The principal event in his life, so far as we know, was the quarrel with his master Callimachus, which was most probably the cause of his condemnation9 at Alexandria and departure to Rhodes. This quarrel appears to have arisen from differences of literary aims and taste, but, as literary differences often do, degenerated10 into the bitterest personal strife11. There are references to the quarrel in the writings of both. Callimachus attacks Apollonius in the passage at the end of the "Hymn to Apollo", already mentioned, also probably in some epigrams, but most of all in his "Ibis", of which we have an imitation, or perhaps nearly a translation, in Ovid's poem of the same name. On the part of Apollonius there is a passage in the third book of the "Argonautica" (11. 927-947) which is of a polemical nature and stands out from the context, and the well-known savage12 epigram upon Callimachus. 1002 Various combinations have been attempted by scholars, notably13 by Couat, in his "Poesie Alexandrine", to give a connected account of the quarrel, but we have not data sufficient to determine the order of the attacks, and replies, and counter-attacks. The "Ibis" has been thought to mark the termination of the feud14 on the curious ground that it was impossible for abuse to go further. It was an age when literary men were more inclined to comment on writings of the past than to produce original work. Literature was engaged in taking stock of itself. Homer was, of course, professedly admired by all, but more admired than imitated. Epic15 poetry was out of fashion and we find many epigrams of this period—some by Callimachus—directed against the "cyclic" poets, by whom were meant at that time those who were always dragging in conventional and commonplace epithets16 and phrases peculiar17 to epic poetry. Callimachus was in accordance with the spirit of the age when he proclaimed "a great book" to be "a great evil", and sought to confine poetical18 activity within the narrowest limits both of subject and space. Theocritus agreed with him, both in principle and practice. The chief characteristics of Alexandrianism are well summarized by Professor Robinson Ellis as follows: "Precision in form and metre, refinement19 in diction, a learning often degenerating20 into pedantry21 and obscurity, a resolute22 avoidance of everything commonplace in subject, sentiment or allusion." These traits are more prominent in Callimachus than in Apollonius, but they are certainly to be seen in the latter. He seems to have written the "Argonautica" out of bravado23, to show that he could write an epic poem. But the influence of the age was too strong. Instead of the unity24 of an Epic we have merely a series of episodes, and it is the great beauty and power of one of these episodes that gives the poem its permanent value—the episode of the love of Jason and Medea. This occupies the greater part of the third book. The first and second books are taken up with the history of the voyage to Colchis, while the fourth book describes the return voyage. These portions constitute a metrical guide book, filled no doubt with many pleasing episodes, such as the rape25 of Hylas, the boxing match between Pollux and Amyeus, the account of Cyzicus, the account of the Amazons, the legend of Talos, but there is no unity running through the poem beyond that of the voyage itself.
The Tale of the Argonauts had been told often before in verse and prose, and many authors' names are given in the Scholia to Apollonius, but their works have perished. The best known earlier account that we have is that in Pindar's fourth Pythian ode, from which Apollonius has taken many details. The subject was one for an epic poem, for its unity might have been found in the working out of the expiation26 due for the crime of Athamas; but this motive27 is barely mentioned by our author.
As we have it, the motive of the voyage is the command of Pelias to bring back the golden fleece, and this command is based on Pelias' desire to destroy Jason, while the divine aid given to Jason results from the intention of Hera to punish Pelias for his neglect of the honour due to her. The learning of Apollonius is not deep but it is curious; his general sentiments are not according to the Alexandrian standard, for they are simple and obvious. In the mass of material from which he had to choose the difficulty was to know what to omit, and much skill is shown in fusing into a tolerably harmonious28 whole conflicting mythological29 and historical details. He interweaves with his narrative30 local legends and the founding of cities, accounts of strange customs, descriptions of works of art, such as that of Ganymede and Eros playing with knucklebones, 1003 but prosaically31 calls himself back to the point from these pleasing digressions by such an expression as "but this would take me too far from my song." His business is the straightforward32 tale and nothing else. The astonishing geography of the fourth book reminds us of the interest of the age in that subject, stimulated33 no doubt by the researches of Eratosthenes and others.
The language is that of the conventional epic. Apollonius seems to have carefully studied Homeric glosses34, and gives many examples of isolated35 uses, but his choice of words is by no means limited to Homer. He freely avails himself of Alexandrian words and late uses of Homeric words. Among his contemporaries Apollonius suffers from a comparison with Theocritus, who was a little his senior, but he was much admired by Roman writers who derived inspiration from the great classical writers of Greece by way of Alexandria. In fact Alexandria was a useful bridge between Athens and Rome. The "Argonautica" was translated by Varro Atacinus, copied by Ovid and Virgil, and minutely studied by Valerius Flaccus in his poem of the same name. Some of his finest passages have been appropriated and improved upon by Virgil by the divine right of superior genius. 1004 The subject of love had been treated in the romantic spirit before the time of Apollonius in writings that have perished, for instance, in those of Antimachus of Colophon, but the "Argonautica" is perhaps the first poem still extant in which the expression of this spirit is developed with elaboration. The Medea of Apollonius is the direct precursor36 of the Dido of Virgil, and it is the pathos37 and passion of the fourth book of the "Aeneid" that keep alive many a passage of Apollonius.
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1 conjecture | |
n./v.推测,猜测 | |
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2 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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3 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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4 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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5 chronological | |
adj.按年月顺序排列的,年代学的 | |
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6 hymn | |
n.赞美诗,圣歌,颂歌 | |
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7 allusion | |
n.暗示,间接提示 | |
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8 conjectural | |
adj.推测的 | |
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9 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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10 degenerated | |
衰退,堕落,退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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11 strife | |
n.争吵,冲突,倾轧,竞争 | |
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12 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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13 notably | |
adv.值得注意地,显著地,尤其地,特别地 | |
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14 feud | |
n.长期不和;世仇;v.长期争斗;世代结仇 | |
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15 epic | |
n.史诗,叙事诗;adj.史诗般的,壮丽的 | |
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16 epithets | |
n.(表示性质、特征等的)词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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17 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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18 poetical | |
adj.似诗人的;诗一般的;韵文的;富有诗意的 | |
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19 refinement | |
n.文雅;高尚;精美;精制;精炼 | |
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20 degenerating | |
衰退,堕落,退化( degenerate的现在分词 ) | |
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21 pedantry | |
n.迂腐,卖弄学问 | |
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22 resolute | |
adj.坚决的,果敢的 | |
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23 bravado | |
n.虚张声势,故作勇敢,逞能 | |
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24 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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25 rape | |
n.抢夺,掠夺,强奸;vt.掠夺,抢夺,强奸 | |
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26 expiation | |
n.赎罪,补偿 | |
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27 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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28 harmonious | |
adj.和睦的,调和的,和谐的,协调的 | |
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29 mythological | |
adj.神话的 | |
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30 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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31 prosaically | |
adv.无聊地;乏味地;散文式地;平凡地 | |
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32 straightforward | |
adj.正直的,坦率的;易懂的,简单的 | |
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33 stimulated | |
a.刺激的 | |
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34 glosses | |
n.(页末或书后的)注释( gloss的名词复数 );(表面的)光滑;虚假的外表;用以产生光泽的物质v.注解( gloss的第三人称单数 );掩饰(错误);粉饰;把…搪塞过去 | |
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35 isolated | |
adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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36 precursor | |
n.先驱者;前辈;前任;预兆;先兆 | |
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37 pathos | |
n.哀婉,悲怆 | |
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