TIBERIUS CONTINUED TO RULE WITH MODERATION AND consulted the Senate before taking any step of the least political importance. But the Senate had been voting according to direction for so long that they seemed to have lost the power of independent decision; and Tiberius never made it plain which way he wanted them to vote even when he was very anxious for them to vote one way or another.
He wanted to avoid all appearance of tyranny and yet to keep his position at the head of affairs. The Senate soon found that if he spoke2 with studied elegance3 in favour of a motion he meant that he wanted it voted against, and that if he spoke with studied elegance against it this meant that he wanted it passed; and that on the very few occasions when he spoke briefly4 and without any rhetoric5 he meant to be taken literally6. Callus and an old wag called Haterius used to delight in making speeches in warm agreement with Tiberius, enlarging his arguments to a point only just short of absurdity7 and then voting the way he really wanted them to vote; thus showing that they understood his tricks perfectly8. This Haterius in the debate about Tiberius's accession had cried out: "O Tiberius, how long will you allow unhappy Rome to remain without a head?" -which had offended him because he knew that Haterius saw through his intentions. The next day Haterius pursued the joke by falling at Tiberius's feet and pleading for pardon for not having been warm enough. Tiberius started back in disgust, but Haterius grabbed at his knees and Tiberius went over, catching9 the back of his head a bang on the marble floor. Tiberius's German bodyguard10 did not understand what was happening and sprang forward to slaughter11 their master's assailant; Tiberius only just stopped them in time,
Haterius excelled in parody12. He had an enormous voice, a comic face, and great fertility of invention. Whenever Tiberius in his speeches introduced any painfully farfetched or archaic13 phrase Haterius would pick it up and make it the key-word of his reply. (Augustus had always said that the wheels of Haterius's eloquence14 needed a dragchain even when he was driving uphill.) The slow-witted Tiberius was no match for Haterius. Callus's gift was for mock zeal15. Tiberius was extremely careful not to appear a candidate for any divine honours and refused to allow himself to be spoken about as if he had any superhuman attributes: he did not even allow the provincials16 to build him temples. Gallus was therefore fond of referring, as if accidentally, to Tiberius as "His Sacred Majesty18". When Haterius, who was always ready to carry on the gag, rose to rebuke19 him for this incorrect way of speaking he would apologize profusely20 and say that nothing was farther from his mind than to do anything in disobedience of the orders of His Sacred… oh, dear, it was so easy to fall into that mistaken way of speaking, a thousand apologies once more… he meant, contrary to the wishes of his honoured friend and fellow-senator Tiberius Nero Caesar Augustus.
"Not Augustus, fool," Haterius would say in a stage whisper. "He's refused that title a dozen times. He only uses it when he writes letters to other monarchs21."
They had one trick which annoyed Tiberius more than any other. If he made a show of modesty22 when thanked by the Senate for performing some national service-such as undertaking23 to complete the temples which Augustus had left unfinished-they would praise his honesty in not taking credit for his mother's work, and congratulate Livia on having so dutiful a son. When they saw that there was nothing that Tiberius hated so much as hearing Livia praised they kept it up. Haterius even suggested that just as the Greeks were called by their fathers' names, so Tiberius should be named after his mother and that it should be a crime to call him other than Tiberius Liviades-or perhaps Livigena would be the more correct Latin form. Callus found another weak spot in Tiberius's armour24, and that was his hatred25 of any mention of his stay at Rhodes. The most daring thing he did was to praise Tiberius one day for his clemency26-it was the very day that news reached the city of Julia's death-and to tell the story of the teacher of rhetoric at Rhodes who had refused Tiberius's modest application to join his classes, on the ground that there was no vacancy27 at present, saying that he must come back in seven days. Gallus added, "And what do you think His Sacred… I beg your pardon, I should say, what do you think my honoured friend and fellow-senator Tiberius Nero Caesar did on his recent accession to the monarchy28, when the same impertinent fellow arrived to pay his respects to the new divinity? Did he cut off that impudent29 head. and give it as a football to his German bodyguard? Not at all: with a wit only equalled by his clemency he told him that he had no vacancies30 at present in his corps31 of flatterers and that he must come back in seven years." This was an invention, I think, but the Senate had no reason to disbelieve it and applauded so heartily32 that Tiberius had to let it go by as the truth.
Tiberius at last silenced Haterius by saying very slowly one day: "You will please forgive me, Haterius, if I speak rather more frankly33 than it is usual for one senator to speak to another, but I must say that I think you are a dreadful bore and not in the least witty34." Then he turned to the House: "You will forgive me, my lords, but I have always said and will say again that since you have been good enough to entrust35 such absolute power to me I ought not to be ashamed to use it for the common good. If I use it now to silence buffoons36 who insult you as well as myself by their silly performances, I trust that I will earn your approval, You have always been very kind and patient with me." Without Haterius, Callus had to play a lone37 game.
Though Tiberius hated his mother more than ever, he continued to let her rule him. All the appointments which he made to Consulships or provincial17 governorships were really hers: and they were very sensible ones, the men being chosen for merit, not for family influence or because they had flattered her or done her some private service. For I must make it plain, if I have not already done so, that however criminal the means used by Livia to win the direction of affairs for herself, first through Augustus and then through Tiberius, she was an exceptionally able and just ruler; and it was only when she ceased to direct the system that she had built up that it went wrong.
I have spoken of Sejanus, the son of the Commander of the Guards. He now succeeded to his father's command and was one of the only three men to whom Tiberius in any way opened his mind. Thrasyllus was another; he had come to Rome with Tiberius and never lost his hold on him. The third was a senator called Nerva. Thrasyllus never discussed State policy with Tiberius and never asked for any official position; and when Tiberius gave him large sums of money he accepted them casually38, as if money were something of little importance to him. He had a big observatory39 in a dome-shaped room in the Palace which had windows of glass so clear and transparent40 that you hardly knew they were there. Tiberius used to spend a great deal of his time here with Thrasyllus, who taught him the rudiments41 of astrology and many other magic arts including that of interpreting dreams in the Chaldean style. Sejanus and Nerva, Tiberius seems to have chosen for their totally opposite characters. Nerva never made an enemy and never lost a friend. His one fault, if you may call it so, was that he kept silent in the presence of evil when speech would not remedy it. He was sweet-tempered, generous, courageous42, utterly43 truthful44 and was never known to stoop to the least fraud, even if good promised to come from so doing. If he had been in Germanicus's position, for instance, he would never have forged that letter though his own safety and that of the Empire had hung upon it. Tiberius made Nerva superintendent45 of the City aqueducts and kept him constantly by him; I suppose by way of providing himself with a handy yardstick46 of virtue-as Sejanus certainly served as a handy yardstick of wickedness. Sejanus had as a young man been a friend of Gains, on whose staff he had served in the East, and had been clever enough to foresee Tiberius's return to favour: he had contributed to it by reassuring47 Gaius that Tiberius meant what he said when he disclaimed48 any ambition to rule, and by urging him to write that letter of recommendation to Augustus. He let Tiberius know at the time that he had done this and Tiberius wrote him a letter, still in his possession, promising49 never to forget his services. Sejanus was a liar50 but so Ene a general of lies that he knew how to marshal them into an alert and disciplined formation-this was a clever remark of Callus's, it is not mine-which would come off best in any skirmish with suspicions or any general engagement with truth. Tiberius envied him this talent as he envied Nerva his honesty: for though he had progressed far in the direction of evil, he still felt hampered51 by unaccountable impulses towards the good.
It was Sejanus who first began poisoning his mind against Germanicus, telling him that a man who could forge a letter from his father in whatever circumstances was not to be trusted; and that Germanicus was really aiming at the monarchy but was acting52 with caution-first winning the men's affection by bribery53 and then making sure of their fighting capacities and his own leadership by this unnecessary campaign across the Rhine. As for Agrippina, Sejanu said, she was a dangerously ambitious woman: look how she had behaved-styled herself captain of the bridge and welcomed the regiments54 on their return as if she were Heaven knows who! That the bridge was in danger of being destroyed was probably an invention of her own. Sejanus also said that he knew from a freedman of his who had once been a slave in Germanicus's household that Agrippina somehow believed Livia and Tiberius responsible for the death of her three brothers and the banishment55 of her sister and had sworn to be revenged. Sejanus also began discovering all kinds of plots against Tiberius and kept him in constant fear of assassination56 while assuring him that he need not have the least anxiety with himself on guard. He encouraged Tiberius to cross Livia in trifling57 ways, to show her that she over-estimated the strength of her position. It was he who, a few years later, organized the Guards into a disciplined body. Hitherto the three battalions58 stationed at Rome had been billetted by sections in various parts of the City, in inns and such-like places, and were difficult to fetch out on parade in a hurry and slovenly60 in their dress and movements. He suggested to Tiberius that if he built a single permanent camp for them outside the City it would give them a strong corporate61 sense, prevent them from being influenced by the rumours62 and waves of political feeling which were always running through the City, and attach them more closely to his person as their Emperor. Tiberius improved on his advice by recalling the remaining six battalions from their stations in other parts of Italy and making the new camp big enough to house them all-nine thousand infantry63 and two thousand cavalry64. Apart from the four City battalions, one of which he now sent to Lyons, and various colonies of discharged veterans, these were the only soldiers in Italy. The German bodyguard did not count as soldiers, being technically65 slaves. But they were picked men and more fanatically loyal to their Emperor than any true-born Roman There was not a man of them who really wanted to return to his cold rude barbarous land, though they were always singing sad choruses about it; they had too good a time here.
As for the criminal dossiers, to which Tiberius, because of his fear of plots against his life, was most anxious now to have access, Livia still pretended that the key to the cipher66 was lost. Tiberius, at Sejanus's suggestion, told her that since they were of no use to anyone he would burn them. She said that he could do so if he liked but surely it would be better to keep them, just in case the key turned up? Perhaps she might even suddenly remember the key. "Very well, mother," he answered, "I'll take charge of them until you do; and meanwhile I'll spend my evenings trying to work the cipher out myself." So he took them off to his own room and locked them in a cupboard. He tried his hardest to find the key to that cipher but it beat him. The common cipher was simply writing Latin E for Greek Alpha, Latin F for Greek Beta, G for Gamma, H for Delta67 and so on. The key of the higher cipher was next to impossible to discover. It was provided by the first hundred lines on the first book of the Iliad, which had to be read concurrently68 with the writing of the cipher, each letter in the writing being represented by the number of letters of the alphabet intervening between it and the corresponding letter in Homer. Thus the first letter of the first word of the first line of the first book of the Iliad is Mu. Suppose the first letter of the first word of an entry in the dossier to be Upsilon. There are seven letters in the Greek alphabet intervening between Mu and Upsilon so Upsilon would be written as 7. In this plan the alphabet would be thought of as circular. Omega, the last letter, following Alpha, the first, so that the distance between Upsilon and Alpha would be 4, but the distance between Alpha and Upsilon would be 18. It was Augustus's invention and must have taken rather a long time to write and decode69, but I suppose by practice they came to know the distance between any two letters in the alphabet without having to count up, which saved a lot of time. And how do I know about all this? Because many many years later when the dossiers came into my possession I worked the cipher out myself. I happened to find a roll of the first book of Homer, written on sheepskin, filed among the other rolls. It was clear that the first hundred lines only had been studied; because the sheepskin was badly soiled and inked at the beginning and quite clear at the end. When I looked closer and saw tiny figures-6, 23, 12-faintly scratched under the Setters of the first line, it was not difficult to connect them with the cipher. I was surprised that Tiberius had overlooked this clue.
Speaking of the alphabet, I was interested at this time in a simple plan for making Latin truly phonetic70. It seemed to me that three letters were missing. These three were consonantal72 U to distinguish it from U, the vowel73; a letter to correspond to the Greek Upsilon (which is a vowel between Latin I and U) for use in Greek words which have become Latinized; and a letter to denote the double consonant71 which we now write in Latin as BS but pronounce like the Greek Psi. It was important, I wrote, for provincials learning Latin to learn it correctly; if the letters did not correspond to the sound how could they avoid mistakes in pronunciation? So I suggested, for consonantal U, the upside down F (which is used for that purpose in Etruscan): thus LAJINIA instead of LAUINIA; and a broken H for Greek Upsilon: thus B BLIOTHECA instead of BIBLIOTHECA; and an upside down C for BS: thus AOQUE for ABSQUE. The last letter was not so important, but the other two seemed to me essential, I -suggested the broken H and the upside-down F and C because these would cause the least trouble to the men who use letter-punches for metal or clay: they would not have to make any new punches. I published the book and one or two people said that my suggestions were sensible; but of course it had absolutely no result. My mother told me that there were three impossible things in the world; that shops should stretch across the bay from Baiae to Puteoli, that I should subdue74 the island of Britain, and that any one of these absurd new letters would ever appear on public inscriptions75 in Rome. I have always remembered this remark of hers, for it had a sequel.
My mother was extremely short-tempered with me these days because our house took such a long time to rebuild and the new furniture I bought was not equal to the old, and because her income was greatly reduced by the share she took in these expenses-I could not have found all the money myself. We lived for two years in quarters at the Palace (not very good ones) and she vented76 her irritation77 on me so constantly that in the end I could not bear it any longer and moved out of Rome to my villa78 near Capua, only visiting the City when my priestly functions demanded it, which was not often. You will ask about Urgulanilla. She never came to Capua; in Rome we had little to do with each other. She scarcely greeted me when we met and took no notice of me except, for appearances' sake, when guests were present; and we always slept apart. She seemed fond enough of our boy, Drusillus, but did little for him in any practical way. His bringing-up was left to my mother, who managed the household, and never called on Urgulanilla for any help. My mother treated Drusillus as if he were her own child, and somehow contrived79 to forget who his parents were. I never learned to like Drusillus myself; he was a surly, stolid80, insolent81 child, and my mother scolded me so often in his presence that he learned to have no respect for me.
I don't know how Urgulanilla got through her days. But she never seemed bored and ate enormously and, so far as I know, entertained no secret lovers. This strange creature had one passion, though-Numantina, the wife of my brother-in-law Silvanus, a little fair-haired elf-like creature who had once done or said something (I don't know what) which had penetrated82 through that thick hide and muscular bulging83 body and touched what served Urgulanflla for a heart. Urgulanilla had a life-size portrait of Numantina in her boudoir: she used, I believe, to sit gazing at it for hours whenever there was no opportunity for gazing at Numantina herself. When I moved to Capua, Urgulanflla stayed at Rome with my mother and Drusillus.
The only inconvenience of Capua as a home for me was the absence of a good library. However, I began a book for which a library was not needed-a history of Etruria. I had by now made some progress in Etruscan, and Aruns, with whom I spent a few hours every day, was most helpful in giving me access to the archives of his half-ruined temple. He told me that he had been born on the day that the comet appeared which had announced the beginning of the tenth and last cycle of the Etruscan race. A cycle is a period reckoned by the longest life: that is to say, a cycle does not close until the death of everyone who was alive at the festival celebrating the close of the previous cycle. A cycle averages a little over one hundred years. Well, this was the last cycle and it would end with the total disappearance84 of Etruscan as a spoken language. The prophecy was already as good as fulfilled because he had no successors in his priestly office, and the country-people now talked Latin even in the home; so he was glad to help me to write my history, he said, as a mausoleum for the traditions of a once great race I started it in the second year of Tiberius's reign85 and I finished it twenty-one years later. I consider it my best work: certainly I worked hardest at it. So far as I know, there is no other book on the subject of the Etruscans at all and. they were a very interesting race indeed; so I think that historians of the future will be grateful to me.
I had Gallon and Pallas with me and lived a quiet orderly life. I took an interest in the farm attached to my villa and enjoyed occasional visits from friends in Rome who came out for a holiday. There was a woman permanently86 living with me, called Acre, a professional prostitute and a very decent woman, I never had any trouble with her in the fifteen years she was with me. Our relationship was a purely87 business one. She had deliberately88 chosen prostitution as her profession; I paid her well; there was no nonsense about her. We were quite fond of each other in a way. At last she told me that she wanted to retire on her earnings89. She would marry a decent man, an old soldier for choice, and settle down in one of the colonies and have children before it was too late. She had always wanted to have a houseful of children. So I kissed her and said good-bye and gave her enough dowry-money to make things very easy for her. She did not go away, though, until she had found me a successor whom she could trust to treat me properly. She found me Calpurnia, who was so like her that I have often thought she must have been her daughter. Acte did once mention having had a daughter whom she had to put out to nurse because one couldn't be a prostitute and a mother at the same time. Well, so Acte married an ex-Guardsman who treated her quite well and had five children by her. I have always kept an eye on that family. I mention her only because my readers will wonder what sort of sexual life I led when living apart from Urgulanilla. I do not think that it is natural for an ordinary man to live long without a woman, and since Urgulanilla was impossible as a wife I do not think that I can be blamed for living with Acte. Acte and I had an understanding that while we were together we would neither of us have to do with anyone else. This was not sentiment but a medical precaution: there was so much venereal disease now in Rome-another fatal legacy91, by the way, of the Punic War.
Here I wish to put it on record that I have never at any time of my life practised homosexuality. I do not use Augustus's argument against it, that it prevents men having children to support the State, but I have always thought it at once pitiful and disgusting to see a full-grown man, a magistrate92, perhaps, with a family of his own, slobbering uxoriously93 over a plump little boy with a painted face and bangles; or an ancient senator playing Queen Venus to some tall young Adonis of the Guards cavalry who tolerates the old fool only because he has money.
When I had to go up to Rome I stayed there for as short a time as possible. I felt something uncomfortable in the atmosphere on the Palatine Hill, which may well have been the growing tension between Tiberius and Livia. He had begun building a huge palace for himself on the Northwest of the hill, and now moved into the lower rooms, before the upper ones were finished, leaving her in sole possession of Augustus's palace. Livia, as if to show that Tiberius's new building, though three times the size, would never have the prestige of the old one, put a magnificent gold statue of Augustus in her hall and proposed, as High Priestess of his cult59, to invite all the senators and their wives to the dedicatory banquet. But Tiberius pointed94 out that he must first ask the Senate to vote on the matter: it was a State occasion, not a private entertainment. He so managed the debate that the banquet was held in two parts simultaneously95: the senators in the hall with himself as host, and their wives in a big room leading off it with Livia as hostess. She swallowed the insult by not treating it as such, only as a sensible arrangement more in keeping with what Augustus would have wished himself; but gave orders to the Palace cooks that the women were to be served first with the best Joints96 and sweetmeats and wine. She also appropriated the most costly97 dishes and drinking-vessels for her feast. She got the better of him on that occasion and the senators' wives all had a good laugh at the expense of Tiberius and their husbands.
Another uncomfortable thing about coming to Rome was that I never seemed to be able to avoid meeting Sejanus. I disliked having anything to do with him, though he was always studiously polite to me and never did me any direct injury. I was astonished that a man with a face and manner like his and not well-born or a famous fighter, or even particularly rich, could have made such a huge success in the City: he was now the next most important man after Tiberius, and extremely popular with the Guards. It was a completely untrustworthy face-sly, cruel and irregular featured-and the one thing that held it together was a certain animal hardiness98 and resolution. What was stranger still to me, several women of good family were said to be rivals in love for him. He and Castor got on badly together, which was only natural, for there were rumours that Livilla and Sejanus had some sort of understanding. But Tiberius seemed to have complete confidence in him.
I have mentioned Briseis, my mother's old freedwoman. When I told her that I was leaving Rome and settling at Capua she said how much she would miss me, but that I was wise to go. "I had a funny dream about you last night, Master Claudius, if you'll forgive me. You were a little lame90 boy, and thieves broke into his father's house and murdered his father and a whole lot of relations and friends; but he squeezed through a pantry-window and went hobbling into the neighbouring wood. He climbed up a tree and waited. The thieves came out of the house and sat down under the tree where he was hiding, to divide the plunder99. Soon they began to quarrel about who should have what, and one of the thieves got killed, and then two more, and then the rest began drinking wine and pretending to be great friends; but the wine had been poisoned by one of the murdered thieves, so they all died in agony. The lame boy climbed down the tree and collected the valuables and found a lot of gold and jewels among them that had been stolen from other families: but he took it all home with him and became quite rich."
I smiled. "That's a funny dream, Briseis. But he was still as lame as ever and all that wealth could not buy his father and family back to life again, could it?"
"No, my dear, but perhaps he married and had a family of his own. So choose a good tree. Master Claudius, and don't come down till the last of the thieves are dead. That's what my dream said."
"I'll not come down even then, if I can help it, Briseis. I don't want to be a receiver of stolen goods."
"You can always give them back. Master Claudius."
This was all very remarkable100 in the light of what happened later. I have no great faith in dreams. Athenodorus once dreamed that there was treasure in a badger's den1 in a wood near Rome. He found his way to the exact spot, which he had never visited before, and there in a bank was the hole leading to the den. He fetched a couple of countrymen to dig away the bank until they came to the den at the end of the hole-where they found a rotten old purse containing six mouldy coppers101 and a bad shilling, which was not enough to pay the countrymen for their work. And one of my tenants102, a shopkeeper, dreamed once that a flight of eagles wheeled round his head and one settled on his shoulder. He took it for a sign that he would one day be Emperor, but all that happened was that a piquet of Guards visited him the next morning (they had eagles on their shields) and the corporal arrested him for some offence that brought him under military jurisdiction103.
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den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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catching
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| adj.易传染的，有魅力的，迷人的，接住 | |
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bodyguard
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| n.护卫，保镖 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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parody
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| n.打油诗文，诙谐的改编诗文，拙劣的模仿；v.拙劣模仿，作模仿诗文 | |
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archaic
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| adj.(语言、词汇等)古代的，已不通用的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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profusely
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monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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vacancy
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| n.（旅馆的）空位，空房，（职务的）空缺 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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impudent
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| adj.鲁莽的，卑鄙的，厚颜无耻的 | |
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vacancies
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31
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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entrust
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| v.信赖，信托，交托 | |
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36
buffoons
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| n.愚蠢的人( buffoon的名词复数 )；傻瓜；逗乐小丑；滑稽的人 | |
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lone
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| adj.孤寂的，单独的；唯一的 | |
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casually
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| adv.漠不关心地，无动于衷地，不负责任地 | |
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observatory
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| n.天文台，气象台，瞭望台，观测台 | |
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transparent
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| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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41
rudiments
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| n.基础知识，入门 | |
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42
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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43
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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truthful
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| adj.真实的，说实话的，诚实的 | |
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45
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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46
yardstick
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| n.计算标准，尺度；评价标准 | |
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47
reassuring
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| a.使人消除恐惧和疑虑的，使人放心的 | |
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48
disclaimed
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| v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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50
liar
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| n.说谎的人 | |
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51
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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53
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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54
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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56
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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57
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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slovenly
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| adj.懒散的，不整齐的，邋遢的 | |
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corporate
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| adj.共同的，全体的；公司的，企业的 | |
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rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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technically
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| adv.专门地，技术上地 | |
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cipher
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| n.零；无影响力的人；密码 | |
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delta
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| n.（流的）角洲 | |
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concurrently
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| adv.同时地 | |
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decode
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| vt.译（码），解（码） | |
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phonetic
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| adj.语言的，语言上的，表示语音的 | |
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consonant
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| n.辅音；adj.[音]符合的 | |
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consonantal
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| adj.辅音的，带辅音性质的 | |
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vowel
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| n.元音；元音字母 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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76
vented
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| 表达，发泄（感情，尤指愤怒）( vent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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78
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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stolid
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| adj.无动于衷的，感情麻木的 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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82
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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83
bulging
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| 膨胀； 凸出（部）； 打气； 折皱 | |
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84
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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85
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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86
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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88
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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89
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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lame
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| adj.跛的，(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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91
legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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92
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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uxoriously
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| adv.疼爱妻子地，顺从妻子地 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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96
joints
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| 接头( joint的名词复数 )； 关节； 公共场所（尤指价格低廉的饮食和娱乐场所） （非正式）； 一块烤肉 （英式英语） | |
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97
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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98
hardiness
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| n.耐劳性，强壮；勇气，胆子 | |
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99
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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101
coppers
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| 铜( copper的名词复数 )； 铜币 | |
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102
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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103
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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