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§ 2. The Society had a long standing6 rivalry7 with the University of Paris, and the University not only refused to admit the Jesuits, but several times petitioned the Parliament to chase them out of France. On one of these occasions the advocate who was retained by the University was Antoine Arnauld, a man of renowned8 eloquence9; and he threw himself into the attack with all his heart. From that time the Jesuits had a standing feud10 with the house of Arnauld.
§ 3. But it was no mere11 personal dislike that separated the Port-Royalists and the Jesuits. Port-Royal with which the Arnauld family was so closely united, became the stronghold of a theology which was unlike that of the Jesuits, and was denounced by them as heresy12. The daughter of Antoine Arnauld was made, at the age of eleven years, Abbess of Port-Royal, a Cistercian convent not far from Versailles. This position was obtained for her by a fraud of Marion, Henry IV’s advocate-general, who thought only of providing comfortably for one of the twenty children to whom his daughter, Made. Arnauld, had made him grandfather. Never was a nomination13 more scandalously obtained or used to better purpose. The Mère Angélique is one of the saints of the universal church, and she soon became the restorer of the religious life first in her own and then by her influence and example in other convents of her Order.
§ 4. In these reforms she had nothing to fear from her hereditary14 foes15 the Jesuits; but she soon came under the influence of a man whose theory of life was as much opposed[174] to the Jesuits’ theory as to that of the world which found in the Jesuits the most accommodating father confessors.
Duvergier de Hauranne (1581-1643) better known by the name of his “abbaye,” Saint-Cyran, was one of those commanding spirits who seem born to direct others and form a distinct society. In vain Richelieu offered him the posts most likely to tempt16 him. The prize that Saint-Cyran had set his heart upon was not of this world, and Richelieu could assist him in one way only—by persecution17. This assistance the Cardinal18 readily granted, and by his orders Saint-Cyran was imprisoned19 at Vincennes, and not set at liberty till Richelieu was himself summoned before a higher tribunal.
§ 5. Driven by prevailing20 sickness from Port-Royal des Champs, the Mère Angélique transported her community (in 1626) to a house purchased for them in Paris by her mother who in her widowhood became one of the Sisters. In Paris Angélique sought for herself and her convent the spiritual direction of Saint-Cyran (not yet a prisoner), and from that time Saint-Cyran added the Abbess and Sisters of Port-Royal to the number of those who looked up to him as their pattern and guide in all things.
Port-Royal des Champs was in course of time occupied by a band of solitaries21 who at the bidding of Saint-Cyran renounced22 the world and devoted23 themselves to prayer and study. To them we owe the works of “the Gentlemen of Port-Royal.”
§ 6. It is then to Saint-Cyran we must look for the ideas which became the distinctive24 mark of the Port-Royalists.
Saint-Cyran was before all things a theologian. In his early days at Bayonne his studies had been shared by a[175] friend who afterwards was professor of theology at Louvain, and then Bishop25 of Ypres. This friend was Jansenius. Their searches after truth had brought them to opinions which in the England of the nineteenth century are known as “Evangelical.” According to “Catholic” teaching all those who receive the creed26 and the sacraments of the Church and do not commit “mortal” sin are in a “state of salvation,” that is to say the great majority of Christians27 are saved. This teaching is rejected by those of another school of thought who hold that only a few “elect” are saved and that the great body even of Christians are doomed29 to perdition.
§ 7. Such a belief as this would seem to be associated of necessity with harshness and gloom; but from whatever cause, there has been found in many, even in most, cases no such connexion. Those who have held that the great mass of their fellow-creatures had no hope in a future world, have thrown themselves lovingly into all attempts to improve their condition in this world. Still, their main effort has always been to increase the number of the converted and to preserve them from the wiles30 of the enemy. This Saint-Cyran sought to do by selecting a few children and bringing them up in their tender years like hot-house plants, in the hope that they would be prepared when older and stronger, to resist the evil influences of the world.
§ 8. His first plan was to choose out of all Paris six children and to confide31 them to the care of a priest appointed to direct their consciences, and a tutor of not more than twenty-five years old, to teach them Latin. “I should think,” says he, “it was doing a good deal if I did not advance them far in Latin before the age of twelve, and made them pass their first years confined to one house or a[176] monastery33 in the country where they might be allowed all the pastimes suited to their age and where they might see only the example of a good life set by those about them.” (Letter quoted by Carré, p. 20.)
§ 9. His imprisonment34 put a stop to this plan, “but,” says Saint-Cyran, “I do not lightly break off what I undertake for God;” so when intrusted with the disposal of 2,000 francs by M. Bignon, he started the first “Little School,” in which two small sons of M. Bignon’s were taken as pupils. The name of “Little Schools,” was given partly perhaps because according to their design the numbers in any school could never be large, partly no doubt to deprecate any suspicion of rivalry with the schools of the University. The children were to be taken at an early age, nine or ten, before they could have any guilty knowledge of evil, and Saint-Cyran made in all cases a stipulation35 that at any time a child might be returned to his friends; but in cases where the master’s care seemed successful, the pupils were to be kept under it till they were grown up.
§ 10. The Little Schools had a short and troubled career of hardly more than fifteen years. They were not fully36 organized till 1646; they were proscribed37 a few years later and in 1661 were finally broken up by Louis XIV, who was under the influence of their enemies the Jesuits. But in that time the Gentlemen of Port-Royal had introduced new ideas which have been a force in French education and indeed in all literary education ever since.
To Saint-Cyran then we trace the attempt at a particular kind of school, and to his followers38 some new departures in the training of the intellect.
§ 11. Basing his system on the Fall of Man, Saint-Cyran came to a conclusion which was also reached by Locke[177] though by a different road. To both of them it seemed that children require much more individual care and watching than they can possibly get in a public school. Saint-Cyran would have said what Locke said: “The difference is great between two or three pupils in the same house and three or four score boys lodged39 up and down: for let the master’s industry and skill be never so great, it is impossible he should have fifty or one hundred scholars under his eye any longer than they are in school together: Nor can it be expected that he should instruct them successfully in anything but their books; the forming of their minds and manners [preserving them from the danger of the enemy, Saint-Cyran would have said] requiring a constant attention and particular application to every single boy, which is impossible in a numerous flock, and would be wholly in vain (could he have time to study and correct everyone’s peculiar40 defects and wrong inclinations) when the lad was to be left to himself or the prevailing infection of his fellows the greater part of the four-and-twenty hours.” (Thoughts c. Ed. § 70.)
§ 12. An English public schoolmaster told the Commission on Public Schools, that he stood in loco parentis to fifty boys. “Rather a large family,” observed one of the Commissioners41 drily. The truth is that in the bringing up of the young there is the place of the schoolmaster and of the school-fellows, as well as that of the parents; and of these several forces one cannot fulfil the functions of the others.
§ 13. According to the theory or at least the practice of English public schools, boys are left in their leisure hours to organize their life for themselves, and they form a community from which the masters are, partly by their own over-work,[178] partly by the traditions of the school, utterly42 excluded. From this the intellectual education of the boys no doubt suffers. “Engage them in conversation with men of parts and breeding,” says Locke; and this was the old notion of training when boys of good family grew up as pages in the household of some nobleman. But, except in the holidays, the young aristocrats43 of the present day talk only with other boys, and servants, and tradesmen. Hence the amount of thought and conversation given to school topics, especially the games, is out of all proportion to the importance of such things; and this does much to increase what Matthew Arnold calls “the barbarians’” inaptitude for ideas.
§ 14. What are we to say about the effects of the system on the morals of the boys? If we were to start like Saint-Cyran from the doctrine44 of human depravity, we should entirely45 condemn46 the system and predict from it the most disastrous47 results;[90] but from experience we come to a very[179] different conclusion. Bishop Dupanloup, indeed, spoke48 of the public schools of France as “ces gouffres.” This is not what is said or thought of the English schools, and they are filled with boys whose fathers and grandfathers were brought up in them, and desire above all things to maintain the old traditions.
§ 15. The Little Schools of Port-Royal aimed at training a few boys very differently; each master had the charge of five or six only, and these were never to be out of his presence day or night.[91]
§ 16. It may reasonably be objected that such schools would be possible only for a few children of well-to-do parents, and that men who would thus devote themselves could be found only at seasons of great enthusiasm. Under ordinary circumstances small schools have most of the drawbacks and few of the advantages which are to be found in large[180] schools. As I have already said, parents, schoolmasters, and school-fellows have separate functions in education; and even in the smallest school the master can never take the place of the parent, or the school become the home. Children at home enter into the world of their father and mother; the family friends are their friends, the family events affect them as a matter of course. But in the school, however small, the children’s interests are unconnected with the master and the master’s family. The boys may be on the most intimate, even affectionate terms with the grown people who have charge of them; but the mental horizon of the two parties is very different, and their common area of vision but small. In such cases the young do not rise into the world of the adults, and it is almost impossible for the adults to descend50 into theirs. They are “no company” the one for the other, and to be constantly in each other’s presence would subject both to very irksome restraint. When left to themselves, boys in small numbers are far more likely to get into harm than boys in large numbers. In large communities even of boys, “the common sense of most” is a check on the badly disposed. So as it seems to me if from any cause the young cannot live at home and attend a day-school, they will be far better off in a large boarding school than in one that would better fulfil the requirements of Erasmus,[92] Saint-Cyran, and Locke.
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§ 17. As Saint-Cyran attributed immense importance to the part of the master in education, he was not easily satisfied with his qualifications. “There is no occupation in the Church that is more worthy51 of a Christian28; next to giving up one’s life there is no greater charity.... The charge of the soul of one of these little ones is a higher employment than the government of all the world.” (Cadet, 2.) So thought Saint-Cyran, and he was ready to go to the ends of the earth to find the sort of teacher he wanted.
§ 18. He was so anxious that the children should see only that which was good that the servants were chosen with peculiar care.
§ 19. For the masters his favourite rule was: “Speak little; put up with much; pray still more.” Piety52 was not to be instilled53 so much by precepts54 as by the atmosphere in which the children grew up. “Do not spend so much time in speaking to them about God as to God about them:” so formal instruction was never to be made wearisome. But there was to be an incessant55 watch against evil influences and for good. “In guarding the citadel,” says Lancelot, “we fail if we leave open a single gateway56 by which the enemy might enter.”
§ 20. Though anxious, like the Jesuits, to make their boys’ studies “not only endurable, but even delightful,” the Gentlemen of Port-Royal banished58 every form of rivalry. Each pupil was to think of one whom he should try to catch up, but this was not a school-fellow, but his own higher self, his[182] ideal. Here Pascal admits that the exclusion of competition had its drawbacks and that the boys sometimes became indifferent—“tombent dans la nonchalance,” as he says.
§ 21. As for the instruction it was founded on this principle: the object of schools being piety rather than knowledge there was to be no pressure in studying, but the children were to be taught what was sound and enduring.
§ 22. In all occupations there is of necessity a tradition. In the higher callings the tradition may be of several kinds. First there may be a tradition of noble thoughts and high ideals, which will be conveyed in the words of the greatest men who have been engaged in that calling, or have thought out the theory of it. Next there will be the tradition of the very best workers in it. And lastly there is the tradition of the common man who learns and passes on just the ordinary views of his class and the ordinary expedients59 for getting through ordinary work. Of these different kinds of tradition, the school-room has always shown a tendency to keep to this last, and the common man is supreme60. Young teachers are mostly required to fulfil their daily tasks without the smallest preparation for them; so they have to get through as best they can, and have no time to think of any high ideal, or of any way of doing their work except that which gives them least trouble. “Practice makes perfect,” says the proverb, but it would be truer to say that practice in doing work badly soon makes perfect in contentment with bad workmanship. Thus it is that the tradition of the school-room settles down for the most part into a deadly routine, and teachers who have long been engaged in carrying it on seem to lose their powers of vision like horses who turn mills in the dark.
The Gentlemen of Port-Royal worked free from school-room[183] tradition. “If the want of emulation61 was a drawback,” says Sainte-Beuve, “it was a clear gain to escape from all routine, from all pedantry62. La crasse et la morgue des régents n’en approchaient pas.” (P.R. vol. iij, p. 414) Piety as we have seen was their main object. Next to it they wished to “carry the intellects of their pupils to the highest point they could attain63 to.”
§ 23. In doing this they profited by their freedom from routine to try experiments. They used their own judgments65 and sought to train the judgment64 of their pupils. Themselves knowing the delights of literature, they resolved that their pupils should know them also. They would banish57 all useless difficulties and do what they could to “help the young and make study even more pleasant to them than play and pastime.” (Preface to Cic.’s Billets, quoted by Sainte-Beuve, vol. iij, p. 423.)
§ 24. One of their innovations, though startling to their contemporaries, does not seem to us very surprising. It was the custom to begin reading with a three or four years’ course of reading Latin, because in that language all the letters were pronounced. The connexion between sound and sense is in our days not always thought of, but even among teachers no advocates would now be found for the old method which kept young people for the first three or four years uttering sounds they could by no possibility understand. The French language might have some disadvantage from its silent letters, but this was small compared with the disadvantage felt in Latin from its silent sense. So the Port-Royalists began reading with French.
§ 25. Further than this, they objected to reading through spelling, and pointed32 out that as consonants66 cannot be pronounced by themselves they should be taken only in[184] connexion with the adjacent vowel67. Pascal applied68 himself to the subject and invented the method described in the 6th chap. of the General Grammar (Carré, p. xxiij) and introduced by his sister Jacqueline at Port-Royal des Champs.
§ 26. When the child could read French, the Gentlemen of Port-Royal sought for him books within the range of his intelligence. There was nothing suitable in French, so they set to work to produce translations in good French of the most readable Latin books, “altering them just a little—en y changeant fort peu de chose,” as said the chief translator De Saci, for the sake of purity. In this way they gallicised the Fables69 of Ph?drus, three Comedies of Terence, and the Familiar Letters (Billets) of Cicero.
§ 27. In this we see an important innovation. As I have tried to explain (supra pp. 14 ff.) the effect of the Renascence was to banish both the mother-tongue and literature proper from the school-room; for no language was tolerated but Latin, and no literature was thought possible except in Latin or Greek. Before any literature could be known, or indeed, instruction in any subject could be given, the pupils had to learn Latin. This neglect of the mother-tongue was one of the traditional mistakes pointed out and abandoned by the Port-Royalists. “People of quality complain,” says De Saci, “and complain with reason, that in giving their children Latin we take away French, and to turn them into citizens of ancient Rome we make them strangers in their native land. After learning Latin and Greek for 10 or 12 years, we are often obliged at the age of 30 to learn French.” (Cadet, 10.) So Port-Royal proposed breaking through this bondage70 to Latin, and laid down the principle, new in France, though not in the country of[185] Mulcaster or of Ratke, that everything should be taught through the mother-tongue.
Next, the Port-Royalists sought to give their pupils an early and a pleasing introduction to literature. The best literature in those days was the classical; and suitable works from that literature might be made intelligible71 by means of translations. In this way the Port-Royalists led their pupils to look upon some of the classical authors not as inventors of examples in syntax, but as writers of books that meant something. And thus both the mother-tongue and literature were brought into the school-room.
§ 28. When the boys had by this means got some feeling for literature and some acquaintance with the world of the ancients, they began the study of Latin. Here again all needless difficulties were taken out of their way. No attempt indeed was made to teach language without grammar, the rationale of language, but the science of grammar was reduced to first principles (set forth72 in the Grammaire Générale et Raisonnée of Arnauld and Lancelot), and the special grammar of the Latin language was no longer taught by means of the work established in the University, the Latin Latin Grammar of Despautère, but by a “New Method” written in French which gave essentials only and had for its motto: “Mihi inter49 virtutes grammatici habebitur aliqua nescire—To me it will be among the grammarian’s good points not to know everything.” (Quintil.)[93]
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§ 29. With this minimum of the essentials of the grammar and with a previous acquaintance with the sense of the book the pupils were introduced to the Latin language and were taught to translate a Latin author into French. This was a departure from the ordinary route, which after a course of learning grammar-rules in Latin went to the “theme,” i.e., to composition in Latin.
The art of translating into the mother-tongue was made much of. School “construes,” which consist in substituting a word for a word, were entirely forbidden, and the pupils had to produce the old writer’s thoughts in French.[94]
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§30. From this we see that the training was literary. But in the study of form the Port-Royalists did not neglect the inward for the outward. Their great work, which still stands the attacks of time, is the Port-Royal Logic73, or the Art of Thinking (see Trans, by T. Spencer Baynes, 1850). This was substantially the work of Arnauld; and it was Arnauld who led the Port-Royalists in their rupture74 with the philosophy of the Middle Age, and who openly followed Descartes. In the Logic we find the claims of reason asserted as if in defiance75 of the Jesuits. “It is a heavy bondage to think oneself forced to agree in everything with Aristotle and to take him as the standard of truth in philosophy.... The world cannot long continue in this restraint, and is recovering by degrees its natural and reasonable liberty, which consists in accepting that which we judge to be true and rejecting that which we judge to be false.” (Quoted by Cadet, p. 31.)[95]
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§ 31. To mark the change, the Port-Royalists called their book not “the Art of Reasoning,” but “the Art of Thinking,” and it was in this art of thinking that they endeavoured to train their scholars. They paid great attention to geometry, and Arnauld wrote a book (“New Elements of Geometry”) which so well satisfied Pascal that after reading the MS. he burnt a similar work of his own.
§ 32. The Port-Royalists then sought to introduce into the school-room a “sweet reasonableness.” They were not touched, as Comenius was, by the spirit of Bacon, and knew nothing of a key for opening the secrets of Nature. They loved literature and resolved that their pupils should love it also; and with this end they would give the first notions of it in the mother-tongue; but the love of literature still bound them to the past, and they aimed simply at making the best of the Old Education without any thought of a New.
§ 33. In one respect they seem less wise than Rabelais and Mulcaster, less wise perhaps than their foes the Jesuits. They gave little heed76 to training the body, and thought of the soul and the mind only; or if they thought of the body they were concerned merely that it should do no harm. “Not only must we form the minds of our pupils to virtue,”[189] says Nicole, “we must also bend their bodies to it, that is, we must endeavour that the body do not prove a hindrance77 to their leading a well-regulated life or draw them by its weight to any disorder78. For we should know that as men are made up of mind and body, a wrong turn given to the body in youth is often in after life a great hindrance to piety.” (Vues p. bien élever un prince, quoted by Cadet, p. 206.)
§ 34. But let us not underrate the good effect produced by this united effort of Christian toil79 and Christian thought. “Nothing should be more highly esteemed80 than good sense,” (Preface to the Logique), and Port-Royal did a great work in bringing good sense and reason to bear on the practice of the school-room. When the Little Schools were dispersed81 the Gentlemen still continued to teach, but the lessons they gave were now in the “art of thinking” and in the art of teaching; and all the world might learn of them, for they taught in the only way left open to them; they published books.
§ 35. Of these writers on pedagogy the most distinguished82 was “the great Arnauld,” i.e., Antoine Arnauld, (1612-1694) brother of the Mère Angélique. His “Règlement des études” shows us how literary instruction was given at Port-Royal. In these directions we have not so much the rules observed in the Little Schools as the experience of the Little Schools rendered available for the schools of the University. On this account Sainte-Beuve speaks of the Règlement of Arnauld as forming a preface to the Treatise83 on Studies (Traité des études) of Rollin. In the Règlement we see Arnauld yielding to what seems a practical necessity and admitting competition and prizes. Some excellent advice is given, especially on practice in the use of the[190] mother-tongue. The young people are to question and answer each other about the substance of what they have read, about the more remarkable84 thoughts in their author or the more beautiful expressions. Each day two of the boys are to narrate85 a story which they themselves have selected from a classical author.[96]
§ 36. With the notable exception of Pascal, Arnauld was the most distinguished writer among the Gentlemen of Port-Royal. A writer less devoted to controversy86 than Arnauld, less attached to the thought of Saint-Cyran and of Descartes, but of wider popularity, was Nicole, who had Made. de Sévigné for an admirer, and Locke for one of his translators.
Nicole has given us a valuable contribution to pedagogy in his essay on the right bringing-up of a prince. (Vues générales pour bien élever un prince.) In this essay he shows us with what thought and care he had applied himself to the art of instruction, and he gives us hints that all teachers may profit by. Take the following:—
§ 37. “Properly speaking it is not the masters, it is no instruction from without, that makes things understood; at the best the masters do nothing but expose the things to the interior light of the mind, by which alone they can be understood. It follows that where this light is wanting instruction is as useless as trying to shew pictures in the dark. The very greatest minds are nothing but lights in confinement87, and they have always sombre and shady spots; but in children the mind is nearly full of shade and emits[191] but little rays of light. So everything depends on making the most of these rays, on increasing them and exposing to them what one wishes to have understood. For this reason it is hard to give general rules for instructing anyone, because the instruction must be adapted to the mixture of light and darkness, which differs widely in different minds, especially with children. We must look where the day is breaking and bring to it what we wish them to understand; and to do this we must try a variety of ways for getting at their minds and must persevere88 with such as we find have most success.
“But generally speaking we may say that, as in children the light depends greatly on their senses, we should as far as possible attach to the senses the instruction we give them, and make it enter not only by the ear but also by the sight, as there is no sense which makes so lively an impression on the mind and forms such sharp and clear ideas.”
This is excellent. There is a wise proverb that warns us that “however soon we get up in the morning the sunrise comes never the earlier.” A vast amount of instruction is thrown away because the instructors89 will not wait for the day-break.
§ 38. For the moral training of the young there is one qualification in the teacher which is absolutely indispensable—goodness. Similarly for the intellectual training, there is an indispensable qualification—intelligence. This is the qualification required by the system of Port-Royal, but not required in working the ordinary machinery90 of the school-room either in those days or in ours. When Nicole has described how instruction should be given so as to train the judgment and cultivate the taste, he continues:
“As this kind of instruction comes without observation,[192] so is the profit derived91 from it likely to escape observation also; that is, it will not announce itself by anything on the surface and palpable to the common man. And on this account persons of small intelligence are mistaken about it and think that a boy thus instructed is no better than another, because he cannot make a better translation from Latin into French, or beat him in saying his Virgil. Thus judging of the instruction by these trifles only, they often make less account of a really able teacher than of one of little science and of a mind without light.” (Nicole in Cadet, p. 204; Carré, p. 187.)
In these days of marks and percentages we seem agreed that it must be all right if the children can stand the tests of the examiner or the inspector92. Something may no doubt be got at by these tests; but we cannot hope for any genuine care for education while everything is estimated “par des signes grossiers et extérieurs.”
§ 39. Whatever was required to adapt the thought of Port-Royal to the needs of classical schools, especially the schools of the University of Paris was supplied by Rollin (1661-1741) whose Traité des études or “Way of teaching and studying Literature,” united the lessons of Port-Royal with much material drawn93 from his own experience and from his acquaintance with the writings of other authors, especially Quintilian and Seneca. Having been twice Rector of the University (in 1694 and 1695) Rollin had managed to bring into the schools much that was due to Port-Royal; and in his Traité he has the tact94 to give the improved methods as the ordinary practice of his colleagues.
§ 40. Much that Rollin has said applies only to classical or at most to literary instruction; but some of his advice will be good for all teachers as long as the human mind[193] needs instruction. I have met with nothing that seems to me to go more truly to the very foundation of the art of teaching than the following:
“We should never lose sight of this grand principle that study depends on the will, and the will does not endure constraint95: ‘Studium discendi voluntate qu? cogi non potest constat.’ (Quint. j, 1, cap. 3.)[97] We can, to be sure, put constraint on the body and make a pupil, however unwilling96, stick to his desk, can double his toil by punishment, compel[194] him to finish a task imposed upon him, and with this object we can deprive him of play and recreation. But is this work of the galley-slave studying? And what remains97 to the pupil from this kind of study but a hatred98 of books, of learning, and of masters, often till the end of his days? It is then the will that we must draw on our side, and this we must do by gentleness, by friendliness99, by persuasion100, and above all by the allurement101 of pleasure.” (Traité, 8th Bk. Du Gouvernement des Classes, 1re Partie, Art. x.)
§ 41. The passage I have quoted is from the Article “on giving a taste for study (rendre l’étude aimable);” and if some masters do not agree that this is “one of the most important points concerning education,” they will not deny that “it is at the same time one of the most difficult.” As Rollin truly says, “among a very great number of masters who in other respects are highly meritorious102 there will be found very few who manage to get their pupils to like their work.”
§ 42. One of the great causes of the disinclination for school work is to be found according to Rollin and Quintilian, in the repulsive103 form in which children first become acquainted with the elements of learning. “In this matter success depends very much on first impressions; and the main effort of the masters who teach the first rudiments104 should be so to do this, that the child who cannot as yet love study should at least not get an aversion for it from that time forward, for fear lest the bitter taste once acquired should still be in his mouth when he grows older.”[98] (Begin. of Art. x, as above.)
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§ 43. In this matter Rollin was more truly the disciple3 of the Port-Royalists than of Quintilian. They it was who protested against the dismal105 “grind” of learning to read first in an unknown tongue, and of studying the rules of Latin in Latin with no knowledge of Latin, a course which professed106 to lead, as Sainte-Beuve puts it, “to the unknown through the unintelligible107.” They directed their highly-trained intellects to the teaching of the elements, and succeeded in proving that the ordinary difficulties were due not to the dulness of the learners, but to the stupidity of the masters. They showed how much might be done to remove these difficulties by following not routine but the dictates108 of thought, and study and love of the little ones.
There is an excellent though condensed account of the Port-Royalists under “Jansenists” in Sonnenschein’s Cyclop?dia of Education. In vol. ij, of Charles Beard’s Port-Royal, (2 vols., 1861) there is a chapter on the Little Schools. The most pleasing account I have seen in English of the Port-Royalists (without reference to education) is in Sir Jas. Stephen’s Essays on Ecclesiastical Biography. In French the great work on the subject is Sainte-Beuve’s Port-Royal, 5 vols. (71 ed., 6 vols.) The account of the Schools is in 4th bk., in vol. iij, of 1st ed. Very useful for studying the pedagogy of Port-Royal are L’Education à Port-Royal by Félix Cadet (Hachette, 1887) and Les Pédagogues de Port-Royal, by I. Carré (Delagrave, 1887). These last give extracts from the main writings on education by Arnauld, Nicole, Lancelot, Coustel, &c. The article, Port-Royal, in Buisson’s D., is the “Introduction” to Carré’s book. A 3-vol. ed. of Rollin’s Traité was published (Paris, Didot) in 1872. The more interesting parts of this book are contained[196] in F. Cadet’s Rollin: Traité des études (Delagrave, 1882). Rollin’s work was at one time well-known in the English trans., and copies of it are often to be found “second-hand.” The best part comes last; which may account for the neglect into which the book has fallen. The accounts of Port-Royal and of Rollin in G. Compayré’s Histoire Critique are very good parts of a very good book. Vérin’s étude sur Lancelot I have not seen, and it is only too probable that I have not given to Lancelot the attention due to him.
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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unemployed
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| adj.失业的，没有工作的；未动用的，闲置的 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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solitaries
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| n.独居者，隐士( solitary的名词复数 ) | |
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renounced
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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29
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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wiles
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| n.（旨在欺骗或吸引人的）诡计，花招；欺骗，欺诈( wile的名词复数 ) | |
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confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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stipulation
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| n.契约，规定，条文；条款说明 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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49
inter
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| v.埋葬 | |
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50
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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instilled
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| v.逐渐使某人获得（某种可取的品质），逐步灌输( instill的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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gateway
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| n.大门口，出入口，途径，方法 | |
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banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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58
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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61
emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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62
pedantry
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| n.迂腐，卖弄学问 | |
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63
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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consonants
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| n.辅音，子音( consonant的名词复数 )；辅音字母 | |
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vowel
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| n.元音；元音字母 | |
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68
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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69
fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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71
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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73
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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76
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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78
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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81
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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82
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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83
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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84
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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85
narrate
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| v.讲，叙述 | |
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86
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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87
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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88
persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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89
instructors
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| 指导者，教师( instructor的名词复数 ) | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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91
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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92
inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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93
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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94
tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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95
constraint
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| n.(on)约束，限制；限制(或约束)性的事物 | |
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96
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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97
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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98
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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99
friendliness
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| n.友谊，亲切，亲密 | |
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100
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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101
allurement
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| n.诱惑物 | |
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102
meritorious
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| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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103
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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104
rudiments
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| n.基础知识，入门 | |
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105
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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106
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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107
unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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108
dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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