Each member of the community gives himself to it, at the moment of its foundation, just as he is, with all the resources at his command, including the goods he possesses. This act does not make possession, in changing hands, change its nature, and becomes property in the hands of the Sovereign; but, as the forces of the city are incomparably greater than those of an individual, public possession is also, in fact, stronger and more irrevocable, without being any more legitimate1, at any rate from the point of view of foreigners. For the State, in relation to its members, is master of all their goods by the social contract, which, within the State, is the basis of all rights; but, in relation to other powers, it is so only by the right of the first occupier, which it holds from its members.
The right of the first occupier, though more real than the right of the strongest, becomes a real right only when the right of property has already been established. Every man has naturally a right to everything he needs; but the positive act which makes him proprietor3 of one thing excludes him from everything else. Having his share, he ought to keep to it, and can have no further right against the community. This is why the right of the first occupier, which in the state of nature is so weak, claims the respect of every man in civil society. In this right we are respecting not so much what belongs to another as what does not belong to ourselves.
In general, to establish the right of the first occupier over a plot of ground, the following conditions are necessary: first, the land must not yet be inhabited; secondly4, a man must occupy only the amount he needs for his subsistence; and, in the third place, possession must be taken, not by an empty ceremony, but by labour and cultivation5, the only sign of proprietorship6 that should be respected by others, in default of a legal title.
In granting the right of first occupancy to necessity and labour, are we not really stretching it as far as it can go? Is it possible to leave such a right unlimited7? Is it to be enough to set foot on a plot of common ground, in order to be able to call yourself at once the master of it? Is it to be enough that a man has the strength to expel others for a moment, in order to establish his right to prevent them from ever returning? How can a man or a people seize an immense territory and keep it from the rest of the world except by a punishable usurpation8, since all others are being robbed, by such an act, of the place of habitation and the means of subsistence which nature gave them in common? When Nu?ez Balbao, standing9 on the sea-shore, took possession of the South Seas and the whole of South America in the name of the crown of Castille, was that enough to dispossess all their actual inhabitants, and to shut out from them all the princes of the world? On such a showing, these ceremonies are idly multiplied, and the Catholic King need only take possession all at once, from his apartment, of the whole universe, merely making a subsequent reservation about what was already in the possession of other princes.
We can imagine how the lands of individuals, where they were contiguous and came to be united, became the public territory, and how the right of Sovereignty, extending from the subjects over the lands they held, became at once real and personal. The possessors were thus made more dependent, and the forces at their command used to guarantee their fidelity10. The advantage of this does not seem to have been felt by ancient monarchs11, who called themselves King of the Persians, Scythians, or Macedonians, and seemed to regard themselves more as rulers of men than as masters of a country. Those of the present day more cleverly call themselves Kings of France, Spain, England, etc.: thus holding the land, they are quite confident of holding the inhabitants.
The peculiar12 fact about this alienation13 is that, in taking over the goods of individuals, the community, so far from despoiling14 them, only assures them legitimate possession, and changes usurpation into a true right and enjoyment15 into proprietorship. Thus the possessors, being regarded as depositaries of the public good, and having their rights, respected by all the members of the State and maintained against foreign aggression16 by all its forces, have, by a cession17 which benefits both the public and still more themselves, acquired, so to speak, all that they gave up. This paradox18 may easily be explained by the distinction between the rights which the Sovereign and the proprietor have over the same estate, as we shall see later on. It may also happen that men begin to unite one with another before they possess anything, and that, subsequently occupying a tract2 of country which is enough for all, they enjoy it in common, or share it out among themselves, either equally or according to a scale fixed19 by they Sovereign. However the acquisition be made, the right which each individual has to his own estate is always subordinate to the right which the community has over all: without this, there would be neither stability in the social tie, nor real force in the exercise of Sovereignty.
I shall end this chapter and this book by remarking on a fact on which the whole social system should rest: i.e. that, instead of destroying natural inequality, the fundamental compact substitutes, for such physical inequality as nature may have set up between men, an equality that is moral and legitimate, and that men, who may be unequal in strength or intelligence, become every one equal by convention and legal right.[1]
[1] Under bad governments, this equality is only apparent and illusory: it serves only to keep the pauper20 in his poverty and the rich man in the position he has usurped21. In fact, laws are always of use to those who possess and harmful to those who have nothing: from which it follows that the social state is advantageous22 to men only when all have something and none too much.
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1 legitimate | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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2 tract | |
n.传单,小册子,大片(土地或森林) | |
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3 proprietor | |
n.所有人;业主;经营者 | |
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4 secondly | |
adv.第二,其次 | |
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5 cultivation | |
n.耕作,培养,栽培(法),养成 | |
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6 proprietorship | |
n.所有(权);所有权 | |
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7 unlimited | |
adj.无限的,不受控制的,无条件的 | |
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8 usurpation | |
n.篡位;霸占 | |
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9 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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10 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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11 monarchs | |
君主,帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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12 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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13 alienation | |
n.疏远;离间;异化 | |
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14 despoiling | |
v.掠夺,抢劫( despoil的现在分词 ) | |
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15 enjoyment | |
n.乐趣;享有;享用 | |
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16 aggression | |
n.进攻,侵略,侵犯,侵害 | |
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17 cession | |
n.割让,转让 | |
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18 paradox | |
n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法;自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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19 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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20 pauper | |
n.贫民,被救济者,穷人 | |
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21 usurped | |
篡夺,霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 ); 盗用; 篡夺,篡权 | |
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22 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
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