的，炽热的，似烧的v.（用火）烤（焙、炙等）( broil的现在分词 )；使卷入争吵；使混乱；被烤（或炙） | |
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242
lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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243
drolly
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| adv.古里古怪地；滑稽地；幽默地；诙谐地 | |
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244
omnivorous
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| adj.杂食的 | |
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245
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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246
treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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247
hawk
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| n.鹰，骗子；鹰派成员 | |
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248
accosts
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| v.走过去跟…讲话( accost的第三人称单数 )；跟…搭讪；（乞丐等）上前向…乞讨；（妓女等）勾搭 | |
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249
graphically
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| adv.通过图表；生动地，轮廓分明地 | |
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250
tranquilly
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| adv. 宁静地 | |
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251
rivulet
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| n.小溪，小河 | |
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252
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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253
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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254
rogues
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| n.流氓( rogue的名词复数 )；无赖；调皮捣蛋的人；离群的野兽 | |
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255
skulked
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| v.潜伏，偷偷摸摸地走动，鬼鬼祟祟地活动( skulk的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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256
mowed
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| v.刈，割( mow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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257
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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258
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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259
anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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260
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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261
thigh
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| n.大腿；股骨 | |
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262
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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263
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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264
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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265
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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266
gash
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| v.深切，划开；n.(深长的)切(伤)口；裂缝 | |
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267
magenta
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| n..紫红色（的染料）；adj.紫红色的 | |
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268
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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269
defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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