TO the thoughtful Roman the name of Syria must have suggested an abyss of corruption1, and the extension of the Empire over that swarm2 of Asiatic peoples to whom the name was vaguely3 applied4 must have seemed an infelicitous5 triumph. From the cities of nearer Asia, in which the senile energies of the older civilizations seemed incapable6 of rising above the ministry7 to vice8, luxury, and folly9, had come the larger part of the taint10 that had infected the blood of Rome. It is therefore singular to observe that, of the five women whom Syria placed on, or above, the Roman throne in the third century, four were distinguished11 for sobriety of judgment12 and concern for the common weal. The family from which the first four of these women sprang is variously described as “humble” and “noble.” We may reconcile the epithets13 by a conjecture14 that the family which controlled the wealthy shrine15 of Emesa descended16 from some branch of the fallen nobility of the East. Both So?mias and Mam?a had married Syrians, and we may assume that Mam?a had done the same. In those circumstances, the public spirit with which Julia Domna, Julia M?sa, and Julia Mam?a used the great influence they had is not a little remarkable17.
Of the three—to whom we must presently add a fourth remarkable woman of the East—Mam?a had the greatest power, and made the best use of it. She is not blameless, as we shall see; but even if it be true, as is commonly said, that she was unduly18 covetous19 of money and power, we223 must at least admit that she employed them solely20 to restore peace and prosperity to the Empire, and prolong the reign21 of a high-principled ruler.
Mam?a entered upon her work with all the shrewdness which we have already recognized in her. Instead of claiming the right, which So?mias had enjoyed, to sit in the Senate and sign its decrees, she preserved a discreet22 silence when the Senate abolished the innovation, and poured out their long-repressed annoyance23 on the memory of its author. The Senators ostentatiously enjoyed their shadow of power: Mam?a quietly possessed24 the substance. She provided the finest preceptors for the education of her son Alexander, who was in his fourteenth year, and selected sixteen of the most distinguished Senators and lawyers as a Council of State. With these she worked energetically and harmoniously25 for the renovation26 of the Empire. The palace was purged27 of the quaint28 and the loathsome29 officers that she found in it, Rome was relieved of Ela-gabal and his ghastly ritual, competent officials were substituted for the ministers to the lust30 of the late Emperor, and the heavier taxes of the previous two reigns31 were remitted32 or lessened33. In this work, which extends over the thirteen years of the reign of Alexander Severus, M?sa had little part. She died soon after the beginning of this happier era, and Mam?a alone guided the willing hands of her son. It is remarked by all the authorities that Alexander was singularly subservient34 to his mother.
Troops and Senate had been happily united in the elevation35 of Alexander, and all the epithets of Imperial dignity were at once conferred on him. The title of Severus he accepted from the soldiers, but he declined the name of Antoninus, which the Senate pressed on him, since that revered36 name had been so impiously disgraced by his predecessors37. He spontaneously discarded the womanly silks and jewels of his cousin, covered the rough shirts of Severus with the Roman toga, and gave equal attention to manly38 exercises, the lessons of his tutors, and the wise counsels of his mother. He thus grew into a224 handsome and virile39 youth, with the piercing black eyes of his race, but with a moderation of temper that delighted his Stoic40 teachers. When we read the account of his career in the “Historia Augusta”—an account that might have been written by a Xenophon or a Fénelon for the edification of a young prince—we are tempted41 to feel that, either the gossipy Lampridius had for the moment a more serious object than the entertainment of Rome, or Alexander Severus was more virtuous42 than the circumstances required.
Mam?a is described by the same writer as “holy, but avaricious43.” Avarice44 was a not inopportune vice. Elagabalus had squandered45 the treasury46 on his follies47; the troops, encouraged by him and by Caracalla, were becoming more and more exacting48; while Mam?a had, by lightening the taxes, spared the Empire a substantial share of its contribution. In these circumstances it was prudent49 to cultivate a close concern about money, and no single writer ventures to say that the Empress—the Senate had at once entitled her Augusta—spent much on her personal service or pleasure. It is said that her zeal50 for the accumulation of money was carried to a stage of offensiveness. But it was necessary for her murderers to detect or invent some vice in extenuation51 of their foul52 deed, and the position in which the charge is found in the historians reveals that it came from that tainted53 source. “Avarice” means little more than that she would not yield to the improper54 demands of a demoralized army.
When we reflect that both her parents were Syrians, we notice with some surprise that the portrait-bust55 of Mam?a has a singularly Roman face; and in her strength, solidity, and sobriety she recalls the old Roman type rather than accords with the general conception of a Syrian woman. She had the defect of her type, and an incident that occurred early in her reign is regarded as a grave betrayal of it. It is not at all clear, however, that Mam?a acted with the “jealous cruelty” which Gibbon sees in her conduct. For the wife of her son she had chosen Sallustia225 Barbia Orbiana—we find the name on coins, though the historians do not give it—daughter of the Senator Sallustius Macrinus. Alexander, not an exacting husband, seems to have lived happily with his bride, and her father was promoted to the rank of C?sar. Before long, however, we find Macrinus executed on a charge of treason, and his daughter banished56 to Africa.
Gibbon believes, on the authority of Dio, that this was entirely57 due to Mam?a’s unwillingness58 to share the power and the affection of her son with another woman. The word of an historian and a member of the Senate, whom we may almost describe as an eye-witness, must assuredly have weight, yet we cannot ignore the assertion of the other authorities that Macrinus was betrayed into acts which easily bore the construction of treason. We may recall Merivale’s just warning, on another occasion, that a contemporary Roman writer is particularly apt to reproduce the unsubstantial gossip of his day. Herodian, who nevertheless believes that Macrinus had no treasonable intention, says that Mam?a was so cruel to Orbiana that the girl went in tears to her father, and he repaired to the Pr?torian camp with bitter complaints against Mam?a. Such a course very strongly suggests a treasonable design. The troops, chafing59 under the rule of Mam?a and her son, whom they eventually murdered, were notoriously discontented; and flying to the camp was commonly the first overt60 act in a plot to displace the ruling Emperor. When we further find that Lampridius (“Historia Augusta”) says, on the authority of Dexippus, an Athenian writer of the succeeding generation, that Macrinus was expressly attempting to replace Alexander, we must at least suspend our censures61. We know nothing of the character of Macrinus and his daughter, and are therefore unable to say how far Mam?a’s interpretation62 of their conduct may have been influenced by her feelings, and how far her harsh treatment of Orbiana may have been justified63.
The charge against her is further weakened by a circumstance that Gibbon has overlooked. Lampridius226 says that Alexander married Memnia, the daughter of the ex-consul Sulpicius, and speaks incidentally of “his boys.” It seems, then, that the jealousy64 of Mam?a did not prevent Alexander from marrying again, and that Memnia must have shared the palace with the Empress-mother for a number of years. Of her character we know nothing, except that, together with Mam?a, she remonstrated65 with Alexander on account of his excessive affability with his subjects. No guards, it seems, barred the entrance of the palace against them. The austere66 character of the life which adorned67 it was the only test of the integrity of those who approached him. After a day of exertion68 he would spend the evening in the refining enjoyment69 of letters or the exercise of his musical skill. He sang and played well, but guarded his Imperial dignity by admitting none to hear him except his young sons. Actors and gladiators he avoided, nor would he spend much in exhibiting their skill to the public. His one luxury was a remarkable collection of birds, which included 20,000 doves; his one weakness a delight in the puny70 and almost bloodless combats of partridges, kittens, or pups. His baths were of cold water, and his table was regulated by the most minute directions, admitting even the slight luxury of a goose only on festive71 occasions. When a string of costly72 pearls was presented to Memnia, he ordered that they should be sold, and, when no purchaser could be found in Rome, he hung them upon the statue of Venus in the temple.
JULIA MAM?A
BUST IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM
From such details as these we may construct a picture of the quiet and temperate73 life of Alexander’s palace, and we shall be disposed to think lightly of the quarrels which are said to have disturbed the relations of mother and son. We can hardly believe that one so frugal74 as Alexander would profess75 much indignation at his mother’s assiduous nursing of the treasury, nor can we suppose that Mam?a greatly resented the young monarch’s accessibility to his subjects. Their frugality76, indeed, must not be exaggerated, as they were generous in gifts. Instead of sending men to extort77 their incomes from the provinces in which they took227 office, Alexander provided them, when they left Rome, with an outfit78 so complete as to include a concubine. His deference79 to his mother may, in fact, be said to be the only consistent charge against him. The Emperor Julian (“The C?sars”) insinuates80 that he showed a mediocrity of intelligence in allowing his mother to accumulate money, instead of prudently81 spending it. In a sense Julian was right; though it was not weakness of intelligence, but severity of principle, that restrained Alexander and Mam?a from this prudent expenditure82. Had they lavished84 their funds upon the troops, the history of Rome during the next ten years might have run differently.
From an early period in the reign of Alexander the attitude of the troops cast a shadow over the palace and the Empire. Five successive Emperors, besides earlier ones, had received the purple from the hands of the troops, and had been compelled either to refrain from pressing the necessary discipline upon them, or to compensate85 the rigours of discipline with excessive rewards. The soldiers became conscious of their power, and sufficiently86 demoralized to abuse it. Less exercise and more pay led to a lamentable88 enervation89; and the filling of the ranks from the more distant peoples, who had not contributed to the making of the Empire and were insensible to its prestige, dissolved in the legions the old spirit of nationality. From the lonely forests, the frozen hills, or the blistering90 deserts of the frontiers, they sought ever to be withdrawn91 to the comforts and pleasures of the cities. And when they found that a fresh effort was being made to restrict their indulgences and restore the earlier discipline, when they reflected that it was only the feeble hands of a woman and a youth that would enforce this austerity, they broke into sullen93 murmurs94 of discontent.
The most dangerous part of the army was the extensive regiment95 of Pr?torian Guards, which, from its camp at the walls, overshadowed Rome with its power. Over these men Mam?a had placed a civilian96, the distinguished jurist Domitius Ulpianus. It was natural that Ulpian should228 wish to extend to the guards the valuable reforms which he was introducing into every department of the State; equally natural that the soldiers should chafe97 under his discipline. The citizens took the part of Ulpian and Mam?a, who protected him, and the irritation98 at last erupted in a bloody99 struggle, in which the populace fought for three days against the soldiers in the streets of Rome. The quarrel was arrested, but some time afterwards—not in the fight, as Gibbon says—the angry guards put an end to the reforms of Ulpian. The statesman fled before them into the palace, and sought the protection of the Emperor; but the insolent100 guards penetrated101 the sanctuary102 of the royal house with drawn92 swords, and murdered, in Alexander’s presence, the most eminent103 and enlightened of his counsellors. The provincial104 troops were giving little less concern. We take our leave at this stage of the historian Dio. His work closes with a mournful lament87 of the condition of the army, and a just presentiment105 of impending106 calamity107. He too had endeavoured to enforce discipline on the legions, and had found the authority of the Emperor insufficient108 to protect him from their murderous resentment109.
As if this lamentable situation had been communicated to the countless110 peoples who pressed eagerly against the barriers of the Empire, we find a new boldness arising amongst them, and a serious beginning of those raids which will at last put the mighty111 power under the heel of the barbarian112. The tragedy of the fall of Rome reaches a more certain stage. It is a singular and melancholy113 reflection that Rome suffered most under its most virtuous rulers. During the reign of Marcus Aurelius the gods had seemed to make a war upon virtue114. The new Stoic and his virtuous mother were destined115 to see the enemies gathering116 fiercely about their enfeebled frontiers, and to perish tragically117 in a futile119 effort to repel120 them.
The gravest trouble arose in the East. The ancient kingdom of Persia revived, and its vigorous rulers determined121 to regain122 the provinces which Greece and Rome had229 shorn from their once vast empire. Alexander, and probably Mam?a, went to the East. If we may believe the panegyrist of Alexander in the “Historia Augusta,” he displayed an admirable firmness in enforcing discipline upon the troops when he arrived at Antioch. Gathering their sullen and spoiled officers from the haunts of Antioch and the licentious123 groves124 of the suburb of Daphne, he punished a number of them severely125, boldly confronted the drawn swords of their demoralized followers126, and set the legions in motion against the Persians. But the plan of the campaign was injudicious, and the execution weak. The Romans suffered a heavy reverse, and, before they could recover and check the advancing spirit of the Persians, Alexander was recalled to Europe with the news that the Germanic tribes were bursting through the northern frontier.
From the sunny lands of their native East the Emperor and his mother passed, in the year 234, to the banks of the Rhine. They had passed through Rome, where the citizens were easily persuaded to celebrate his triumph over the Persians. From the Capitol they had carried the young Emperor on their shoulders to his palace, his chariot with its four elephants walking behind them, and a great wave of enthusiasm went with him as he started for Gaul. He was now in his twenty-sixth year, and Mam?a must have felt that he was at the beginning of a glorious career. They little suspected that they were going to meet their deaths at the hands of their own troops.
One of the commanders on the Rhine was a gigantic and powerful barbarian, half Goth and half Alan, of the name of Maximinus. More than eight feet in height, with a thumb so large that he wore his wife’s bracelet127 on it as a ring, the giant had made his way in the army by sheer strength. A man who could eat forty pounds of meat in a day, drink a proportionate quantity of wine, and fell you with a finger, had the respect of the barbarian soldiers. Elagabalus had repelled128 him, when he sought office, with salacious questions about his strength; Alexander had230 eagerly welcomed him, and put him in command of the younger troops. But Alexander had afterwards refused him an honour, which Mam?a desired to confer on him, and he probably heard this. He had given his son a good Roman education, and Mam?a thought that the young man was a suitable match for her daughter Theoclea. Alexander protested that his sister would find the father-in-law too boorish129, and the young Maximinus, now a tall, handsome, cultivated, and dissolute noble, married a granddaughter of Antoninus Pius, Junia Fadilla.
Whether this affront130 was remembered, or whether Maximinus acted from mere131 ambition, we cannot say. He began, in any case, to spread discontent in the army. When Alexander practically bought peace from the barbarians132, instead of conducting a vigorous campaign against them, the whispers were changed into open murmuring. These effeminate Syrians, it was said, were unable to endure the sturdy North, and were eager to return to the East. The Emperor was a maudlin133 youth, who could not act without his mother’s permission. He had abandoned the war against Persia in order to return to her side, and he was again sacrificing the honour of Rome out of regard for her comfort. Her palace at Rome was full of hoarded134 treasure, while the hard-worked soldiers were insufficiently135 paid. These complaints circulated freely in the camp during the long German winter. A lavish83 distribution of money might have defeated the plot of Maximinus, and a speedy retirement136 to Rome would certainly have saved the lives of the Emperor and Empress. But they remained in camp until the middle of March, 235, and then the end came.
They were at, or in the neighbourhood of, the small frontier town which is now known as Mainz. One morning, when Maximinus rode out to control the exercises, he was greeted with the name of Emperor. He feigned137 surprise and reluctance138, but the soldiers—probably in pursuance of an arranged plan—drew their swords, and threatened to kill him if he did not take the power from the hands of231 the effeminate Syrians. He consented, promised a liberal donation in honour of his accession, and said that all punishments that had been inflicted139 on the soldiers would be remitted. He then led them toward the tent of Alexander. The young Emperor came out to meet them, and made an appeal that seems to have divided the followers of the usurper140, as they went away to their tents. At night, however, the guards at the Imperial tent announced that the mutinous141 troops were gathering about it. Alexander rushed out, and called upon the loyal soldiers to defend him, making a tardy142 promise of money and concessions143. Many of them came to his side, but at last the massive figure of Maximinus was seen to approach at the head of a strong body of troops. For the last time the soldiers were urged to choose between the strong, generous man and the avaricious woman and her child. Alexander saw the faithful few pass sullenly144 to the side of Maximinus, and he returned to his tent. It is said that the last moments were spent in a violent quarrel between mother and son about the responsibility for the disaster. There was little time for it. The soldiers of Maximinus entered at once, and slew145 Mam?a, Alexander, and their few remaining friends.
A popular and spirited work of the fourth century described “the deaths of the persecutors,” or the terrible fate which befell every Emperor who persecuted146 the Christians147. No fate in the terrible series of Imperial calamities148 was so tragic118 as that of Alexander, though he had favoured the Christians, and had cherished a bust of Christ among those of the heroes and sages149 in his lararium. No other Empress in the long line of murdered women so little deserved a violent death as Julia Mam?a. During the fourteen years of her son’s reign she had solely studied the welfare of the Empire. The one charge that her murderers could bring against her was that she had hoarded money instead of spending it on, or giving it to, the troops. On public buildings, public works, and civic150 administration she had spent freely; she, or Alexander,232 had even expended151 large sums in providing surer sustenance152 and more effective transport for the troops themselves. The charge is little, if at all, more than a cowardly subterfuge153. But it needed half-a-dozen strong and unselfish generals to restore the efficiency and docility154 of the legions, and they were not to be found. We pass into a period of anarchy155, in which Emperors and Empresses rise and wither156 like mushrooms, and Rome stumbles blindly onward157 towards its doom158. In that period of confusion, when every section of the army makes its Emperor, only two dominant159 personalities160 are found, and they are two Empresses of barbaric origin.
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1
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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3
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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infelicitous
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| adj.不适当的 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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taint
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| n.污点；感染；腐坏；v.使感染；污染 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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covetous
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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harmoniously
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| 和谐地，调和地 | |
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renovation
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| n.革新，整修 | |
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purged
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| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
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quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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remitted
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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virile
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| adj.男性的；有男性生殖力的；有男子气概的；强有力的 | |
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stoic
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| n.坚忍克己之人，禁欲主义者 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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squandered
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| v.（指钱，财产等）浪费，乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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51
extenuation
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| n.减轻罪孽的借口；酌情减轻；细 | |
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52
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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55
bust
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| vt.打破；vi.爆裂；n.半身像；胸部 | |
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56
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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58
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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59
chafing
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| n.皮肤发炎v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的现在分词 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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60
overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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61
censures
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的第三人称单数 ) | |
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62
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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63
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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64
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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65
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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66
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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67
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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68
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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69
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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70
puny
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| adj.微不足道的，弱小的 | |
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71
festive
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| adj.欢宴的，节日的 | |
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72
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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73
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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74
frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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75
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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76
frugality
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| n.节约，节俭 | |
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77
extort
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| v.勒索，敲诈，强要 | |
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78
outfit
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| n.（为特殊用途的）全套装备，全套服装 | |
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79
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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80
insinuates
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| n.暗示( insinuate的名词复数 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入v.暗示( insinuate的第三人称单数 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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81
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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82
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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83
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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84
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
compensate
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| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
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86
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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87
lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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88
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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89
enervation
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| n.无活力，衰弱 | |
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90
blistering
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| adj.酷热的；猛烈的；使起疱的；可恶的v.起水疱；起气泡；使受暴晒n.[涂料] 起泡 | |
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91
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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92
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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93
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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94
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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95
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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96
civilian
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| adj.平民的，民用的，民众的 | |
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97
chafe
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| v.擦伤；冲洗；惹怒 | |
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98
irritation
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| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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99
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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100
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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101
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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102
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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103
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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104
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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105
presentiment
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| n.预感，预觉 | |
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106
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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107
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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108
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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109
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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110
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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111
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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112
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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113
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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114
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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115
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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116
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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117
tragically
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| adv. 悲剧地，悲惨地 | |
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118
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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119
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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120
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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121
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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122
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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123
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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124
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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125
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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126
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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127
bracelet
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| n.手镯，臂镯 | |
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128
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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129
boorish
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| adj.粗野的，乡巴佬的 | |
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130
affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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131
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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132
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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133
maudlin
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| adj.感情脆弱的，爱哭的 | |
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134
hoarded
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| v.积蓄并储藏（某物）( hoard的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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135
insufficiently
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| adv.不够地，不能胜任地 | |
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136
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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137
feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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138
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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139
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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141
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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142
tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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143
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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144
sullenly
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| 不高兴地，绷着脸，忧郁地 | |
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145
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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146
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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147
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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148
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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149
sages
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| n.圣人( sage的名词复数 )；智者；哲人；鼠尾草（可用作调料） | |
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150
civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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151
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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152
sustenance
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| n.食物，粮食；生活资料；生计 | |
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153
subterfuge
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| n.诡计；藉口 | |
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154
docility
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| n.容易教，易驾驶，驯服 | |
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155
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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156
wither
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| vt.使凋谢，使衰退，(用眼神气势等)使畏缩；vi.枯萎，衰退，消亡 | |
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157
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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158
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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159
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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160
personalities
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| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
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