61 He had been married three years before to Valeria Messalina, who thus became the fifth Empress. As the youngest son of Drusus, brother of Tiberius, and Antonia, daughter of Mark Antony and Octavia, he was the natural heir to Caligula. The Imperial power was in no sense hereditary10, but the attachment11 of the Pr?torian Guards to the ruling family, and their irresistible12 domination over Rome, for some time ensured a kind of hereditary succession. There had, however, been no deliberate proposal to put Claudius on the throne. While the future of the Empire was being determined13 by the rough mercenaries in the Pr?torian camp, where Claudius promised a substantial largess for his elevation14, the Senate was actually discussing the question of restoring the Republic. Somewhat deformed15 in person, clumsy in gait and corpulent, stuttering in speech, deficient16 at least in the power of expression, Claudius had always been regarded as a negligible offshoot of the Julian stock. His mother had spoken of him as “a little monster,” Octavian had genially17 treated him as half-witted, and, when he arrived at early manhood, Tiberius had refused to give him any rank or office. Caligula, however, had given him consular18 rank, and promoted him in the palace, though he treated his uncle with the brutal19 jocularity which his mental infirmity was held to justify20.
We shall see that this treatment was far from just, for Claudius had some excellent qualities; but the disdain21 of his family threw him upon the society of his servants, and led him to seek consolation22 in the pleasures of the table and the dice-board. He had in early youth been betrothed23 to a daughter of Julia. This contract was dissolved when Julia’s vices25 were discovered, and he was married to a young lady of distinguished26 and wealthy family, Livia Medullina Camilla. She died on the wedding-day, and he married Plautia Urgulanilla, a daughter of the Empress Livia’s intimate friend, Urgulania. Suspecting, after a few years, that her friendship with his emancipated-slave friends was warmer than he intended, he divorced her,62 and married ?lia P?tina, who in turn was shortly divorced.
In the year 38 he married the notorious Valeria Messalina, whose name conveys to every student of history or morals a summary impression of the worst features of the early Empire. The spirit of our time is so resolutely28 bent29 on visiting the sins of the children on their fathers—so determined to seek the secret of character in heredity—that the older biographical practice of drawing out genealogies30 cannot be entirely31 abandoned; though one may wonder whether the tainted32 atmosphere of Rome may not have been more deadly than a tainted stock. It is enough to say that both her parents were of the Julian family, and were first cousins of Claudius. Her father, Valerius Messala Barbatus, was a Senator of distinction. He is known to us as the Senator who, in the old Roman spirit, made a futile33 effort to restrain women from invading public life and the camp. Her mother has a less reputable record. We shall see that she eventually falls under a charge of conspiracy34 and magic; but we may find that her more serious offence was an intense hatred35 of the Empress Agrippina, who brought the charge against her.
Messalina, as we may now briefly36 call her—with a passing protest against that uncouth37 expression, “the Messaline”—was in her sixteenth year at the time of her marriage. An indulgent imagination will be able to appreciate the dangerous situation of the young girl. Entering, in her teens, a world of the most seductive pleasure and the utmost license38, with so responsive and impulsive39 a nature as she had, she needed the guidance of a man whom she could at least respect. Instead of this, she found herself mated to a man of forty-eight years, whose full paunch and long thin legs and tremulous head were the jest of the Palatine, and who spent his hours in the company of Greek freedmen, or in too prolonged an enjoyment40 of rich dishes and costly41 wines. Claudius, it is true, adored her, but his adoration42 only made him the surer dupe of her craving43 for indulgence. Her misconduct63 probably began early. When, after the evening meal, she left her spouse44 intoxicated45 and snoring over the emptied dishes, when his throat had been tickled46 with a feather, so that he might disgorge and return to the Imperial dainties, the young girl would naturally yield to the counsels of the unscrupulous courtiers who abounded47 in such a palace.
The path to the abyss was made smoother for her by her husband’s reliance on his freedmen. In the later years of the Republic, when the dominion48 of Rome was extended over the East, the practice had grown of employing the more accomplished49 slaves of Greece and Syria in the patrician50 palaces. Equally expert at keeping accounts or pandering51 to vice24, they won their emancipation52 and acquired large fortunes in the service of their new masters. They were usually regarded with disdain, but, as we saw, Claudius had been driven to associate familiarly with them, and they attained53 great power when he ascended54 the throne. Rome now discovered a new evil in the Imperial rule it had adopted. All who wished to approach the Emperor with a petition had to flatter or bribe55 the freedman Callistus, to whom this part of Claudius’s duties was entrusted56. His steward57 of finances, Pallas, his secretary, Narcissus, and his adviser58 in letters, Polybius, stood at one or other avenue of the palace, and exacted toll59 of all who approached. Offices were distributed through their avaricious60 hands, and it was soon noticed that they built magnificent villas61 in the neighbourhood of Rome. Whether the rumour62 was true or not, it was believed in Rome that some of the noblest ladies paid an ignominious63 price to these men for the favours they sought, or were surrendered to them by the Empress. It is at all events clear that Messalina soon came to an understanding with them. Both they and she needed to dupe the purblind65 Emperor, and it was felt that a friendly co-operation would be better than a precarious66 contest for supremacy67.
Before the end of the first year of Claudius’s reign68 this64 corrupt69 collusion began to show its influence. Claudius had begun well. He set to work at once to redress70 the injustice71 and follies72 of Caligula. A general amnesty was granted, the courts of justice were purified, the administration was opened to the abler provincials73, and the public funds were expended75 on public works of solid usefulness. How far the freedmen were responsible for these measures it is difficult to say, but it seems that we must grant Claudius, not only good will, but some quality of judgment77. At the same time, there is evidence from the first of some infirmity of mind. His work as a judge seems to have been more remarkable78 for industry than enlightenment. On one occasion an angry knight79 (eques) threw books at him in the court-house; on another, during a shortage of corn, the people pelted80 him with mouldy crusts in the Forum81. Humane82 he was, apparently83, in those early months, but he does not seem to have shaken off his earlier repute and exhibited any personal dignity.
It was not long before even his humanity was warped84 by the malignant85 persuasions86 of his wife and the corrupt connivance87 of his freedmen. In our age of apologists there has been some effort to relieve the character of Messalina from its heavy burden of infamy88, or at least to discredit89 the evidence adduced for it. I have already said enough about the Roman authorities to justify one in making some reserve in regard to the details transmitted to us about Messalina. When we read Tacitus we have to remember that he had before him the memoirs90 of her bitter enemy and successor, Agrippina. When we read Suetonius and Dio and later writers we must not forget their love of vivid colours and romantic details. Yet these writers had in their time official records, and something like public journals, belonging to the earlier period, which put the malignant and unscrupulous action of Messalina beyond question; of the less startling stories of her infidelities we have proof enough in the remarkable and authentic91 episode which will close her career. It cannot reasonably be doubted that the traditional estimate of the character of65 Messalina is substantially just, though we must use some discretion92 in admitting particular statements about her.
With this reserve we may follow, in fair chronological93 order, the career of this young girl of nineteen, who is dazed by the sudden attainment94 of Imperial wealth and power, until, in her twenty-fifth year, her childish efforts to pierce her bosom95 with a dagger96 are ended by the manly97 thrust of a soldier’s sword. She had borne a daughter, Octavia, before the accession of her husband, and she was far advanced in child-bearing when Caligula was assassinated98. Claudius, unable to believe his good fortune, expecting daily that some fresh movement would dislodge him from the throne, kept in the palace with her. A month after his accession she bore a son, Tiberius Claudius Germanicus (later known as Britannicus), and Claudius ventured out, to exhibit his heir to the people and express his joy. He never entirely lost his fear. Soldiers served him at table, and all who approached him were searched. But his clement99 and comparatively enlightened rule won him some popularity, his gluttony and weak wit were genially overlooked, and he gave promise of a prosperous reign.
The first indication of the evil of his feeble dependence100 on Messalina and the freedmen occurred before the end of the year 41. Claudius had recalled from exile Caligula’s sisters, Julia Livilla and Agrippina, and restored their property. Agrippina, whose character and career will occupy the next chapter, was in her twenty-fifth year, Livilla in her twenty-third. Both had the beauty of the Julian women in its ripest development. Agrippina quickly realized her situation and discreetly101 concealed102 her ambition, but the younger woman was too proud to be diplomatic, and she was suspected of an ambition which she possibly did not entertain. Messalina became jealous, and denounced her to Claudius for adultery. Claudius was persuaded that an open trial would entail104 scandal on the Imperial family, and the unfortunate woman was exiled without the chance of defence. She was starved to death66 in her prison shortly afterwards, and, when the further course of this story has been read, one will hardly hesitate to accept the assurance of the chroniclers that this grave crime was committed by the orders of Messalina.
That the charge against Livilla was malignant cannot be doubted when we learn that her lover was said to be the famous Stoic105 moralist, Seneca. The disease of Rome had already evoked106 a natural remedy. The austere107 code of morals which Zeno had formulated108 some centuries earlier in the marble colonnade109 at Athens was now adopted by the best of the Romans. Pointing to the enfeeblement and degradation110 which this epidemic111 of Eastern vice and luxury had brought on their city, the philosophers argued that the curb112 must be placed once more on sensual impulse, and the old virility113 of Rome restored. Seneca was the most distinguished representative of this growing school at Rome, and, ambiguous or even reprehensible114 as his conduct may seem to us at a later stage, we should in this case prefer to attribute his punishment to the known vice of Messalina rather than to a frailty116 on his part of which we have no indication. The wise and just counsel that he gave to Claudius was probably distasteful to Messalina and the freedmen. Without trial or defence he was banished117 to Corsica. It is sometimes said that, as Seneca nowhere impeaches118 the virtue119 of Messalina, we may distrust the charge of vice against her which we find in all the later chroniclers; but Seneca also fails to refer to her greater and quite indisputable misdeeds, so that the omission120 has no significance. Seneca remained in exile six years, and had no more personal knowledge than Suetonius of the debauches of Messalina.
Her first success emboldened121 the Empress. Within a few months she selected another lady, Julia, the daughter of Drusus, and denounced her to Claudius. Such virtue or discernment as Claudius may have possessed122 was now attenuated123 by the sensual excesses in which his wife and his ministers encouraged him to indulge, and his humanity67 was contaminated by the passion for gladiatorial displays which he gradually contracted. We must not too hastily admit the lowest estimate of his powers. If Octavian could be so long and so easily duped by Julia, we may admit that Claudius’s ignorance was consistent with some measure of good sense, which he still displayed in provincial74 administration and the accomplishment124 of public works. But from the end of the first year of his reign he lends himself so basely and ignobly125 to the schemes of Messalina that it is impossible to defend him. No sooner did his wife accuse Julia than she was banished, without trial, and it is easy to believe that her speedy death at the hands of the centurion126 in charge of her was due to the orders of Messalina. It was said that Julia had excited the Empress’s suspicions by too tender a regard for Claudius.
The more prudent127 Agrippina now sought the protection of a husband. She is said to have chosen the future Emperor, Sulpicius Galba, and urged him to divorce his ailing128 wife; but the wife’s mother took her part, and ended the intrigue129 by boxing Agrippina’s ears in public. The wife died soon afterwards, but Galba feared the resentment130 of Messalina too much to wed27 Agrippina. She then induced Crispus Passienus, a wealthy and distinguished noble and a famous orator131, to divorce his wife and marry her. She had inherited a moderate fortune from an earlier husband—the father of her son, the future Emperor Nero—and the great wealth and distinction of Passienus put her in a much stronger position. Passienus died soon afterwards, leaving his fortune to Agrippina and Nero. How the fortune was used for the advancement132 of mother and son, and how Agrippina was eventually murdered by her son, will be told in the next chapter. Serviez repeats without hesitation133 a rumour, lightly reproduced in one of the chronicles, that she murdered Passienus to secure the wealth. The charge is of the most frivolous134 character. Her husband had afforded her some protection: a fortune without a68 husband would rather attract than divert the passion of Messalina.
The year 42 was marked by a conspiracy that unhappily disposed Claudius more than ever to confide135 in Messalina and the freedmen. The troops in Dalmatia were to be employed in the dethronement of Claudius. At the last moment, however, the soldiers were startled by so many and such undeniable signs of the anger of the gods that they returned to their loyalty136 and slew137 their officers. The standards could not be dragged out of the ground—a not unnatural138 event, one would think, in a Dalmatian winter—and the wreaths had fallen from the eagles.
The plot was reported to the palace, and Messalina and the freedmen drew up long lists of men whom it was desirable to remove or despoil139. Wealthier men redeemed140 their lives by paying considerable sums; others were put to the torture, or were consigned141 to prison or the grave. A story is told in the record of this persecution142 which should guard us from admitting the common fallacy that the older spirit of Rome was quite extinct. A distinguished patrician heard that his name was on the list of the condemned143. His wife urged him to escape the ignominy of a public execution by ending his own life, and, when he hesitated, she buried the dagger in her own bosom, and then handed it to him with the words, worthy144 of a Corneille: “It does not hurt.” Another victim was Appius Silanus, who had married Messalina’s mother, Domitia Lepida. The chroniclers say that his crime was to have rejected the advances which Messalina made to him. Whatever the motive145 was, she induced the freedman Narcissus to tell Claudius that he saw, in a dream, Silanus thrusting a dagger into the Emperor’s heart. Claudius nervously146 consulted his wife, who confessed, with artistic147 horror, that the same dream had frequently tormented148 her. They had meantime summoned Silanus to the palace, and, as he entered at that moment, the Emperor ordered him to be executed at once.
69 Such are a few of the dark crimes attributed to Messalina that we cannot seriously question, and that fully149 prepare us to believe the less inhuman150 misdeeds which it might otherwise be possible to doubt. In the following year (A.D. 43) Claudius went to Britain, leaving his Empress at Rome. It seems to have been at this time that, unless we are arbitrarily to set aside one group of charges in the records and admit another, Messalina indulged in the practices which have secured for her an unenviable immortality151. The perfectly152 authentic sequel of the story will show that she had so extraordinary a disregard for even the pretence153 of moral feeling that the statements of the chroniclers cannot for a moment be set down as improbable. In a word, Messalina surpassed Caligula both in her own misconduct and in the propagation of vice. Envying the trade of the lowest women of Rome, she had one of the rooms at the palace equipped on the model of the chambers154 of the meretrices in the tenements156 of the Subura, put over the door the name of one of the most notorious women of that caste, Lycisca, and offered the lascivious157 embrace of an Empress to any who cared to pay the price for which she stipulated158. Others place the scene in an actual brothel. Not content with her own abasement159, she compelled the most distinguished ladies of Rome to follow her example. She bestowed160 the honours and offices, which Claudius left at her disposal, on the husbands who would complacently161 witness the defilement162 of their wives, and offered the alternative of her deadly lists to those who refused. Uncertain as we must always be whether these statements are not mere155 exaggerations of her conduct in the popular mind of the time, they are consistent enough with the accredited163 facts of her career.
In the year 44 Claudius returned with joy to what he still regarded as the chaste164 and tender arms of his young Empress. So lively was his esteem165 of her virtue that he obtained from the Senate permission for her to ride in the ceremonious car (carpentum), an honour which was restricted to the priestly rank and rigorously forbidden to70 women. He granted her, also, the signal distinction of riding in his chariot on the day of his triumphal procession. The ease with which she duped him led her to fresh excesses. It is said that when she saw his wine-soaked body laid to bed at night, she placed one of her maids with him, and went with the companions of her debauches. If we may believe a story which has no inherent improbability, and has some confirmation166 later, she made the blind Emperor himself purvey167 to her vices. She one day complained to Claudius that the popular actor, Mnester, would not obey her when she commanded him to leave the stage and enter her private service. Claudius forced him to do so; and three years later, when Messalina’s conduct was exposed, Mnester exhibited to the Emperor the scars on his body which gave proof of Messalina’s brutal familiarity. Even when she used the bronze coinage of Caligula, which had been withdrawn168 from circulation, to make a statue to Mnester, Claudius suspected nothing.
This licentious170 conduct continued until the year 47. Messalina was only in her twenty-fifth year when her long impunity171 led her to take the step which ruined her. A bust172 of her that is preserved at Florence, and a cameo at Vienna, give a representation of her that we have no inclination173 to distrust. The curly golden-yellow hair—Juvenal tells us its colour—is elaborately dressed over the low forehead, and the large deep-set eyes are abnormally close. There is some irregularity in the undeniable beauty of the face; and the thin lips and small mouth, drooping174 weakly at the corners, would irresistibly175 suggest a record of adventure, if such a story were not assigned to her in the chronicles of the time. With that record before us it is, no doubt, easy for physiognomists to detect a moral distortion in the features, and to discover unknown, as well as verify the known, vices of the Empress in the truthful176 marble. Yet any thoughtful observer will be disposed to see in those pitiless lineaments a revelation of the truth about Messalina and her race. It is a picture of strength worn to decay by reiterated177 storms of71 passion, of beauty fading with the disease which foreruns death.
MESSALINA
BUST IN THE UFFIZI PALACE, FLORENCE
One last crime must be added to the record of Messalina before we come to the crowning folly178 of her career. There remained one woman in Rome more beautiful than she; and one distinguished patrician whose virtue rebuked179 her, and whose wealth allured180 her. She resolved to bury the two under a common ruin.
Valerius Asiaticus, a patrician of consular rank and great merit, had withdrawn from Rome to Crete as the madness of Messalina and the blindness of Claudius increased. Unhappily for him, he owned the beautiful and famous garden which Lucullus had laid out on the summit of the Pincian Hill, and Messalina was now eager for it. She employed the tutors of her children to declare to the Emperor that Asiaticus was at the head of an important faction181 at Rome, and had gone to fire the Eastern provinces with his rebellious182 spirit. The omens183 which were reported from the East seemed to Claudius to make mere human testimony184 superfluous185. The moon had been darkened by an eclipse, and a new island had risen from the ?g?an Sea. The Chald?an sages186 interpreted these signs with their customary art, and Asiaticus was brought to Rome.
He listened in disdain to the charge of conspiracy and adultery which the tutors, Sosibius and Suillius, brought against him, but, when they proceeded to accuse him of unnatural vice, he broke into an angry denial of the whole accusation187. Messalina was present at the trial—a wholly irregular proceeding188, in Claudius’s chamber—and saw that the Emperor was moved. She whispered to Vitellius, the sycophant189 who had first discovered Caligula’s divinity and shaded his eyes from the blaze, that Asiaticus must on no account escape, and left the room. Vitellius, with ready wit, fell at the feet of the Emperor. He enlarged at length on the great merits of the accused, and concluded with an artful plea that Claudius would grant Asiaticus the favour of being allowed to take his own life, instead72 of handing him over to the public executioner. Easily confused by this stratagem190, and fancying that he was showing some clemency191, Claudius assented192. Asiaticus, true to the finest traditions of his fathers, returned to his palace, bathed and supped in perfect tranquillity193, and then opened his veins194. Messalina secured the gardens of Lucullus.
The lady with whom Asiaticus is said to have offended was Popp?a Sabina, the only woman in Rome who surpassed Messalina in beauty. That would be quite enough to arouse the jealousy195 of Messalina, but we are told that she had the still greater mortification196 of believing that Popp?a was too intimate with the actor Mnester, whom the Empress had appropriated. The daughter of Popp?a will presently come before our eyes in the gallery of Roman Empresses, and, if we may infer from her conduct the nature of her mother’s precepts197 and example, we cannot set aside the charge as improbable. There is, however, no need for us to discuss it. No sooner was Asiaticus condemned than Messalina sent the news to Popp?a, and she put an end to her own life. Sosibius received a million sesterces, in the form of a special reward for his service in instructing the young princes; and other ministers to the cruelty, avarice198, and passion of the Empress were richly endowed.
Messalina now ventured upon so flagrant a violation199, not merely of decency200, but of the moderate discretion that had hitherto concealed her conduct from her husband, that her career of infamy was brought to a violent close. She had for some time entertained and indulged a passion for Caius Silius, one of the most handsome men among the Roman nobility. Tacitus assures us that there was no secrecy201 in the amour. She persuaded Silius to divorce his wife, visited his house with a large retinue202, and made him repeated gifts of slaves and other property belonging to the Imperial house. An obscure passage in Tacitus seems to imply that her impatience203 of all laws led her to form the design of marrying Silius while married to Claudius, and73 the details of what immediately followed have come down to us in contradictory205 versions. It is said by some that Silius proposed to her to remove Claudius and share the throne with him, and that she hesitated only from fear that Silius might divorce her as soon as he had secured the purple. Other writers say that the ph?nix appeared in Egypt, as it had done before the death of Tiberius, and that the nervous Emperor was further told of a prediction that the husband of Messalina would die before the end of the year. In order to cheat this decree of the fates, Suetonius says, Claudius signed the divorce of Messalina, and went down to the coast, leaving her free to marry Silius. He intended to return and recover her as soon as Silius had fulfilled the prophecy by dying.
It is clear that a good deal of legend has mingled206 with the true account of the events which led to Messalina’s downfall, and one can merely try to construct a plausible207 story out of the discordant208 versions. Tacitus, the highest authority, knows nothing of the prophecy, or the divorce which it is said to have occasioned. His silence is not conclusive209, and the course attributed to Claudius, however extravagant210 it may seem, is not inconsistent with his abnormally timorous211 nature. On the whole, however, one is disposed to agree with Merivale, that Claudius heard of no prophecy, signed no divorce, and knew nothing of the liaison212 until a later stage, as Dio implies. But Merivale is plainly wrong in suggesting that the marriage of Messalina and Silius is a libellous legend borrowed from Agrippina’s memoirs. When he submits that such a marriage could not have taken place without the Emperor’s knowledge, he forgets that, as all the authorities state or imply, Claudius had left Rome and gone down to the coast. The Emperor returned to the city as soon as he heard of the marriage.
The real course of events seems to be that Claudius was vaguely213 informed of the existence of a conspiracy against him. He complained bitterly to the Senate, confined himself for some time to the palace, and then, in74 October, went to Ostia to inspect certain public works which were in progress there. Delighted at his removal, Messalina went through the form of marriage—the laxer, not the more solemn, form (confarreatio)—with Silius, and cast aside the last shade of reserve. Base as her nature was, she must have been weary of the nightly spectacle of the repulsive214 old man sinking back in satiety215 on his couch, while slaves tickled his throat with a feather to induce a vomit216. Silius was young, handsome, and not without wit. A better future seemed to open before her. Perhaps the slow-witted Emperor would make no struggle for his throne; perhaps the city and the guards would gladly sacrifice him for this handsome young Imperial pair. There is calculation in the carven face of Messalina. But the news was speeding to Ostia, and the dreadful end was near.
Shortly after the marriage came the festival of the vintage, the Bacchanalia, which was celebrated217 by the bride and bridegroom and their friends with the wildest merriment. That last scene in the licentious career of Messalina must have made a deep impression on the feeling of Rome, and it is lit up for ever by one of Tacitus’s most vivid flashes of description. Messalina had bestowed on Silius the Imperial palace and its contents, and in the garden of the palace they paid full honour to the orgiastic cult76 of Bacchus. Wine-presses were set up, and the women of Messalina’s company, their white limbs and bosoms218 scantily219 covered with strips of fawn220 skin, sang and danced the Bacchic dance round the large vats221 of grape-juice. Messalina, her golden hair flowing loose under her ivy222 wreath, shook her thyrsus and led the wild dance. Silius lay at her feet, crowned with ivy, nodding his head to the air of the lascivious chorus. Wine flowed freely on that autumn afternoon, and the gay world and distant Ostia were forgotten; or so little heeded223 that when Vettius Valens, one of Messalina’s discarded lovers, had, in boyish exuberance224, climbed a high tree, and they crowded round and asked what he saw, he gaily225 cried: “A hurricane from Ostia.”75 But before the evening was out the hurricane came from Ostia and scattered226 the revellers in terror. News was brought to the garden that Claudius was hurrying to Rome to avenge227 his dishonour228.
The freedman Narcissus had disliked the idea of Silius obtaining power, especially as Messalina had recently taken the ominous229 step of securing the execution of his colleague Polybius. In the suite of Claudius at Ostia were two female attendants, to describe them courteously230, Calpurnia and Cleopatra, who were taken into counsel by Narcissus, and learned their parts in his scheme. Calpurnia flung herself at the feet of the Emperor, crying, “Messalina is married to Silius.” Cleopatra and Narcissus were summoned by the Emperor, and they assured him that his life was in danger, and he must hasten to Rome. Other advisers231, who had been trained to their part by Narcissus, were drawn169 into the group, and the dazed and vacillating Claudius yielded to their guidance. He was at once placed in his chariot, and Vitellius and Narcissus rode with him. Claudius feebly discussed the news as they travelled, and Vitellius, not sure which party would triumph, remained silent; but the freedman assiduously fed the slow-kindling anger of the Emperor.
Silius had fled from the Bacchanalian232 garden to the Forum, and tried to conceal103 his part by a zealous233 absorption in business. Messalina saw all the companions of her revels234 fly for safety, and leave her to face the storm alone in the palace-garden. From the disordered relics235 of the feast she hurried to her Lucullan gardens on the Pincian. There her courage seems to have revived, and she determined to make an effort to disarm236 her husband. Directing the head of the Vestal Virgins237 to follow with her children, she went out upon the road which entered Rome from Ostia. The news had now spread over Rome. With three companions only out of the gay throng239 of her followers240, and Vibidia, the Vestal Virgin238, whose person was sacred, she braved the pitiless gaze of the citizens, who had so long seen her chariot flash by in triumph, and76 walked on foot to the gate of the city. There her strength failed, and she was forced to mount the common cart of a gardener. When they had covered a short distance from the gates, they saw the Emperor’s chariot approaching, and she dismounted. Whether from real affection for her, or from an indolent dislike of trouble, Claudius hesitated once more when the piteous figure of his young wife appeared in his path; but Narcissus reminded him of her marriage, and ordered the charioteer to drive on. Her last despairing appeal was unheeded. The chariot galloped241 on, and left her standing64 on the road. A little further on the Vestal Virgin, relying on her high position, demanded that Claudius should grant his wife an opportunity of defending herself, and thrust his children before him. The sight of his beloved Octavia and Britannicus again moved the wavering Emperor. Narcissus bade the charioteer drive onward242, and Messalina slowly turned to meet her fate in Rome.
In order to dispel243 the last shade of tenderness from the Emperor’s mind, Narcissus conducted him first to the house of Silius, and showed him the treasures of the Imperial palace which Messalina had showered on her lover. He then led him to the camp of the Pr?torian Guards, and induced him to make a speech to the soldiers. The feeble spirit of the Emperor was cowed by the full revelation of Messalina’s perfidy244. Now completely docile245 to the masterful freedman, he took his place at the tribunal, and passed sentence of death, which was at once carried out, on Silius, Mnester, Vettius Valens, and all Messalina’s accomplices246. Mnester vainly stripped off his robe, to show that he had received from the Empress rather the imprint247 of her anger than the embraces of which he was accused. The Emperor signed the doom248 of all, and returned wearily to the palace. Restored by food and wine, he began to resist the dictation of Narcissus, and ordered him to inform Messalina that he would hear her on the morrow. The freedman knew that a delay would ruin his design. He left the room, and told77 the guard that the Emperor had commanded the immediate204 execution of his wife.
Messalina had returned to her garden on the Pincian, where she was joined by her mother. Night had come on, and they sat in an arbour debating the mad brilliance249 of the past and the terrible gloom of the future. Domitia Lepida felt that there was no hope of recovering the favour of Claudius, and urged her daughter to end her life as Roman tradition prescribed. Strong only in her clinging to life, like most of the other frail115 women of the Julian house, Messalina fell at her mother’s feet and sobbed250. Presently the stillness of the deserted251 garden was broken by the tramp of soldiers and a summons at the gate. Still Messalina shrank from the eternal darkness which she had so suddenly confronted. Only when the officer of the guard told her the order that Narcissus had given him, and the freedman who had come with the guard began insolently252 to revile253 her for her crimes, did she take the dagger from her mother’s hands. In the light of the single lamp of the arbour the little group looked on with pity and disdain, as the nerveless hands of Messalina lacerated her white bosom with futile gashes254. Then the tribune mercifully drove his sword through her heart. Her children came up, and found their mother’s lifeless body in a pool of blood.
This authentic closing of the career of Messalina must dispose us to think that there may be little or no exaggeration in the stories that are told of her. Stahr, in his brilliant apologetic study of the Empresses, ventures to say that Seneca did not reproduce these stories about Messalina because he knew that they came from the pen of an embittered255 libeller; and it is safe to assume that Tacitus did derive256 much of his material from the memoirs of the woman who had shrunk from the vindictive257 cruelty of Messalina, and came in time to replace her. But so much crime is authoritatively258 laid to the account of the Empress, and her last adventure reveals so shameless a disregard of either law or decency, that not a single detail is incredible78 or improbable. We shall find such excesses ascribed to later Emperors, by writers who were not merely recording259 rumours260 that may have gathered volume during decades of passage from mouth to mouth, that nothing can be deemed impossible to a Messalina. The humane biographer can but plead that she entered a world of the most dazzling allurement261 of vice and crime with a nature already tainted and distorted by the sins of her fathers, and that the horror of that last scene in the gardens of Lucullus may be left as a merciful shroud262 over her unhappy memory.
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1
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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raucous
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| adj.(声音)沙哑的，粗糙的 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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deformed
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| adj.畸形的；变形的；丑的，破相了的 | |
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deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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genially
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| adv.亲切地，和蔼地；快活地 | |
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18
consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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19
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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20
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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21
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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22
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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23
betrothed
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| n. 已订婚者 动词betroth的过去式和过去分词 | |
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24
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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25
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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26
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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27
wed
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| v.娶，嫁，与…结婚 | |
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28
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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29
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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30
genealogies
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| n.系谱，家系，宗谱( genealogy的名词复数 ) | |
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31
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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32
tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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33
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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34
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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35
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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36
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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37
uncouth
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| adj.无教养的，粗鲁的 | |
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38
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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39
impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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40
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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41
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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42
adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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43
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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44
spouse
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| n.配偶(指夫或妻) | |
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45
intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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46
tickled
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| （使）发痒( tickle的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）愉快，逗乐 | |
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47
abounded
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| v.大量存在，充满，富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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49
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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50
patrician
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| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
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51
pandering
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| v.迎合（他人的低级趣味或淫欲）( pander的现在分词 )；纵容某人；迁就某事物 | |
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52
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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53
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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54
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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56
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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58
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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59
toll
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| n.过路(桥)费；损失，伤亡人数；v.敲(钟) | |
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60
avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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61
villas
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| 别墅，公馆( villa的名词复数 )； （城郊）住宅 | |
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62
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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63
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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64
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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65
purblind
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| adj.半盲的；愚笨的 | |
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66
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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67
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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68
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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69
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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70
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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71
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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72
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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73
provincials
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| n.首都以外的人，地区居民( provincial的名词复数 ) | |
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74
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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75
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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76
cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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77
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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78
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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79
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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80
pelted
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| （连续地）投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续抨击； 攻击； 剥去…的皮 | |
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81
forum
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| n.论坛，讨论会 | |
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82
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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83
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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84
warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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85
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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86
persuasions
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| n.劝说，说服（力）( persuasion的名词复数 )；信仰 | |
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connivance
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| n.纵容；默许 | |
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88
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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89
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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90
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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91
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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92
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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93
chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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94
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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95
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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97
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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99
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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100
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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101
discreetly
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| ad.(言行)审慎地，慎重地 | |
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102
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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104
entail
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| vt.使承担，使成为必要，需要 | |
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105
stoic
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| n.坚忍克己之人，禁欲主义者 | |
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evoked
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| [医]诱发的 | |
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107
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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108
formulated
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| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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109
colonnade
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| n.柱廊 | |
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110
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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111
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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112
curb
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| n.场外证券市场，场外交易；vt.制止，抑制 | |
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113
virility
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| n.雄劲，丈夫气 | |
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114
reprehensible
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| adj.该受责备的 | |
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115
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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116
frailty
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| n.脆弱；意志薄弱 | |
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117
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
impeaches
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| v.控告（某人）犯罪( impeach的第三人称单数 )；弹劾；对（某事物）怀疑；提出异议 | |
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119
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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120
omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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121
emboldened
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| v.鼓励，使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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122
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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123
attenuated
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| v.（使）变细( attenuate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）变薄；（使）变小；减弱 | |
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124
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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125
ignobly
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| 卑贱地，下流地 | |
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126
centurion
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| n.古罗马的百人队长 | |
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127
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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128
ailing
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| v.生病 | |
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129
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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130
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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131
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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132
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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133
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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134
frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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135
confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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136
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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137
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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138
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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139
despoil
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| v.夺取，抢夺 | |
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140
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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141
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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142
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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143
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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144
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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145
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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146
nervously
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| adv.神情激动地，不安地 | |
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147
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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148
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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149
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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150
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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151
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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152
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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153
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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154
chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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155
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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156
tenements
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| n.房屋，住户，租房子( tenement的名词复数 ) | |
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157
lascivious
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| adj.淫荡的，好色的 | |
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158
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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159
abasement
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| n.滥用 | |
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160
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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161
complacently
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| adv. 满足地, 自满地, 沾沾自喜地 | |
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162
defilement
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| n.弄脏，污辱，污秽 | |
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163
accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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164
chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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165
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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166
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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167
purvey
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| v.（大量）供给，供应 | |
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168
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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169
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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170
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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171
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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172
bust
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| vt.打破；vi.爆裂；n.半身像；胸部 | |
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173
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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174
drooping
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|
| adj. 下垂的，无力的 动词droop的现在分词 | |
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175
irresistibly
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| adv.无法抵抗地，不能自持地；极为诱惑人地 | |
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176
truthful
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|
| adj.真实的，说实话的，诚实的 | |
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177
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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178
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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179
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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180
allured
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| 诱引，吸引( allure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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181
faction
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|
| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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182
rebellious
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|
| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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183
omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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184
testimony
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|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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185
superfluous
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|
| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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186
sages
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| n.圣人( sage的名词复数 )；智者；哲人；鼠尾草（可用作调料） | |
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187
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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188
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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189
sycophant
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| n.马屁精 | |
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190
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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191
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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192
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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194
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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195
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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196
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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197
precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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198
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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199
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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200
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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201
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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202
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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203
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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204
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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205
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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206
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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207
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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208
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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209
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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210
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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211
timorous
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| adj.胆怯的，胆小的 | |
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212
liaison
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| n.联系，（未婚男女间的）暖昧关系，私通 | |
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213
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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214
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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215
satiety
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| n.饱和；(市场的)充分供应 | |
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216
vomit
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| v.呕吐，作呕；n.呕吐物，吐出物 | |
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217
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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218
bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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219
scantily
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| adv.缺乏地；不充足地；吝啬地；狭窄地 | |
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220
fawn
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| n.未满周岁的小鹿；v.巴结，奉承 | |
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221
vats
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| varieties 变化，多样性，种类 | |
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222
ivy
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| n.常青藤，常春藤 | |
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223
heeded
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| v.听某人的劝告，听从( heed的过去式和过去分词 )；变平，使（某物）变平( flatten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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224
exuberance
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| n.丰富；繁荣 | |
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225
gaily
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| adv.欢乐地，高兴地 | |
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226
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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227
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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228
dishonour
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|
| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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229
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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230
courteously
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| adv.有礼貌地，亲切地 | |
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231
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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232
bacchanalian
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| adj.闹酒狂饮的；n.发酒疯的人 | |
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233
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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234
revels
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| n.作乐( revel的名词复数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉v.作乐( revel的第三人称单数 )；狂欢；着迷；陶醉 | |
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235
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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236
disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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237
virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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238
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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239
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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240
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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241
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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242
onward
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|
| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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243
dispel
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| vt.驱走，驱散，消除 | |
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244
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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245
docile
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| adj.驯服的，易控制的，容易教的 | |
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246
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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247
imprint
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| n.印痕，痕迹；深刻的印象；vt.压印，牢记 | |
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248
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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249
brilliance
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| n.光辉，辉煌，壮丽，（卓越的）才华，才智 | |
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250
sobbed
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| 哭泣，啜泣( sob的过去式和过去分词 )； 哭诉，呜咽地说 | |
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251
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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252
insolently
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| adv.自豪地，自傲地 | |
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253
revile
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| v.辱骂，谩骂 | |
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254
gashes
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| n.深长的切口（或伤口）( gash的名词复数 )v.划伤，割破( gash的第三人称单数 ) | |
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255
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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256
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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257
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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258
authoritatively
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| 命令式地，有权威地，可信地 | |
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259
recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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260
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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261
allurement
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| n.诱惑物 | |
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262
shroud
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| n.裹尸布，寿衣；罩，幕；vt.覆盖，隐藏 | |
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