2. That the masses of the people would be able to exercise a true sovereignty without abusing it was always doubted until the trial was made in this country. A very respectable class of statesmen in the early days of the Republic, sympathized in[560] this doubt, and it even crept into the Constitution in the form of electors who were to choose the President; intimating a distrust of the wisdom and sound discretion9 of the voters in the choice of the Chief Magistrate10. The liberty allowed to the Legislatures of the States to determine the manner in which electors should be chosen, while it recognized State authority on one side, on the other implied a hesitation11 to trust so important a matter directly to the people; and for a long time they were only indirectly12 consulted as to the choice of a President.
3. It was not, however, caused by a desire to keep power from them, but rather to avoid the unhappy effect of popular heat and rashness, so often observed in popular governments before attempted. This distrustful party first took control of the government, retained it during three presidential terms, and for many years afterwards formed an influential13 minority whose criticisms were of importance in establishing a traditional policy for the government. This party—the Federalists, headed by Washington and Hamilton—sought to found a strong and stable government that should be able to fully1 protect the country from foreign interference and domestic discord14. Their control over the administration was somewhat abruptly15 closed by acts considered arbitrary, interfering16 with full freedom of speech and of the press—the “Sedition Laws” as they were called. Jefferson and the Republican party demanded the largest popular freedom, and had the conduct of the government for twenty-four years, impressing on its habits and policy the respect for the opinions of the people at large that has ever since characterized it. The people gradually gained control of presidential elections and practically set the electors aside, making and enforcing their own choice in general elections.
4. The exercise of popular sovereignty has gradually been enlarged, no qualification but that of age and nativity being now generally required, and the government may fairly be considered to represent the views of a majority of the people, and not only of the native, but also of the foreign born; since the[561] great mass of the latter are, by naturalization, absorbed into the mass of citizens. They come to make a permanent home with us, from a preference, as it is fair to assume, for republican institutions; and it is considered right that they should have a voice in the conduct of them. Nor have the American people seen cause to regret their liberality in this respect. Citizens of foreign birth have usually proved as thoughtful and wise as the rest of the population, and as worthy8 of citizenship17. They bring to us wealth in their labor18 if not in their purses, and soon become thoroughly19 American in their habits and sympathies. The government and the people cordially welcome them, and find themselves the stronger and richer by so doing.
5. It must not be forgotten that the strongest fears of popular influence on the government, the stability of our institutions, and the maintenance of the good order necessary to the security of property and the general prosperity, were entertained at the first; that the prophecies of the foreseers of evil have been almost uniformly false during its whole course; and that the relation between the people and the general government has constantly grown closer, to the great advantage of both. The first war into which the country was plunged20 after the Revolution—that of 1812—was comparatively a failure, in its earlier part, for want of this mutual21 confidence. Later the people and the government have been more closely allied22, and the government has been strong while the people have seen their cherished ends gained.
There has been continual advance in liberality of administration, in efficiency of organization, and in the completeness of social order. We have no reason to suppose that a tendency, continued through a hundred years and favored by so many circumstances that are common to all nations in our generation to a degree never before known, will be changed. Rather we may confidently expect that with increased intelligence, experience, and prosperity that tendency will be strengthened.
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1 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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2 pretenses | |
n.借口(pretense的复数形式) | |
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3 afterward | |
adv.后来;以后 | |
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4 makers | |
n.制造者,制造商(maker的复数形式) | |
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5 elevation | |
n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
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6 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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7 vestige | |
n.痕迹,遗迹,残余 | |
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8 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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9 discretion | |
n.谨慎;随意处理 | |
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10 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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11 hesitation | |
n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
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12 indirectly | |
adv.间接地,不直接了当地 | |
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13 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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14 discord | |
n.不和,意见不合,争论,(音乐)不和谐 | |
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15 abruptly | |
adv.突然地,出其不意地 | |
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16 interfering | |
adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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17 citizenship | |
n.市民权,公民权,国民的义务(身份) | |
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18 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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19 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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20 plunged | |
v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 );暴跌;骤降;突降 | |
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21 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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22 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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