The decay of taverns6, which is but a part of the general decay of democracy, has undoubtedly7 weakened this masculine spirit of equality. I remember that a roomful of Socialists8 literally9 laughed when I told them that there were no two nobler words in all poetry than Public House. They thought it was a joke. Why they should think it a joke, since they want to make all houses public houses, I cannot imagine. But if anyone wishes to see the real rowdy egalitarianism which is necessary (to males, at least) he can find it as well as anywhere in the great old tavern disputes which come down to us in such books as Boswell’s Johnson. It is worth while to mention that one name especially because the modern world in its morbidity10 has done it a strange injustice11. The demeanor12 of Johnson, it is said, was “harsh and despotic.” It was occasionally harsh, but it was never despotic. Johnson was not in the least a despot; Johnson was a demagogue, he shouted against a shouting crowd. The very fact that he wrangled13 with other people is proof that other people were allowed to wrangle14 with him. His very brutality15 was based on the idea of an equal scrimmage, like that of football. It is strictly16 true that he bawled17 and banged the table because he was a modest man. He was honestly afraid of being overwhelmed or even overlooked. Addison had exquisite18 manners and was the king of his company; he was polite to everybody; but superior to everybody; therefore he has been handed down forever in the immortal19 insult of Pope—
Johnson, so far from being king of his company, was a sort of Irish Member in his own Parliament. Addison was a courteous21 superior and was hated. Johnson was an insolent22 equal and therefore was loved by all who knew him, and handed down in a marvellous book, which is one of the mere miracles of love.
This doctrine23 of equality is essential to conversation; so much may be admitted by anyone who knows what conversation is. Once arguing at a table in a tavern the most famous man on earth would wish to be obscure, so that his brilliant remarks might blaze like the stars on the background of his obscurity. To anything worth calling a man nothing can be conceived more cold or cheerless than to be king of your company. But it may be said that in masculine sports and games, other than the great game of debate, there is definite emulation24 and eclipse. There is indeed emulation, but this is only an ardent25 sort of equality. Games are competitive, because that is the only way of making them exciting. But if anyone doubts that men must forever return to the ideal of equality, it is only necessary to answer that there is such a thing as a handicap. If men exulted26 in mere superiority, they would seek to see how far such superiority could go; they would be glad when one strong runner came in miles ahead of all the rest. But what men like is not the triumph of superiors, but the struggle of equals; and, therefore, they introduce even into their competitive sports an artificial equality. It is sad to think how few of those who arrange our sporting handicaps can be supposed with any probability to realize that they are abstract and even severe republicans.
No; the real objection to equality and self-rule has nothing to do with any of these free and festive27 aspects of mankind; all men are democrats28 when they are happy. The philosophic29 opponent of democracy would substantially sum up his position by saying that it “will not work.” Before going further, I will register in passing a protest against the assumption that working is the one test of humanity. Heaven does not work; it plays. Men are most themselves when they are free; and if I find that men are snobs30 in their work but democrats on their holidays, I shall take the liberty to believe their holidays. But it is this question of work which really perplexes the question of equality; and it is with that that we must now deal. Perhaps the truth can be put most pointedly31 thus: that democracy has one real enemy, and that is civilization. Those utilitarian32 miracles which science has made are anti-democratic, not so much in their perversion33, or even in their practical result, as in their primary shape and purpose. The Frame-Breaking Rioters were right; not perhaps in thinking that machines would make fewer men workmen; but certainly in thinking that machines would make fewer men masters. More wheels do mean fewer handles; fewer handles do mean fewer hands. The machinery34 of science must be individualistic and isolated35. A mob can shout round a palace; but a mob cannot shout down a telephone. The specialist appears and democracy is half spoiled at a stroke.
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1 camaraderie | |
n.同志之爱,友情 | |
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2 inevitably | |
adv.不可避免地;必然发生地 | |
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3 prodigies | |
n.奇才,天才(尤指神童)( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
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4 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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5 tavern | |
n.小旅馆,客栈;小酒店 | |
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6 taverns | |
n.小旅馆,客栈,酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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7 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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8 socialists | |
社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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9 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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10 morbidity | |
n.病态;不健全;发病;发病率 | |
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11 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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12 demeanor | |
n.行为;风度 | |
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13 wrangled | |
v.争吵,争论,口角( wrangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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14 wrangle | |
vi.争吵 | |
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15 brutality | |
n.野蛮的行为,残忍,野蛮 | |
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16 strictly | |
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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17 bawled | |
v.大叫,大喊( bawl的过去式和过去分词 );放声大哭;大声叫出;叫卖(货物) | |
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18 exquisite | |
adj.精美的;敏锐的;剧烈的,感觉强烈的 | |
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19 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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20 attentive | |
adj.注意的,专心的;关心(别人)的,殷勤的 | |
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21 courteous | |
adj.彬彬有礼的,客气的 | |
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22 insolent | |
adj.傲慢的,无理的 | |
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23 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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24 emulation | |
n.竞争;仿效 | |
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25 ardent | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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26 exulted | |
狂喜,欢跃( exult的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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27 festive | |
adj.欢宴的,节日的 | |
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28 democrats | |
n.民主主义者,民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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29 philosophic | |
adj.哲学的,贤明的 | |
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30 snobs | |
(谄上傲下的)势利小人( snob的名词复数 ); 自高自大者,自命不凡者 | |
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31 pointedly | |
adv.尖地,明显地 | |
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32 utilitarian | |
adj.实用的,功利的 | |
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33 perversion | |
n.曲解;堕落;反常 | |
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34 machinery | |
n.(总称)机械,机器;机构 | |
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35 isolated | |
adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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