The King of Armenia had, it seems, two marriageable daughters, and they were so equal in grace and beauty that no courtier could decide which was the more eligible7. The Armenians insisted that both Ricta and Theophano should be conveyed to Constantinople, where noble husbands were still plentiful8, and a message was sent to the capital to notify their coming. Andronicus gave them a princely welcome at the palace quay9, and decided10 that the elder of the two should marry Michael. Their names were changed to Maria and Theodora, and, when the elder was united to the young Emperor, and received288 herself the imperial title, the younger was consoled by an alliance with the “Sebastocrator” John and a share of his sonorous11 title and more slender diadem12. We do not know the age of Maria and are, as usual, without a description of her person; in fact, the quiet, unassuming ways of her very mediocre13 husband leave her in considerable obscurity for the first half of her life. We find her in 1306 setting out with him for the Bulgarian war and showing a fine spirit of patriotism14. Andronicus had no money to pay the troops, and Maria, who remained in Adrianople, sold the jewels and melted the plate which had formed part of her dowry, in order to win success for her husband. They then returned to Constantinople to await, in exemplary patience, the natural transfer to them of the supreme15 power.
In 1318 their eldest son, Andronicus, was married to Irene, daughter of the Duke of Brunswick, and Michael and Maria went to Thessaly and engaged in the peaceful administration of that province. Two years later came a terrible message from Constantinople which put an end to the life of Michael and changed and saddened the whole course of Maria’s career. They had had two sons and two daughters. One daughter, Theodora, married the King of Bulgaria; the elder, Anna, married the Prince of Epirus, and, when he was assassinated16, married his murderer. Tragedy seemed to dog the footsteps of the descendants of Michael Paleologus and Theodora, and a far more terrible experience was reserved for the sons, Andronicus and Manuel. Their father had consented to leave them at Court under the eye of the old Emperor, and that monarch4’s idea of training them was unhappily consistent with a great deal of spoiling and pampering17. Manuel, the younger brother, seems to have had a more sober and industrious18 character; the elder, Andronicus, was a vain, handsome and unscrupulous youth, whose light head was soon turned by the flattery of courtiers. His days were spent in hunting, his nights in the pleasures of the table, the dice-board, or the289 enervating19 chambers21 of courtesans. He was the natural heir to the throne, after his father, and already enjoyed the imperial title, so that parasites22 gathered thick about his person. He outran his ample income, and was forced to borrow large sums of money from the Genoese bankers of the suburb of Galata in order to maintain his luxuries and his mistresses.
The old Emperor did not fail to perceive the debasement of the character of his favourite grandson, and sharply to reprove him, but the young man sank more deeply into debt, and began at length to feel impatient of the long delay that must ensue before the keys of the imperial treasury23 would come into his hands. He contemplated24 a series of wild intrigues26 for the purpose of securing an immediate27 independence and control of at least a small dominion28. At one moment he meditated29 seizing the throne of Armenia, on the pretext30 that it was his mother’s appanage; at other times he aspired31 to rule the island of Lesbos, the Peloponnesus, or any other fragment of the Empire from which he could wring32 the price of his pleasures.
The older Andronicus watched him vigilantly33, and his intemperance34 soon led to a tragedy which definitely turned his grandfather against him. He was informed that a rival secretly visited the house of one of his mistresses, a lady of the Byzantine nobility and of very Byzantine laxness of morals, and he posted a band of archers35 and swordsmen near the house, with orders to fall upon any man who approached. It happened that on the same evening, about midnight, Manuel had occasion to see his elder brother at once, and expected to find him at the house of his mistress. He was not recognized by the assassins, and was murdered. This was the news which came to Michael and Maria in the autumn of 1320. Michael was in poor health at the time, and the shock ended his life. Maria seems to have taken the veil, as we generally find her named Xene in the chronicles after this date, but we290 shall find that she neither repudiated36 her elder son nor retired37 wholly from the world.
The elder Andronicus now made it clear that his grandson should not inherit the purple, but he unfortunately committed a fresh blunder, which strengthened the hands of the young Emperor. The proper and most worthy—or least unworthy—heir to the throne was now the younger son of Anna of Hungary, Constantine, who had for some years been content with the lower title of “despot” and the government of Thessaly and Macedonia. He had, as we saw, married the daughter of the minister Muzalo. Finding a pretty maid among the common servants of his wife’s household, he had made her his mistress, and, as Muzalo’s daughter soon died, Cathara was raised to the rank of companion. They had a remarkably38 beautiful boy, who went by the name of Michael Cathara. After a time the roving eye of Constantine was arrested by the charm of the wife of one of his secretaries, and he proposed to bestow39 part of his affection on her. She pleaded the claims of her husband and the prescriptions40 of virtue41; her husband promptly42 disappeared, as so many inconvenient43 husbands did in the Byzantine Empire; and the “new Hypatia,” as the chronicler calls her, shared the crown and the couch of the Despot of Thessaly. Her beauty, wit and culture are said to have placed her before all other women of her age, though there is a taint44 of sacrilege in the comparison with the virtuous45, philosophical46 and venerable Hypatia of Alexandria. Cathara was dismissed, and Michael Cathara became a page at the Court of the elder Andronicus.
The Emperor, now a gouty and feeble old man of sixty-four, was again seduced48 by the superficial charm of a handsome boy, and treated Michael with a favour which clearly marked him for the ultimate possession of the throne. He gave the boy the imperial title, and kept him by his side when he received ambassadors. When the elder Michael died, and it was necessary, according291 to custom, to frame a new oath of allegiance to the Emperors, the name of the younger Andronicus was expressly excluded, and the officers swore only to obey the old Emperor and whomsoever he might associate with himself. This imprudent choice gave some of the discontented nobles a pretext to disregard their oaths, and they entered into secret alliance with the younger Andronicus. In order, however, to follow intelligibly50 the further fortunes of the imperial women, it will be necessary to give a brief account of this conspiracy51 and its leaders.
The most prominent figure among the discontented nobles was John Cantacuzenus, a very distinguished52 and cultivated noble, a later Emperor, and one of the chief historians of the period. The tortuousness53 of his career and the cloak of hypocrisy54 in which he foolishly imagines that he has concealed55 his ambition warn us to read his account of his times with discretion56. His history opens with a deliberate concealment57 of the murder of Manuel and of the flagrant vices58 of his associate, Andronicus, and it remains59 mendacious60 and hypocritical to the last page. Such was the chief character who will mingle61 in the story of the Empresses for the next twenty years. He frowned on the low birth of Michael Cathara, was indifferent to the vices of Andronicus, and secretly cherished an ambition to occupy the throne. With him were Theodore Synadenus, a noble of equal distinction and more substantial character; Sir Janni (probably Sir John), an unscrupulous Choman adventurer; and Apocaucus, a successful financier, of low birth, who begged to be allowed to share the risk and profits of the speculation62. Secret vows63 of fidelity64 were exchanged, and the more wealthy members of the group purchased the administration of distant provinces, in which they might raise and arm troops.
The old Emperor detected the conspiracy, and made an effort to check it. In the spring of 1321, on the292 morning of Passion Sunday, Andronicus was summoned to the palace of his grandfather and was forbidden to communicate with any person until he had seen the Emperor. The message was alarming, but the messenger was probably open to bribery65, and the other conspirators66 were hastily warned. They decided to bring a troop of armed men into the hall of the palace, and, if the old Emperor were heard to speak angrily to his grandson in the inner chamber20, rush in and despatch67 him. It will be noticed that the Byzantine Court was now but the shadow of its former greatness. The thousands of watchful68 Scholarians and Excubitors had long disappeared, even the stalwart and faithful English and Scandinavian Varangians could be hired no longer in any number, and a group of venal69 Cretan or Italian guards alone protected the approach to the throne. But the elder Andronicus, who had gathered the bishops70 in his chamber to hear him charge and convict his grandson, learned that a troop waited in the hall without, and the conference ended in hypocritical embraces and vows of mutual71 fidelity. The nobles, however, resented this solution. In their respective provinces, to which they were ordered, they raised their troops and concentrated at Adrianople. When Andronicus saw that they had a serious army he fled to join them, and they soon began to march over the provinces toward the capital.
Andronicus the elder was at first content to send a regiments72 of priests and monks73 into the streets of Constantinople with Bibles, making every citizen swear not to desert their lawful74 monarch. The oath was taken with the customary fluency75, and the customary reserve; but the insurgents76 came nearer and nearer over the roads of Thrace, and a fresh peace had to be arranged. The grandson was now to have Thrace for his personal dominion, with Adrianople for capital, and the right of succession to the whole Empire. The young Empress Irene, who seems to have been little more than a spectator of the stormy seas into which her marriage had293 drawn77 her, joined her husband at Adrianople, presented him with a baby, and lived for a few months longer to witness his debauchery and infidelity. Before very long her reckless husband attempted to seduce47 the wife of one of his chief supporters, Sir Janni, and that commander, already jealous of the greater favour shown to Cantacuzenus, deserted78 to Constantinople and persuaded the elder Andronicus to try the fortune of war once more.
The Empress Maria, or the nun79 Xene, as she seems to have become, took the part of her son in the quarrel with the older Emperor. There is no evidence that she was a sincerely religious woman; indeed, the fact that she sided with her worthless son prevents us from supposing this. She probably trusted to return to Court in his train. She had remained in Thessalonica since the death of her husband, and she endeavoured to secure interest for her son in that province. The older Emperor, however, sent his son Constantine to Thessalonica, and Xene was arrested and shipped, in a very unceremonious fashion, to Constantinople. Constantine was now in a fair way to attain80 the Empire, and his “new Hypatia” must have enjoyed visions of a very speedy accession to power. But soon afterwards Constantine was captured by his nephew’s troops and committed to prison, from which he would never emerge. The unknown lady of such remarkable beauty and accomplishments81, Constantine’s wife, now disappeared into the obscurity from which she had come, and Xene returned to hope.
The old Emperor was checked by the disaster of his son and sued for peace. He sent Xene to negotiate with him, and Andronicus and his friends were soon enjoying themselves once more in the capital. Irene had set out with him from Adrianople, but she died on the journey. Her life must have been unhappy, but the widower82 found consolation83, and we find the earlier Irene’s daughter, Simonides, included in the list of the noble dames84 who consoled him. Simonides had entered the world encircled by a halo of miracle, but she was not294 destined85 to issue from it in a corresponding odour of sanctity. Few did in medi?val Byzantium. She had, as I said, returned from Servia after the death of the Kral, and was living in the city, a comfortable widow of thirty-three, when her handsome and profligate86 nephew came back to Court, more wealthy and luxurious87 than ever. There is no room for doubt that she entered into a liaison88 with Andronicus, since the old Emperor himself publicly referred to it as a notorious fact.
Xene had remained in Thrace, where, after a second marriage, which we will describe in the next chapter, Andronicus joined her. The town of Didymoteichus (now Demotica), about twenty miles to the south of Adrianople, became at this point the seat of a royal residence and a most important centre of intrigue25 in Byzantine history. From that town Xene and her son presently sent a most affectionate message to Xene’s daughter Theodora, who had married the King of Bulgaria, or two kings of Bulgaria in succession. The ladies of the Paleologi family were almost all remarkable for their adaptability89 to changes of domestic circumstances. It was twenty-three years since Xene had sent her daughter to Bulgaria, and she had not seen her since; Andronicus had never seen his sister. They now felt a sudden and most pressing desire to meet her, and she and King Michael came to spend a week at Didymoteichus. The real object was, of course, to arrange an alliance with Bulgaria, to counterbalance the older Emperor’s alliance, through Simonides, with Servia. Michael, a man of loose life and coarse and repulsive90 manners, was flattered by the liberal attentions of the imperial nun, and when Andronicus gave him a more substantial proof of their esteem91, in the shape of a large promise of money and territory, he went home to mobilize his troops. In a short time the news reached Constantinople that the banners of civil war were to be raised once more. No one was surprised, as the year had opened with unmistakable portents92. A muddy pig had295 scattered93 a procession of bishops, which accurately94 foreshadowed trouble in the Church; and there had been two eclipses of the moon in three months, than which there could be no surer foreboding of trouble in the State.
The senior Emperor had recourse at once to his futile95 diplomacy96 and his synods of bishops. He drew up a formidable indictment97 of his grandson, and submitted to the Empire that a man who had seduced his aunt, appropriated imperial funds, and committed many other grave crimes, was unfit to wear the purple. In his history of the time Cantacuzenus laboriously98 meets this indictment, but his answers are feeble and evasive, and, since he prudently99 overlooks the charge of a liaison with Simonides, we have little hope of relieving her character of that imputation100. It does not seem to have made any difference to Xene’s loyalty101 to her son, and we must conclude that she was bent102 on returning with him to the Court. However, after some months of mutual incrimination, the troops were set in motion, Constantinople was taken (23rd May 1328), and the long and lively reign103 of Andronicus II. came to a close. Few tears were shed, or ever will be shed, over the fall of that selfish and incompetent104 ruler. He was granted a generous income, and he continued to live, in complete privacy, for four years.
Xene remained at Didymoteichus, which had now become an important centre of the shrunken Empire. The success of her son brought her to realize that he was surrounded by men and women who were bitterly hostile to her, and she no doubt felt it more prudent49 or agreeable to enjoy the tranquillity105 of the provincial106 palace. This tranquillity was rudely disturbed two years later, when Andronicus fell seriously ill at Didymoteichus, and the members of the Cantacuzenus family and faction107 betrayed their ambition.
The picture of the scene which we have in the pages of Cantacuzenus himself is just as affecting, and just as mendacious, as Anna Comnena’s picture of the scene296 at her father’s death. The dying Andronicus—it was, at all events, believed by all that he was dying—summoned his wife and friends to his couch, and, putting the right hand of the Empress in the right hand of his faithful Cantacuzenus, entrusts108 to him her safety and that of the Empire. When the mother of Cantacuzenus (a quaint109 type of nun whose acquaintance we shall make presently) asks him his wishes in regard to his mother, he feebly murmurs110 that “there cannot be two rulers.” Cantacuzenus weeps so copiously111 that he must retire to wash his face, in order to hide his grief from his beloved friend. Courtiers press him to seize the purple, and he refuses. They urge him to put to death, or put out the eyes of, the despot Constantine, Andronicus’s uncle, who still lingers in his prison. Again Cantacuzenus shrinks from the suggestion, and, in order to protect Constantine from their murderous designs, he hides him in an underground chamber.
One feels that the whole story is a masterpiece of lying, and it is not difficult to learn the truth. Round the bed of the unconscious Andronicus Cantacuzenus and his mother and friends pursued a desperate intrigue for power. Anna was young and helpless, and might be used for furthering their plan. Xene, however, watched their intrigue with furious anger and fear, and pitted her hatred112 against that of the mother of Cantacuzenus. Constantine was thrust in a loathsome113 and secret dungeon114 by Cantacuzenus, lest any faction should remember that he was the real heir to the throne. Even the old ex-Emperor at Constantinople was approached, and was offered the alternative of death, exile or the monk’s tonsure115. With many tears he embraced the least painful of the three proposals and adopted the name of Antony. The triumph of Cantacuzenus seemed to be assured when, to their astonishment116 and mortification117, Andronicus emerged from his stupor118 and returned to health.
Xene at once appealed to her son to punish the intriguers, but he was either deceived by the hypocritical297 professions of Cantacuzenus or not strong enough to face his hostility119. Xene now felt that she had incurred120 their mortal vindictiveness121 and retired to Thessalonica. There she induced the citizens to swear that they would protect her, and she even adopted as her son the wily and accommodating Sir Janni, who governed the province. Sir Janni had not long to wait for his reward—the fortune of his “mother.” She died four years later (1334), and was buried at Thessalonica, having run a strange course since she had nervously122 quitted her Armenian home thirty-eight years before.
The older Andronicus had died two years before, at the age of seventy-two. Nicephorus Gregoras, our best authority for the time, tells us how he spent a night in pleasant conversation with the old man in February 1332. Andronicus, or Antony, died the next day, and was buried in his monkish123 robe. The same passage of Gregoras gives us our penultimate reference to the interesting Simonides. She was present at the conversation, and we seem to be justified124 in inferring that she “kept house” for her father. The last glimpse we have of her is a fitting crown to her strange career. We faintly discern her, some years later, as a royal nun in the Court of her nephew and former lover.
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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plentiful
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quay
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| n.码头，靠岸处 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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sonorous
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| adj.响亮的，回响的；adv.圆润低沉地；感人地；n.感人，堂皇 | |
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diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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mediocre
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| adj.平常的，普通的 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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pampering
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| v.纵容，宠，娇养( pamper的现在分词 ) | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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enervating
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| v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的现在分词 ) | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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parasites
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| 寄生物( parasite的名词复数 )； 靠他人为生的人； 诸虫 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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pretext
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aspired
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wring
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| n.扭绞；v.拧，绞出，扭 | |
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vigilantly
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intemperance
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archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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prescriptions
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| 药( prescription的名词复数 )； 处方； 开处方； 计划 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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taint
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| n.污点；感染；腐坏；v.使感染；污染 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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seduce
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| vt.勾引，诱奸，诱惑，引诱 | |
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seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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intelligibly
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| adv.可理解地，明了地，清晰地 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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tortuousness
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| 曲折，弯曲 | |
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hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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mendacious
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| adj.不真的，撒谎的 | |
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mingle
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| vt.使混合，使相混；vi.混合起来；相交往 | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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venal
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| adj.唯利是图的，贪脏枉法的 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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fluency
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| n.流畅，雄辩，善辩 | |
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insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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nun
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| n.修女，尼姑 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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widower
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| n.鳏夫 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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dames
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| n.（在英国）夫人（一种封号），夫人（爵士妻子的称号）( dame的名词复数 )；女人 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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liaison
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| n.联系，（未婚男女间的）暖昧关系，私通 | |
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adaptability
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| n.适应性 | |
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repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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portents
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| n.预兆( portent的名词复数 )；征兆；怪事；奇物 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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laboriously
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| adv.艰苦地；费力地；辛勤地；（文体等）佶屈聱牙地 | |
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prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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entrusts
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的第三人称单数 ) | |
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quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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copiously
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| adv.丰富地，充裕地 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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tonsure
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| n.削发；v.剃 | |
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116
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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117
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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118
stupor
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| v.昏迷；不省人事 | |
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119
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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121
vindictiveness
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| 恶毒；怀恨在心 | |
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122
nervously
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| adv.神情激动地，不安地 | |
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monkish
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| adj.僧侣的，修道士的，禁欲的 | |
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124
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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