His son and successor, Constantine IV., had so clear a title to the charge of brutality2 that no historian has ventured to dispute it, and we will trust that the Empress Anastasia, whose features and character are unknown to us, did not greatly lament3 the loss of a consort4 who could slit5 the noses of his royal brothers and castrate a noble youth for deploring6 the execution of his father. Nor can we think that she was happier under the reign7 of his son, Justinian II., since the only reference to her in the chronicle of his reign is that his favourite minister, a Persian eunuch, had her flogged in the sacred palace on one occasion. Her third and last appearance in history is even more tragic8; but a new and quaint9 type of Empress meantime enters the scene, and in order to explain her arrival we must glance for a moment at the adventures of Justinian II.
82 Attaining10 the purple at the age of sixteen, Justinian seems at first to have sinned chiefly by the very natural blunder, in a young man, of admitting corrupt11 and extortionate ministers. A usurper12 then took advantage of his unpopularity to dislodge him from the throne, and sent him, with diminished nose, into exile at Cherson, on the Black Sea. Within a year Justinian had the satisfaction of hearing that his enemy had been forced by a new usurper to retire, also with diminished nose, into the tranquil13 shade of a monastery14, and he proposed to regain15 his throne. The authorities of Cherson, however, decided16 to conciliate the new Emperor, Tiberius III., by sending Justinian to him in chains, and he fled to the land of the Khazars, who dwelt on the other side of the Black Sea. The Khazars were a wild Asiatic people, akin17 to the Huns, whose manners had been somewhat softened18 by contact with the Byzantine civilization, and their king, or chagan, not only received the fugitive19 with cordiality, but bestowed20 on him the hand of his royal daughter.
Theodora—a name conferred on her, no doubt, by Justinian in memory of the consort of his great predecessor21 Justinian I.—can hardly have boasted much beauty, being a Khazar, but she was not without spirit and character. She presently learned that her father had been bribed22 by Tiberius to surrender Justinian, and she warned him of his danger. Sending, in succession, for the two high officials who had been charged to arrest him, Justinian strangled them with his own hands and fled to Bulgaria, leaving his wife and infant daughter in the care of her father, who very amiably23 sheltered them. Within a year the faithful Theodora learned that she was mistress of the mighty24 city of the Greeks. Justinian had offered the hand of his daughter, then one year old, and some more solid advantages to the King of Bulgaria in exchange for an army, had laid siege to Constantinople, and had, with a few soldiers, crept through the water-conduit into the town and taken it.83 The appalling25 vengeance26 he wrought27 on his enemies and on the inhabitants, even to the babies, of Cherson may be read in history. It is, comparatively, an amiable28 trait in his character that he did not forget the yellow-skinned princess who had lightened the dark hours of his exile. She was brought with great pomp to the city, bringing two children to their truculent29 father, was crowned Empress, and enjoyed for a few years the undreamt-of splendour of the imperial palaces. Happily, she did not live to see the end of her husband’s savage30 vengeance. When a storm had threatened the life of Justinian on the Black Sea, his companions had urged him to disarm31 the divine wrath32 by forgiving his enemies. “If I spare them, may God drown me here,” he had replied, with more vigour33 than elegance34. His orgy was closed by the inevitable35 assassination36.
We catch a third and last glimpse of the Empress Anastasia at this point. The brood of Justinian was to be exterminated37, and soldiers went to the palace of Blachern? in search of Theodora’s boy. When they burst into the chapel38 they found the aged39 grandmother sitting, on guard, before the sanctuary40. The six-year-old boy clung to the altar with one hand, and held a fragment of the “true cross” in the other, while his neck was loaded with the most sacred relics41. But Byzantine piety42 was of a peculiar43 nature. The soldiers brushed aside the old lady, stripped the boy of his relics, took him out to the gate, and “cut his throat like a sheep.”
Three Emperors followed in six years, and came to violent ends. Then Leo the Isaurian (717–740) came upon the throne, and inaugurated the famous crusade of the Iconoclasts44, or breakers of images. His wife Maria is known to us only as having received the title of Empress in 718, as a reward for bringing Constantine Copronymus into the world, and having scattered45 gold from her litter among the people as she was borne to St Sophia for the baptism of that ill-regulated infant. Another Asiatic princess then comes faintly into view,84 when, in his fourteenth or fifteenth year, Constantine marries a Khazar king’s daughter. The religious chroniclers would have us believe that she was endowed with much learning and piety, but the only ground of this remarkable46 claim is that she did not agree with her husband, as few women did, about the propriety47 of breaking the Virgin48’s statues. After eighteen years of patient expectation she ushered49 a feeble infant, Leo IV., into the distracted Empire, and quitted it herself shortly afterwards. The Empress Maria succeeded to her place in the arms of Constantine in 750, and in 757 she left that very doubtful felicity to the Empress Eudocia. Eudocia was pious50 and fertile: it is all that we know of her. Nearing her first delivery she summoned the holy nun51, Anthusa—whom her husband had had publicly stripped and whipped a short time before—and, in virtue52 of her prayers, presented Constantine with a son and daughter, simultaneously53, shortly afterwards. Four other boys followed, and Eudocia, having behaved as a good Empress ought and furnished no material to the biographer, followed her two predecessors54.
Meantime the famous Irene had entered the story of Byzantine life, and once more we are in a position to make a satisfactory study of Byzantine feminism. In the year 768, seven years before the death of Constantine V., Constantinople was delighted with a succession of festivities. On 1st April Eudocia was, after ten years of industrious55 maternal56 activity, crowned Empress, or Augusta, in the “banquet-room of nineteen tables,” with its golden roof and golden vessels57, in the palace. On the following day, which was Easter Sunday, her eldest58 sons, Christopher and Nicephorus, were made C?sars, and her third son, Nicetas, received the heavy title of nobilissimus (“most noble”), which gave the six-year-old boy a gold-embroidered mantle59 and a slender jewelled crown; so that the procession to church was headed by two Emperors, Constantine and young Leo, two C?sars, and a “most noble,” all flinging gold and85 silver among the enchanted60 mob. But Leo was now approaching his twentieth year and must marry. The idea was mooted61 first of asking the hand of the daughter of Pepin the Frank, but it is said that the Western Christians63 frowned on the Kensitite heresy64 of the Eastern Court. So Constantine then resolved to seek a beautiful and eligible65 lady within his own dominions66, and it was announced in the late summer that the prize had been awarded to Irene, the pride of Athens.
Irene was then a beautiful, talented and spirited girl of seventeen summers. As she had, apparently67, no ancestors, and as Athens had become at that time a drowsy68 and almost obscure provincial69 town, we must suppose that—as she herself afterwards acted—imperial commissioners71 had been sent far and wide to examine candidates for the vacancy72. Irene’s radiant Greek beauty, robust73 health, and lively intelligence pleased the officials; an imperial galley74 brought her to the palace of Hieria, on the Asiatic side; her qualifications were found to be adequate. There was one difficulty, and Irene gave early proof of her skill in casuistry in surmounting76 it. Not only was Irene a woman—and all women were on the side of the Virgin—but Athens was conservative in religion. Constantine demanded an oath, and Irene, with a large “mental reservation,” to use the elegant phrase of the experts in such matters, swore on the holy cross that she would not favour the worship of images.
Her story will turn largely on the question of Iconoclasm, and a few words on the subject may be useful. The real origin of Leo the Isaurian’s zeal77 against statues is obscure. Historians suggest the influence of the purer religion of Mohammed, but there was no cultural contact of Mohammedanism and Christianity, and an Isaurian soldier would hardly be the man to experience it if there were. When we find that the Iconoclasts went on to reject relics and monasticism and treat the Virgin in very cavalier fashion, I suggest that it was a Protestant or86 Rationalist movement, a spontaneous protest against the excessive superstition78, clerical wealth and monastic parasitism79 of the time. It took strong root in the army; and we may assume that the permission to rifle wealthy churches, rather than any leaning to metaphysics, explains this zeal for advanced theology among the troops. Constantine, like his father, pressed the reform ferociously80; and as monks81 and women were the chief recalcitrants, he fell upon the monks with grim determination. Their beards were oiled and fired: they were gathered in masses with nuns82, and told to marry each other—as many did: they were forced to walk round the Hippodrome, to the delight of the mob, arm in arm with prostitutes. Even the reluctant patriarch of Constantinople was indelicately mutilated, driven on an ass1 round the Hippodrome, under a fire of spittle, and replaced by an obedient eunuch.
This was the Iconoclastic83 world into which the Athenian girl entered, armed with a mental reservation. From the palace of Hieria she went, at the beginning of September, to Constantinople, and her betrothal84 to Leo was celebrated85 in “the church of the Lighthouse.”
Three months later her probation86 was complete; on 13th December she received the wonderful crown of the Empresses, with its cascades87 of pearls and diamonds, in the gold-roofed banquet-room, and was married in the chapel of St Stephen within the palace.
Constantine remained on the throne for seven years, and Irene behaved, and avoided images, with the most exemplary propriety, until, in 775, the old Emperor joined his father in the eternal home to which the religious chroniclers luridly88 consign89 him. Still for some years Irene gave no sign of strong personality, unless we may see, as is probable, her influence in the events of the following year. She had borne a son in 770, and in 776 Leo was urged to admit this boy to a share of the Empire. The Emperor was delicate, possibly consumptive, and it will be remembered that he had five87 half-brothers, who offered rich material for intriguing90 eunuchs and discontented nobles. Irene was now a young woman of twenty-five, of strong and subtle intellect, and well acquainted with Byzantine history. Her obvious interest was to secure the succession for her son and exclude the children of Eudocia. Leo at first demurred91 to the crowning of the boy. He submitted that, if he died, the ways of Byzantium made it not unlikely that the child would be murdered. He was answered with an assurance that the whole Court and city were prepared to swear the most solemn allegiance to his son, and in the spring of 776 he prepared to associate the younger Constantine in his imperial power. It was becoming difficult in pious Constantinople to devise an oath sufficiently92 sacred to be taken seriously, and Leo exacted that all orders of the citizens should swear by the cross on its most solemn festival and then place a written record of their oath on the altar of the great church. On Good Friday, therefore, the officers, Senators, courtiers and various corporations of workers and idlers in the city, swore their mighty oath by the cross to know no sovereign but Constantine VI., and on the following day, when the last son of Eudocia, Eudocimus, was made a “most noble,” the written oaths were laid on the altar, to be carefully guarded by the patriarch—for a few years. On Easter Sunday Constantine was crowned in the Hippodrome in the early morning, and the glittering procession of Emperors, C?sars, and “most nobles,” moved to the church, followed at a modest distance by Irene and her eunuchs and women.
Twelve months later the imperial family and the higher orders met in the gorgeous hall of the Magnaura palace for a different ceremony. It had been “discovered” that the C?sar Nicephorus had conspired93 with the eunuchs and officers, and, when Leo announced the details—there was no trial—to the audience, it was at once decided that he be degraded to the rank of the clergy94 and banished95 to Cherson. One rival was put out88 of the way, and Leo continued to play with his caskets of jewels—his favourite occupation—and Irene to cultivate her policy of waiting. In her service was the eunuch Stauracius, a genius of intrigue97 and counter-intrigue, whose watchful98 servants could at any time detect or manufacture a conspiracy99. On one occasion only, towards the end of her husband’s short reign, does Irene seem to have been indiscreet, though the indications are rather obscure.
Historians put it to the account of Leo that under him the fierce persecution100 of image-worshippers relaxed, but the question might be raised whether there was much occasion for persecuting101. It is said that Irene secretly venerated102 images in her apartments and had about her a group of confidential103 devotees, waiting for the death of Leo; and the story runs that Leo, hearing of the conspiracy, forced his way into Irene’s apartments, and discovered two sacred statues hidden under a cushion. Whether or no it is true that Irene calmly lied—or made another mental reservation—and disowned the figures of Christ and His mother, it is certain that in the last year of his life Leo had a fit of Iconoclastic wrath, and numbers of palace officials and nobles were shaved into priests, dragged ignominiously104 round the Hippodrome, and forced to exchange the gilded105 service of the Empress for the austere106 service of the altar.
In view of this it is not surprising that, when Leo died a few months later, there was a faint rumour107 that Irene had poisoned him; though the more religious chroniclers tell us that, in his infatuation for jewels, he had taken from the church the rich crown which Maurice had suspended over the altars, put it on his sacrilegious head, which at once broke into fiery108 carbuncles, and perished miserably109. We may take it that the delicate constitution of Leo IV. came to an end after a reign of four and a half years (in 780) and the Empress Irene entered upon her long, prosperous and blood-stained reign.
THE EMPRESS IRENE
89 Constantine VI. was ten years old at the death of his father, and the administration naturally fell to Irene and her able, if unscrupulous, ministers. When all allowance has been made for the ability of her ministers, especially the eunuch-patrician Stauracius, it must be admitted that the Empress showed conspicuous111 talent and vigour, and brought about a wonderful restoration of the stricken Empire. Her abjuration112 of the Iconoclastic tenets not only brought comparative religious peace, in the course of time, but enabled her to strengthen her rule by friendly relations with the Papacy and with Charlemagne, whose star was rising in the West. The long and exhausting war in the East was brought to a close by diplomacy113, and the military victories of Stauracius restored the rule of Constantinople in Greece and Thessaly. Prosperity brightened the Empire, and it almost returned to the happy position it had enjoyed under Justinian I. But from this brighter aspect of the reign of Irene, in which it is difficult to disentangle her action from that of her ministers, we must turn to events in which her character is more clearly, if less favourably114, seen.
Six weeks had not elapsed since the death of Leo when it was announced that a dangerous conspiracy had been discovered, the object of which was to put the royal half-brothers of Leo on the throne. We can well believe that there was some discontent at the rule of a woman and a child, and that the feeble sons of Eudocia were ever disposed to listen to ambitious courtiers, but the discovery was opportune115. It removed at one sweep all who seemed to be in a position to dispute Irene’s rule. The three C?sars and the two “most nobles,” and a crowd of nobles and officers who were suspected of favouring them, were scourged117, tonsured118 or exiled. Indeed, lest there should be any later error as to the clerical status of the children of Eudocia, Irene forced them publicly to administer the sacraments to the people in the great church. It was Christmas Day, and a vast crowd assembled to see90 the royal uncles dispensing119 the consecrated120 bread under the eyes of the vigorous Empress and her son.
The cruel spectacle was resented by many, and Elpidius, whom Irene had made Governor of Sicily, rebelled. Irene ordered the local officers to send him in chains to Constantinople, and, when they refused, she sent a fleet which quickly dislodged him and punished the rebels. Unfortunately, we read that the “most pious” Empress, as the admiring chroniclers call her, so far lost her temper as to flog the wife and children of Elpidius, and drive the innocent woman, with shorn hair, into a nunnery. A more amiable way of strengthening her throne was about the same time discovered by some courtier. A marvellous ancient tombstone was brought to Constantinople, and citizens gazed with awe122 on the inscription123: “Christ will be born of the Virgin Mary, and I believe in him. Sun, thou shalt see me again one day under the reign of Constantine and Irene.” As this stone was certified124 to have been taken by a Thracian peasant from the tomb of some prehistoric125 “giant,” it did much to discredit126 the more rationalistic Iconoclasts, who scouted127 the virginity of Mary, and the opposition128 to the divine mission of Irene.
The time was not yet ripe, however, for an open disavowal of the Iconoclasts; the heresy was too deeply rooted in the army and the more cultivated circles of the city. Irene thought for a moment of an alliance with Charlemagne, and begged the hand of his daughter Rotrud for her son. The offer was cordially received, and Byzantine eunuchs were sent to initiate129 the Frankish maiden130 into the mysteries of the Greek tongue and Greek etiquette131. The fame of Charlemagne now filled the world, and the young Constantine eagerly looked for the alliance with his daughter. It would be interesting to speculate what influence such an alliance would have had on the fortunes of Europe, and there can be no doubt that Irene committed a criminal blunder in withdrawing91 the proposal on what we must regard as selfish grounds. The only plausible132 reason that can be suggested is that she feared that her son might become a monarch133 in reality as well as name under the influence of Charlemagne, and she was determined134 to be at least co-ruler. The victories which Stauracius had meantime won in Greece and Thessaly must have given her greater confidence in her own resources. In 783 she proceeded herself with a large army—not forgetting the organs and other musical instruments of the Court, the chronicler says—to pacify135 and restore the province of Thrace.
She now felt strong enough to restore the worship of images. At the end of the year 783 the Iconoclastic archbishop Paul mysteriously retired136 from his see. Irene called a meeting of the notables in the Magnaura palace, and from the marvellous golden throne she announced that Paul had been stricken with deep penitence137 for his opposition to images and had retired to expiate138 his sin. She suggested that her secretary Tarasius should be made archbishop, and the nobles and clergy faithfully echoed the name of Tarasius. The secretary then protested that he too had misgivings139 on the image question, and would take office only on condition that a Church council was called to decide upon it. Within a month or two Irene had brought to Constantinople a crowd of bishops140 and heads of monasteries141, and a fiery discussion proceeded in the church of the Apostles. The Iconoclasts were, of course, in a minority. Suddenly the doors were forced, and a troop of soldiers entered, with drawn142 swords, and threatened to make an end to Tarasius and his monks. “We have won; thank God, those fools and brutes144 have done no harm,” was the exultant145 cry of the Iconoclastic bishops—I translate literally146 from Theophanes15—and the meeting hurriedly dispersed147.
92 Irene once more resorted to the kind of diplomacy of which she was a mistress. The rumour was spread that the Saracens were advancing, and the guards were shipped to the Asiatic side and marched toward the south. When they had reached some distance from the city, a message came from Constantinople that the war had been averted148, and they might send their arms or equipment to the capital before returning themselves. They were then scattered over the provinces and the metropolitan149 guards were recruited from the orthodox ranks. The bishops and monks were convoked150 again, in the Council of Chalcedon, and in the last sitting of the Council, which was held in the Magnaura palace, the cult75 of images was formally restored.
In the meantime Irene had resumed the work of finding a wife for her son. If we are right in assuming that she rejected the daughter of Charlemagne in order that Constantine should not have any strength independently of her, we can understand her next procedure. One of those innumerable “lives of the saints” which have transmitted to us a few precarious151 fragments of genuine and interesting information gives us a very romantic version of the rise of the next Empress. In a remote Cappadocian village dwelt a very pious man who had won a local reputation for sanctity, and impoverished152 his family, by his generous almsgiving. He had three daughters, whose lives and prospects153 must have been prosy enough in their rude village until romance entered it one day in the person of an imperial commissioner70. He was one of many sent all over the Empire by Irene in search of a mate for her son, and it seemed to him that the daughters of Philaretus corresponded to the standard given to him—a standard which specified154 the height and the size of the feet of the candidates as well as more material features.16 They were taken to Constantinople, with93 numbers of other candidates for the glass slipper155, and Maria, a beautiful maiden of eighteen, was chosen for the lofty honour. It sounds like a modified version of the story of Cinderella, but it was not the first time that obscure maidens156 had been chosen for imperial dignity on their looks, and the most reliable authority, Theophanes, tells us that Irene sent one of her officers into distant Armenia—Maria is variously described as Cappadocian, Paphlagonian and Armenian—for the obscure girl. She was married to the Emperor in November 788, but we cannot end, as story-tellers do, by saying that she was happy ever afterwards.
Constantine was now a youth of eighteen, and had courtiers of his own. With their aid he perceived that, although rescripts went out in the names of “Constantine and Irene,” the government was entirely157 in the hands of Irene and her ministers. He had keenly desired the daughter of Charlemagne, and he resented the forcing upon him of a village maiden. The year following his marriage was one of bitter discontent and secret whispering. Stauracius, however, or Irene, watched the conspirators158 closely, and in January 790 the net was drawn round them. They had intended to banish96 Irene to Sicily, and they now found themselves on the way to Sicily, their backs sore from the scourge116 and their heads marked with the odious159 sign of clerical office. Constantine himself was flogged, and confined for some time to the palace; it was decreed that henceforth the name of Irene should precede that of her son; and a formidable oath was imposed on the troops that they would not suffer Constantine to rule while she lived.
But the counsels of eunuchs and women, however vigorous they be in their class, are apt either to fall short of, or pass beyond, the golden mean in the game of politics. Regiment161 after regiment took the oath, until at last the troops in Armenia refused to submit to feminine rule. Irene sent the eunuch Alexius to persuade or coerce94 them. They made him their commander, spread the rebellion among other troops, and at length an army besieged162 the palace and dictated163 terms. Stauracius was scourged, tonsured and deported164 to Armenia; Irene was deposed165 and had to retire to a new palace—the Eleutherian palace—which she had built and stored with treasure for emergencies. The lament of Theophanes at this turn of the wheel, in which he sees the personal action of the devil, is equal to his na?ve praise of all the tricks of Irene to secure and hold power in the cause of true religion.
In spite of that zeal for true religion, the modern reader will not have followed the career of Irene up to this point with unalloyed admiration166. She was essentially167 a casuist, the very embodiment of the Byzantine religious spirit. Chaste168 she undoubtedly169 was, though we shall presently find her acting170 in that regard in drastic contradiction to the teaching of the Church; she was generous, even extravagant171, with money, and she showed a sincere concern for the welfare of her subjects within the limits of her own ambition; but she betrays from the start that lack of moral scrupulousness172 which too often accompanies fervent173 piety in Byzantine women, and the bitter disappointment which closes the first part of her reign will now make her more unscrupulous than ever.
It was in October 790 that Irene was deposed. Fourteen months afterwards we find her returning to imperial power and making a fearful use of it. Constantine had yielded to her pressure and that of the nobles devoted174 to her, and again proclaimed that she was Empress and co-ruler of the Empire. The Armenian troops at once protested against the change, and, as their commander, Alexius, was in Constantinople at the time, he was scourged and converted into an abbé malgré lui. An expedition against the Bulgarians failed shortly afterwards, and, whether the failure did really lead to a95 conspiracy, or the plot was invented to serve the purpose of Irene and Constantine, a terrible clearance175 was made of their possible opponents. Alexius and Nicephorus (the uncle of the Emperor who had been made a cleric) had their eyes cut out; and three other sons of Eudocia were brought from their clerical homes and had their tongues cut. We must not too readily implicate176 Irene in these barbarities. She had not returned to her former influence and activity, and it was Constantine himself who led an army against the insurgents177 in Armenia and made a terrible end of their rebellion. In view, however, of Irene’s later behaviour, it is probable that she agreed to, if she did not inspire, these proceedings178, and the authorities assure us that she now began to make selfish profit of the unpopularity of her son and encourage him in licence.
We have as yet said nothing of the imperial life of the young woman who had passed from her village home to the palace. The reason is that she seems to have been one of those admirable Empresses who impress the chroniclers only when they bear children or suffer misfortune. Maria had borne two daughters to Constantine, and the year of her misfortune was at hand. Constantine had never loved his wife and had freely sought consolation179 elsewhere; and in the year 794 his eye fell on a charming lady of his mother’s suite180. Whether this lady was too chaste or too ambitious to admit his passion irregularly, we cannot say, but we have the emphatic181 assurance of the authorities that Irene encouraged the passion, and supported her son in his proposal to divorce Maria, in order still further to weaken his position. If such an act seem beyond the range of a mother’s ambition, I can only say that far worse is to follow.
On 3rd January 795, the unfortunate Maria was deposed from her dignity, exchanged her imperial robes for the rough black dress of a nun, and, with shorn hair,96 passed to a convent; and before the end of the same year the more fortunate Theodote was transferred from the service of Irene’s chamber182 (cubicularia) to the imperial dignity. It need hardly be said that this procedure was violently opposed to the solemn teaching of the Church, which now regarded marriage as absolutely indissoluble. The courtly patriarch Tarasius, who had been converted from a very secular183 secretary into an archbishop, proved accommodating enough; he declined to perform the marriage, but he permitted some enterprising priest named Joseph to do so, and he sanctioned the transfer of Maria to a nunnery. But the monks of the Empire raised once more their formidable chant of execration184, and showered epithets185 on the Emperor and the archbishop. The great monastery of Saccudion, in Bithynia, was the centre of the agitation186, under its vigorous abbot Plato.17
The next move of Irene was to espouse187 the cause of the monks who fulminated against her adulterous son and his “Jezebel,” and were punished for doing so. If we feel a scruple188 about admitting so malignant189 a course in a Christian62 mother, we must remember that these things are ascribed to her by chroniclers who are full of admiration for her piety, and that the tragic end of the story is quite beyond doubt. Constantine lost ground, and Irene watched her opportunity. It came in the month of September 796, when mother and son went, with a large and distinguished190 company, to take the hot baths at Prusia. Theodote had remained behind, so as to be near the Porphyra palace, and she presently sent a message that a son was born. Constantine galloped191 in delight to the city, and Irene set to work. By amiable conversation and secret gifts she won a number of the97 officers, and the conspiracy quietly proceeded when they returned to Constantinople. The following summer Constantine set out against the Saracens, and Irene, fearing that he might return with glory and renewed popularity, for he was a skilful192 and vigorous soldier, determined to strike.
Constantine was recalled to the city by some false intelligence, and as he went one day (17th June) from the Hippodrome to join his wife (whose baby had recently died) in the palace of Blachern?, he was attacked. He escaped, and fled by boat to the Asiatic side, where Theodote joined him. The position was now critical, as a number of nobles and officers were with Constantine, and Irene heard that others were daily crossing the water. For a moment she trembled and thought of sending bishops to ask her son to allow her to retire into private life, but there remained one device. Among the courtiers with Constantine were some whom she had already compromised, and she sent a secret message to these men to the effect that she would reveal their perfidy193 to the Emperor if they remained with him. The stratagem194 succeeded. In the early morning of 15th August the Emperor was brought, bound, to his palace and lodged121 in the Porphyra; and there, in the very palace in which he had been born, his eyes were brutally195 cut out by the knives of the soldiers at the ninth hour of the day. Some of the chroniclers observe that the work was done in such a way that the men really intended to kill Constantine. That is misleading, since it would have been perfectly196 easy to kill him, whereas we know that he lingered in confinement197 in the Therapia palace for some years. The truth probably is that Irene’s casuistry permitted the horrible mutilation, but forbade the murder, of her son; but her agents probably concluded that if they accidentally and unintentionally killed Constantine there would be few tears shed.
It would be difficult to find a parallel to this horrible deed in the long story of the pagan Empresses, and we98 press on to the conclusion of Irene’s reign. For several years she continued to rule the Empire in peace and prosperity. One or two feeble revolts were made, and more eyes were cut from their sockets198, but the year 799 opened with little sign of trouble. Decrees went forth160 in the name of “Irene, the great king and autocrat199 of the Romans.” She built convents and established charitable foundations. She gladdened the hearts of the poor by remitting200 taxes and import duties, and scattering201 money amongst them as she rode to church in a golden chariot drawn by four white horses, the reins202 of each held by one of the highest dignitaries of the Empire. The Pope blessed her—he had put out the eyes of his predecessor—and the great Charlemagne sent legates to ask her hand in marriage. And the blind Emperor lingered in his palace-prison with his faithful Theodote, waiting for the thunder of Jupiter.
In the year 800 the shadow of the avenger203 seemed to come over the palace. Irene had two powerful ministers, Stauracius (who had, of course, returned from the service of the altar) and Aetius, and their quarrels filled the palace and the heart of Irene with bitterness. In 799 she had been dangerously ill, and their intrigues204 had doubled. She recovered, and Stauracius determined to make a bold attempt to secure the purple. His conspiracy was discovered, and Irene, holding a council in the gold-roofed dining-hall, decreed that no military officer was to approach Stauracius. The sentence seems mild, but the truth was that, in spite of doctors and priests who lied to him even as he spat205 blood, Stauracius was dying. He passed away in June, and Aetius commanded the palace.
The end came in 802. Aetius had frustrated206 the proposal of a marriage of Charlemagne and Irene, who seems to have favoured it (she was still only in her fiftieth year), because he designed to secure the purple for his brother and thus maintain his position. But the legates of Charlemagne lingered in Constantinople, and99 witnessed the fall of the great Empress. On the evening of 31st October 802, when Irene lay ill in her Eleutherian palace, a group of nobles and officers knocked at the door of the Chalke and summoned the guard. They had, they said, been sent by Irene to put Nicephorus, the “chancellor of the exchequer,” on the throne; she wished to forestall207 Aetius. In the darkness and confusion they were admitted, and they took possession of the palace and set guards round the Eleutherian palace. Almost before dawn the next morning they conveyed Nicephorus to the great church to be crowned, and, although Irene’s liberality had won the people and they gathered in the square to damn Nicephorus and the archbishop and raise cheers for Irene, they were powerless. The nobles and officers were resolved to tolerate the insolence208 of Aetius no longer.
Irene, sick and dispirited, was incapable209 of making one of those spurts210 of energy or astute211 stratagems212 which had so often saved her. When the hypocritical Nicephorus came to visit her in her apartments, she quietly begged that she might be permitted to end her days in her Eleutherian palace. He had often been a guest at her table and grossly deceived her; even the nobles were yet to learn what a brute143 they had put on the throne. He promised that if she would swear on the cross to give up the whole of the imperial treasure, she should retire to her palace. It was believed that treasure was hidden in various places in that labyrinth213 of palaces; even the blind Constantine was brought forth to say in which wall a certain treasure was hidden. Irene swore her last oath, gave a list of the hiding-places—and was promptly214 imprisoned215 in a monastery she had built on the Princes’ Islands, a group of small islands, in view of the palace, on the Sea of Marmora.
Constantinople seems to have been deeply moved, and a month later she was removed to a dismal216 prison on the island of Lesbos. There, under a strong guard, rigorously isolated217 from her friends,100 she spent nine miserable218 months reflecting on the strange career she had run since she had left Athens in the pride of her youth and beauty. She died on 9th August 803, and was buried in her monastery on the Princes’ Islands.
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1
ass
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| n.驴；傻瓜，蠢笨的人 | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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slit
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| n.狭长的切口；裂缝；vt.切开，撕裂 | |
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deploring
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的现在分词 ) | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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13
tranquil
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| adj. 安静的, 宁静的, 稳定的, 不变的 | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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amiably
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| adv.和蔼可亲地，亲切地 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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27
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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29
truculent
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| adj.野蛮的，粗野的 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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34
elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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37
exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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40
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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41
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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42
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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43
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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44
iconoclasts
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| n.攻击传统观念的人( iconoclast的名词复数 )；反对崇拜圣像者 | |
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45
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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46
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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48
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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49
ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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50
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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51
nun
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| n.修女，尼姑 | |
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52
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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53
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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54
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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55
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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56
maternal
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| adj.母亲的，母亲般的，母系的，母方的 | |
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57
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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58
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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59
mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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60
enchanted
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| adj. 被施魔法的，陶醉的，入迷的 动词enchant的过去式和过去分词 | |
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61
mooted
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| adj.未决定的，有争议的，有疑问的v.提出…供讨论( moot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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63
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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64
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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65
eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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66
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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67
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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68
drowsy
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| adj.昏昏欲睡的，令人发困的 | |
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69
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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70
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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71
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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72
vacancy
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| n.（旅馆的）空位，空房，（职务的）空缺 | |
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73
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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74
galley
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| n.（飞机或船上的）厨房单层甲板大帆船；军舰舰长用的大划艇； | |
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75
cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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76
surmounting
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| 战胜( surmount的现在分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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77
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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parasitism
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| n.寄生状态，寄生病；寄生性 | |
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ferociously
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| 野蛮地，残忍地 | |
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81
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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82
nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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83
iconoclastic
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| adj.偶像破坏的，打破旧习的 | |
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84
betrothal
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| n. 婚约, 订婚 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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probation
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| n.缓刑(期)，(以观后效的)察看；试用(期) | |
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cascades
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| 倾泻( cascade的名词复数 )； 小瀑布（尤指一连串瀑布中的一支）； 瀑布状物； 倾泻（或涌出）的东西 | |
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88
luridly
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| adv. 青灰色的(苍白的, 深浓色的, 火焰等火红的) | |
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89
consign
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| vt.寄售（货品），托运，交托，委托 | |
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intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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demurred
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| v.表示异议，反对( demur的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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95
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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98
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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100
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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102
venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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104
ignominiously
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| adv.耻辱地，屈辱地，丢脸地 | |
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105
gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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106
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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107
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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108
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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109
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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110
plaque
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| n.饰板，匾，(医)血小板 | |
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111
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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112
abjuration
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| n.发誓弃绝 | |
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113
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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114
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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115
opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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116
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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117
scourged
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| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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118
tonsured
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| v.剃( tonsure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
dispensing
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| v.分配( dispense的现在分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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120
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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121
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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122
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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123
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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124
certified
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| a.经证明合格的；具有证明文件的 | |
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125
prehistoric
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| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
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126
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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127
scouted
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| 寻找，侦察( scout的过去式和过去分词 )； 物色（优秀运动员、演员、音乐家等） | |
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128
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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129
initiate
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| vt.开始，创始，发动；启蒙，使入门；引入 | |
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130
maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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131
etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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132
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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133
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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134
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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135
pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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136
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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137
penitence
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| n.忏悔，赎罪；悔过 | |
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138
expiate
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| v.抵补，赎罪 | |
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139
misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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140
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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141
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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142
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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143
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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144
brutes
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| 兽( brute的名词复数 )； 畜生； 残酷无情的人； 兽性 | |
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145
exultant
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| adj.欢腾的，狂欢的，大喜的 | |
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146
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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147
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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148
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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149
metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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150
convoked
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| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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151
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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152
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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153
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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154
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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155
slipper
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| n.拖鞋 | |
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156
maidens
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| 处女( maiden的名词复数 )； 少女； 未婚女子； （板球运动）未得分的一轮投球 | |
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157
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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158
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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159
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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160
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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161
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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162
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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163
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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164
deported
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| v.将…驱逐出境( deport的过去式和过去分词 )；举止 | |
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165
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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166
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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167
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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168
chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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169
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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170
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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171
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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172
scrupulousness
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| n.一丝不苟；小心翼翼 | |
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173
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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174
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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175
clearance
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| n.净空；许可(证)；清算；清除，清理 | |
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176
implicate
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| vt.使牵连其中，涉嫌 | |
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177
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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178
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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179
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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180
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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181
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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182
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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183
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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184
execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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185
epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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186
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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187
espouse
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| v.支持，赞成，嫁娶 | |
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188
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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189
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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190
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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191
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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192
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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193
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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194
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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195
brutally
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| adv.残忍地，野蛮地，冷酷无情地 | |
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196
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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197
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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198
sockets
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| n.套接字，使应用程序能够读写与收发通讯协定(protocol)与资料的程序( Socket的名词复数 )；孔( socket的名词复数 )；（电器上的）插口；托座；凹穴 | |
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199
autocrat
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| n.独裁者；专横的人 | |
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200
remitting
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的现在分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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201
scattering
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| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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202
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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203
avenger
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| n. 复仇者 | |
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204
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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205
spat
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| n.口角，掌击；v.发出呼噜呼噜声 | |
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206
frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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207
forestall
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| vt.抢在…之前采取行动；预先阻止 | |
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208
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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209
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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210
spurts
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| 短暂而突然的活动或努力( spurt的名词复数 )； 突然奋起 | |
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211
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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212
stratagems
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| n.诡计，计谋( stratagem的名词复数 )；花招 | |
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213
labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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214
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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215
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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216
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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217
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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218
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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