One member of the Académie, Alexandre Dumas, refused to let Pasteur call on him. “I will not allow him to come and see me,” he said; “I will myself go and thank him for consenting to become one of us.” He agreed with M. Grandeau, who wrote to Pasteur that “when Claude Bernard and Pasteur consent to enter the ranks of a Society, all the honour is for the latter.”
When Pasteur was elected, his youthfulness of sentiment was made apparent; it seemed to him an immense honour to be one of the Forty. He therefore prepared his reception speech with the greatest care, without however allowing his scientific work to suffer. The life of his predecessor7 interested him more and more; to work in the midst of family intimacy8 had evidently been Littré’s ideal of happiness.
Few people, beyond Littré’s colleagues, know that his wife and daughter collaborated9 in his great work; they looked out the quotations10 necessary to that Dictionary, of which, if laid end to end, the columns would reach a length of thirty-seven kilometres. The Dictionary, commenced in 1857, when{342} Littré was almost sixty years old, was only interrupted twice: in 1861, when Auguste Comte’s widow asked Littré for a biography of the founder11 of positive philosophy; and in 1870, when the life of France was compromised and arrested during long months.
Littré, poor and disinterested12 as he was, had been able to realize his only dream, which was to possess a house in the country. Pasteur, bringing to bear in this, as in all things, his habits of scrupulous13 accuracy, left his laboratory for one day, and visited that villa15, situated16 near Maisons-Laffitte.
The gardener who opened the door to him might have been the owner of that humble17 dwelling18; the house was in a bad state of repair, but the small garden gave a look of comfort to the little property. It had been the only luxury of the philosopher, who enjoyed cultivating vegetables while quoting Virgil, Horace or La Fontaine, and listened to the nightingale when early dawn found him still sitting at his work.
After visiting this house and garden, reflecting as they did the life of a sage20, Pasteur said sadly, “Is it possible that such a man should have been so misjudged!”
A crucifix, hanging in the room where Littré’s family were wont21 to work, testified to his respect for the beliefs of his wife and daughter. “I know too well,” he said one day, “what are the sufferings and difficulties of human life, to wish to take from any one convictions which may comfort them.”
Pasteur also studied the Positivist doctrine22 of which Auguste Comte had been the pontiff and Littré the prophet. This scientific conception of the world affirms nothing, denies nothing, beyond what is visible and easily demonstrated. It suggests altruism23, a “subordination of personality to sociability,” it inspires patriotism24 and the love of humanity. Pasteur, in his scrupulously25 positive and accurate work, his constant thought for others, his self-sacrificing devotion to humanity, might have been supposed to be an adept26 of this doctrine. But he found it lacking in one great point. “Positivism,” he said, “does not take into account the most important of positive notions, that of the Infinite.” He wondered that Positivism should confine the mind within limits; with an impulse of deep feeling, Pasteur, the scientist, the slow and precise observer, wrote the following passage in his speech: “What is beyond? the human mind, actuated by an invincible27 force, will never cease to ask itself: What is{343} beyond?... It is of no use to answer: Beyond is limitless space, limitless time or limitless grandeur28; no one understands those words. He who proclaims the existence of the Infinite—and none can avoid it—accumulates in that affirmation more of the supernatural than is to be found in all the miracles of all the religions; for the notion of the Infinite presents that double character that it forces itself upon us and yet is incomprehensible. When this notion seizes upon our understanding, we can but kneel.... I see everywhere the inevitable30 expression of the Infinite in the world; through it, the supernatural is at the bottom of every heart. The idea of God is a form of the idea of the Infinite. As long as the mystery of the Infinite weighs on human thought, temples will be erected31 for the worship of the Infinite, whether God is called Brahma, Allah, Jehovah, or Jesus; and on the pavement of those temples, men will be seen kneeling, prostrated33, annihilated34 in the thought of the Infinite.”
At that time, when triumphant35 Positivism was inspiring many leaders of men, the very man who might have given himself up to what he called “the enchantment36 of Science” proclaimed the Mystery of the universe; with his intellectual humility37, Pasteur bowed before a Power greater than human power. He continued with the following words, worthy38 of being preserved for ever, for they are of those which pass over humanity like a Divine breath: “Blessed is he who carries within himself a God, an ideal, and who obeys it; ideal of art, ideal of science, ideal of the gospel virtues40, therein lie the springs of great thoughts and great actions; they all reflect light from the Infinite.”
Pasteur concluded by a supreme41 homage42 to Littré. “Often have I fancied him seated by his wife, as in a picture of early Christian43 times: he, looking down upon earth, full of compassion44 for human suffering; she, a fervent45 Catholic, her eyes raised to heaven: he, inspired by all earthly virtues; she, by every Divine grandeur; uniting in one impulse and in one heart the twofold holiness which forms the aureole of the Man-God, the one proceeding46 from devotion to humanity, the other emanating47 from ardent48 love for the Divinity: she a saint in the canonic sense of the word, he a lay-saint. This last word is not mine; I have gathered it on the lips of all those that knew him.”
The two colleagues whom Pasteur had chosen for his{344} Academic sponsors were J. B. Dumas and Nisard. Dumas, who appreciated more than any one the scientific progress due to Pasteur, and who applauded his brilliant success, was touched by the simplicity and modesty49 which his former pupil showed, now as in the distant past, when the then obscure young man sat taking notes on the Sorbonne benches.
Their mutual50 relationship had remained unchanged when Pasteur, accompanied by one of his family, rang at Dumas’ door in March, 1882, with the manuscript of his noble speech in his pocket; he seemed more like a student, respectfully calling on his master, than like a savant affectionately visiting a colleague.
Dumas received Pasteur in a little private study adjoining the fine drawing-room where he was accustomed to dispense51 an elegant hospitality. Pasteur drew a stool up to a table and began to read, but in a shy and hurried manner, without even raising his eyes towards Dumas, who listened, enthroned in his armchair, with an occasional murmur53 of approbation54. Whilst Pasteur’s careworn55 face revealed some of his ardent struggles and persevering57 work, nothing perturbed58 Dumas’ grave and gentle countenance59. His smile, at most times prudently60 affable and benevolent61 in varying degree, now frankly62 illumined his face as he congratulated Pasteur. He called to mind his own reception speech at the Academy when he had succeeded Guizot, and the fact that he too had concluded by a confession63 of faith in his Creator.
Pasteur’s other sponsor, Nisard, almost an octogenarian, was not so happy as Dumas; death had deprived him of almost all his old friends. It was a great joy to him when Pasteur came to see him on the wintry Sunday afternoons; he fancied himself back again at the Ecole Normale and the happy days when he reigned64 supreme in that establishment. Pasteur’s deference65, greater even perhaps than it had been in former times, aided the delightful66 delusion67. Though Nisard was ever inclined to bring a shade of patronage68 into every intimacy, he was a conversationalist of the old and rare stamp. Pasteur enjoyed hearing Nisard’s recollections and watching for a smile lighting69 up the almost blind face. Those Sunday talks reminded him of the old delightful conversations with Chappuis at the Besan?on College when, in their youthful fervour, they read together André Chénier’s and Lamartine’s verses. Eighteen years later, Pasteur had not missed one of Sainte{345} Beuve’s lectures to the Ecole Normale students; he liked that varied70 and penetrating71 criticism, opening sidelights on every point of the literary horizon. Nisard understood criticism rather as a solemn treaty, with clauses and conditions; with his taste for hierarchy72, he even gave different ranks to authors as if they had been students before his chair. But, when he spoke73, the rigidity74 of his system was enveloped75 in the grace of his conversation. Pasteur had but a restricted corner of his mind to give to literature, but that corner was a privileged one; he only read what was really worth reading, and every writer worthy of the name inspired him with more than esteem76, with absolute respect. He had a most exalted77 idea of Literature and its influence on society; he was saying one day to Nisard that Literature was a great educator: “The mind alone can if necessary suffice to Science; both the mind and the heart intervene in Literature, and that explains the secret of its superiority in leading the general train of thought.” This was preaching to an apostle: no homage to literature ever seemed too great in the eyes of Nisard.
He approved of the modest exordium in Pasteur’s speech—
“At this moment when presenting myself before this illustrious assembly, I feel once more the emotion with which I first solicited78 your suffrages79. The sense of my own inadequacy80 is borne in upon me afresh, and I should feel some confusion in finding myself in this place, were it not my duty to attribute to Science itself the honour—so to speak, an impersonal81 one—which you have bestowed82 upon me.”
The Permanent Secretary, Camille Doucet, well versed83 in the usages of the Institute, and preoccupied84 with the effect produced, thought that the public would not believe in such self-effacement, sincere as it was, and sent the following letter to Pasteur with the proof-sheet of his speech—
“Dear and honoured colleague, allow me to suggest to you a modification85 of your first sentence; your modesty is excessive.”
Camille Doucet had struck out the sense of my own inadequacy is borne in upon me afresh, and further so to speak, an impersonal one. Pasteur consulted Nisard, and the sense of my own inadequacy was replaced by the sense of my deficiencies, while Pasteur adhered energetically to so to speak, an impersonal one; he saw in his election less a particular distinction than a homage rendered to Science in general.
A reception at the Académie Fran?aise is like a sensational{346} first night at a theatre; a special public is interested days beforehand in every coming detail. Wives, daughters, sisters of Academicians, great ladies interested in coming candidates, widows of deceased Academicians, laureates of various Academy prizes—the whole literary world agitates86 to obtain tickets. Pasteur’s reception promised to be full of interest, some even said piquancy87, for it fell to Renan to welcome him.
In order to have a foretaste of the contrast between the two men it was sufficient to recall Renan’s opening speech three years before, when he succeeded Claude Bernard. His thanks to his colleagues began thus—
“Your cenaculum is only reached at the age of Ecclesiastes, a delightful age of serene88 cheerfulness, when after a laborious89 prime, it begins to be seen that all is but vanity, but also that some vain things are worthy of being lingeringly enjoyed.”
The two minds were as different as the two speeches; Pasteur took everything seriously, giving to words their absolute sense; Renan, an incomparable writer, with his supple90, undulating style, slipped away and hid himself within the sinuosities of his own philosophy. He disliked plain statements, and was ever ready to deny when others affirmed, even if he afterwards blamed excessive negation92 in his own followers93. He religiously consoled those whose faith he destroyed, and, whilst invoking94 the Eternal, claimed the right of finding fault even there. When applauded by a crowd, he would willingly have murmured Noli me tangere, and even added with his joyful95 mixture of disdain96 and good-fellowship, “Let infinitely97 witty98 men come unto me.”
On that Thursday, April 27, 1882, the Institute was crowded. When the noise had subsided99, Renan, seated at the desk as Director of the Academy between Camille Doucet, the Permanent Secretary, and Maxime du Camp, the Chancellor100, declared the meeting opened. Pasteur, looking paler than usual, rose from his seat, dressed in the customary green-embroidered coat of an Academician, wearing across his breast the Grand Cordon101 of the Legion of Honour. In a clear, grave voice, he began by expressing his deep gratification, and, with the absolute knowledge and sincerity102 which always compelled the attention of his audience, of whatever kind, he proceeded to praise his predecessor. There was no artifice103 of composition, no struggle after effect, only a homage to the man, followed almost immediately by a confession of dissent105 on{347} philosophic106 questions. He was listened to with attentive107 emotion, and when he showed the error of Positivism in attempting to do away with the idea of the Infinite, and proclaimed the instinctive108 and necessary worship by Man of the great Mystery, he seemed to bring out all the weakness and the dignity of Man—passing through this world bowed under the law of Toil109 and with the prescience of the Ideal—into a startling and consolatory110 light.
One of the privileges of the Academician who receives a new member is to remain seated in his armchair before a table, and to comfortably prepare to read his own speech, in answer, often in contradiction, to the first. Renan, visibly enjoying the presidential chair, smiled at the audience with complex feelings, understood by some who were his assiduous readers. Respect for so much work achieved by a scientist of the first rank in the world; a gratified feeling of the honour which reverted112 to France; some personal pleasure in welcoming such a man in the name of the Académie, and, at the same time, in the opportunity for a light and ironical114 answer to Pasteur’s beliefs—all these sensations were perceptible in Renan’s powerful face, the benevolence115 of whose soft blue eyes was corrected by the redoubtable116 keenness of the smile.
He began in a caressing117 voice by acknowledging that the Academy was somewhat incompetent118 to judge of the work and glory of Pasteur. “But,” he added, with graceful119 eloquence120, “apart from the ground of the doctrine, which is not within our attributions, there is, Sir, a greatness on which our experience of the human mind gives us a right to pronounce an opinion; something which we recognize in the most varied applications, which belongs in the same degree to Galileo, Pascal, Michael-Angelo, or Molière; something which gives sublimity121 to the poet, depth to the philosopher, fascination122 to the orator14, divination123 to the scientist.
“That common basis of all beautiful and true work, that divine fire, that indefinable breath which inspires Science, Literature, and Art—we have found it in you, Sir—it is Genius. No one has walked so surely through the circles of elemental nature; your scientific life is like unto a luminous125 tract126 in the great night of the Infinitesimally Small, in that last abyss where life is born.”
After a brilliant and rapid enumeration127 of the Pastorian discoveries, congratulating Pasteur on having touched through{348} his art the very confines of the springs of life, Renan went on to speak of truth as he would have spoken of a woman: “Truth, Sir, is a great coquette; she will not be sought with too much passion, but often is most amenable128 to indifference129. She escapes when apparently130 caught, but gives herself up if patiently waited for; revealing herself after farewells have been said, but inexorable when loved with too much fervour.” And further: “Nature is plebeian131, and insists upon work, preferring horny hands and careworn brows.”
He then commenced a courteous132 controversy133. Whilst Pasteur, with his vision of the Infinite, showed himself as religious as Newton, Renan, who enjoyed moral problems, spoke of Doubt with delectation. “The answer to the enigma134 which torments135 and charms us will never be given to us.... What matters it, since the imperceptible corner of reality which we see is full of delicious harmonies, and since life, as bestowed upon us, is an excellent gift, and for each of us a revelation of infinite goodness?”
Legend will probably hand to posterity136 a picture of Renan as he was in those latter days, ironically cheerful and unctuously137 indulgent. But, before attaining138 the quizzical tranquillity139 he now exhibited to the Academy, he had gone through a complete evolution. When about the age of forty-eight, he might bitterly have owned that there was not one basis of thought which in him had not crumbled140 to dust. Beliefs, political ideas, his ideal of European civilization, all had fallen to the ground. After his separation from the Church, he had turned to historical science; Germany had appeared to him, as once to Madame de Sta?l and so many others, as a refuge for thinkers. It had seemed to him that a collaboration141 between France, England, and Germany would create “An invincible trinity, carrying the world along the road of progress through reason.” But that German fa?ade which he took for that of a temple hid behind it the most formidable barracks which Europe had ever known, and beside it were cannon142 foundries, death-manufactories, all the preparations of the German people for the invasion of France. His awakening144 was bitter; war as practised by the Prussians, with a method in their cruelty, filled him with grief.
Time passed and his art, like a lily of the desert growing amongst ruins, gave flowers and perfumes to surrounding moral devastation145, A mixture of disdain and nobility now{349} made him regard as almost imperceptible the number of men capable of understanding his philosophical146 elevation147. Pasteur had bared his soul; Renan took pleasure in throwing light on the intellectual antithesis148 of certain minds, and on their points of contact.
“Allow me, Sir, to recall to you your fine discovery of right and left tartaric acids.... There are some minds which it is as impossible to bring together as it is impossible, according to your own comparison, to fit two gloves one into the other. And yet both gloves are equally necessary; they complete each other. One’s two hands cannot be superposed, they may be joined. In the vast bosom149 of nature, the most diverse efforts, added to each other, combine with each other, and result in a most majestic151 unity113.”
Renan handled the French language, “this old and admirable language, poor but to those who do not know it,” with a dexterity152, a choice of delicate shades, of tasteful harmonies which have never been surpassed. Able as he was to define every human feeling, he went on from the above comparison, painting divergent intellectual capabilities153, to the following imprecation against death: “Death, according to a thought admired by M. Littré, is but a function, the last and quietest of all. To me it seems odious154, hateful, insane, when it lays its cold blind hand on virtue39 and on genius. A voice is in us, which only great and good souls can hear, and that voice cries unceasingly ‘Truth and Good are the ends of thy life; sacrifice all to that goal’; and when, following the call of that siren within us, claiming to bear the promises of life, we reach the place where the reward should await us, the deceitful consoler fails us. Philosophy, which had promised us the secret of death, makes a lame91 apology, and the ideal which had brought us to the limits of the air we breathe disappears from view at the supreme hour when we look for it. Nature’s object has been attained155; a powerful effort has been realized, and then, with characteristic carelessness, the enchantress abandons us and leaves us to the hooting156 birds of the night.”
Renan, save in one little sentence in his answer to Pasteur—“The divine work accomplishes itself by the intimate tendency to what is Good and what is True in the universe”—did not go further into the statement of his doctrines157. Perhaps he thought them too austere158 for his audience; he was wont to eschew159 critical and religious considerations when in a world{350} which he looked upon as frivolous160. Moreover, he thought his own century amusing, and was willing to amuse it further. If he raised his eyes to Heaven, he said that we owe virtue to the Eternal, but that we have the right to add to it irony161. Pasteur thought it strange that irony should be applied162 to subjects which have beset163 so many great minds and which so many simple hearts solve in their own way.
The week which followed Pasteur’s reception at the Académie Fran?aise brought him a manifestation164 of applause in the provinces. The town of Aubenas in the Ardèche was erecting165 a statue to Olivier de Serres, and desired to associate with the name of the founder of the silk industry in France in the sixteenth century that of its preserver in the nineteenth.
This was the second time that a French town proclaimed its gratitude166 towards Pasteur. A few months before, the Melun Agricultural Society had held a special meeting in his honour, and had decided167 “to strike a medal with Pasteur’s effigy168 on it, in commemoration of one of the greatest services ever rendered by Science to Agriculture.”
But amidst this p?an of praise, Pasteur, instead of dwelling complacently169 on the recollection of his experiments at Pouilly le Fort, was absorbed in one idea, characteristic of the man: he wanted to at once begin some experiments on the peripneumonia of horned cattle. The veterinary surgeon, Rossignol, had just been speaking on this subject to the meeting. Pasteur, who had recently been asked by the Committee of Epizootic Diseases to inquire into the mortality often caused by the inoculation170 of the peripneumonia virus, reminded his hearers in a few words of the variable qualities of virus and how the slightest impurity171 in a virus may exercise an influence on the effects of that virus.
He and his collaborators had vainly tried to cultivate the virus of peripneumonia in chicken-broth173, veal-broth, yeast-water, etc. They had to gather the virus from the lung of a cow which had died of peripneumonia, by means of tubes previously174 sterilized175; it was injected, with every precaution against alteration176, under the skin of the tail of the animal, this part being chosen on account of the thickness of the skin and of the cellular177 tissue. By operating on other parts, serious accidents were apt to occur, the virus being extremely{351} violent, so much so in fact that the local irritation178 sometimes went so far as to cause the loss of part of the tail. At the end of the same year (1882), Pasteur published in the Recueil de la Médecine Vétérinaire a paper indicating the following means of preserving the virus in a state of purity—
“Pure virus remains179 virulent180 for weeks and months. One lung is sufficient to provide large quantities of it, and its purity can easily be tested in a stove and even in ordinary temperature. From one lung only, enough can be procured181 to be used for many animals. Moreover, without having recourse to additional lungs, the provision of virus could be maintained in the following manner; it would suffice, before exhausting the first stock of virus, to inoculate182 a young calf183 behind the shoulder. Death speedily supervenes, and all the tissues are infiltrated184 with a serosity, which in its turn becomes virulent. This also can be collected and preserved in a state of purity.” It remained to be seen whether virus thus preserved would become so attenuated185 as to lose all degree of virulence186.
Aubenas, then, wished to follow the example of Melun. In deference to the unanimous wish of the inhabitants of the little town, Pasteur went there on the 4th of May. His arrival was a veritable triumph; there were decorations at the station, floral arches in the streets, brass187 and other bands, speeches from the Mayor, presentation of the Municipal Council, of the Chamber188 of Commerce, etc., etc. Excitement reigned everywhere, and the music of the bands was almost drowned by the acclamations of the people. At the meeting of the Agricultural Society, Pasteur was offered a medal with his own effigy, and a work of art representing genii around a cup, their hands full of cocoons189. A little microscope—that microscope which had been called an impracticable instrument, fit for scientists only—figured as an attribute.
“For us all,” said the President of the Aubenas Spinning Syndicate, “you have been the kindly190 magician whose intervention191 conjured192 away the scourge193 which threatened us; in you we hail our benefactor194.”
Pasteur, effacing195 his own personality as he had done at the Académie, laid all this enthusiasm and gratitude as an offering to Science.
“I am not its object, but rather a pretext196 for it,” he said, and continued: “Science has been the ruling passion of my life. I have lived but for Science, and in the hours of difficulty{352} which are inherent to protracted197 efforts, the thought of France upheld my courage. I associated her greatness with the greatness of Science.
“By erecting a statue to Olivier de Serres, the illustrious son of the Vivarais, you give to France a noble example; you show to all that you venerate198 great men and the great things they have accomplished199. Therein lies fruitful seed; you have gathered it, may your sons see it grow and fructify200. I look back upon the time, already distant, when, desirous of responding to the suggestions of a kind and illustrious friend, I left Paris to study in a neighbouring Department the scourge which was decimating your magnaneries. For five years I struggled to obtain some knowledge of the evil and the means of preventing it; and, after having found it, I still had to struggle to implant201 in other minds the convictions I had acquired.
“All that is past and gone now, and I can speak of it with moderation. I am not often credited with that characteristic, and yet I am the most hesitating of men, the most fearful of responsibility, so long as I am not in possession of a proof. But when solid scientific proofs confirm my convictions, no consideration can prevent me from defending what I hold to be true.
“A man whose kindness to me was truly paternal202 (Biot) had for his motto: Per vias rectas. I congratulate myself that I borrowed it from him. If I had been more timid or more doubtful in view of the principles I had established, many points of science and of application might have remained obscure and subject to endless discussion. The hypothesis of spontaneous generation would still throw its veil over many questions. Your nurseries of silkworms would be under the sway of charlatanism203, with no guide to the production of good seed. The vaccination204 of charbon, destined205 to preserve agriculture from immense losses, would be misunderstood and rejected as a dangerous practice.
“Where are now all the contradictions? They pass away, and Truth remains. After an interval206 of fifteen years, you now render it a noble testimony207. I therefore feel a deep joy in seeing my efforts understood and celebrated208 in an impulse of sympathy which will remain in my memory and in that of my family as a glorious recollection.”
Pasteur was not allowed to return at once to his laboratory. The agricultors and veterinary surgeons of N?mes, who had{353} taken an interest in all the tests on the vaccination of charbon, had, in their turn, drawn209 up a programme of experiments.
Pasteur arrived at a meeting of the Agricultural Society of the Gard in time to hear the report of the veterinary surgeons and to receive the congratulations of the Society. The President expressed to him the gratitude of all the cattle-owners and breeders, hitherto powerless to arrest the progress of the disease which he had now vanquished210. Whilst a commemoration medal was being offered to him and a banquet being prepared—for Southern enthusiasm always implies a series of toasts—Pasteur thanked these enterprising men who were contemplating211 new experiments in order to dispel212 the doubts of a few veterinary surgeons, and especially the characteristic distrust, felt by some of the shepherds, of everything that did not come from the South. Sheep, oxen, and horses, some of them vaccinated213, others intact, were put at Pasteur’s disposal; he, with his usual energy, fixed the experiments for the next morning at eight o’clock. After inoculating214 all the animals with the charbon virus, Pasteur announced that those which had been vaccinated would remain unharmed, but that the twelve unvaccinated sheep would be dead or dying within forty-eight hours. An appointment was made for next day but one, on May 11, at the town knacker’s, near the Bridge of Justice, where post-mortem examinations were made. Pasteur then went on to Montpellier, where he was expected by the Hérault Central Society of Agriculture, who had also made some experiments and had asked him to give a lecture at the Agricultural School. He entered the large hall, feeling very tired, almost ill, but his face lighted up at the sight of that assembly of professors and students who had hurried from all the neighbouring Faculties216, and those agricultors crowding from every part of the Department, all of them either full of scientific curiosity or moved by their agricultural interests. His voice, at first weak and showing marks of weariness, soon became strengthened, and, forgetting his fatigue217, he threw himself into the subject of virulent and contagious218 diseases. He gave himself up, heart and soul, to this audience for two whole hours, inspiring every one with his own enthusiasm. He stopped now and then to invite questions, and his answers to the objectors swept away the last shred219 of resistance.
“We must not,” said the Vice-President of the Agricultural Society, M. Vialla, “encroach further on the time of M.{354} Pasteur, which belongs to France itself. Perhaps, however he will allow me to prefer a last request: he has delivered us from the terrible scourge of splenic fever; will he now turn to a no less redoubtable infection, viz. rot, which is, so to speak, endemic in our regions? He will surely find the remedy for it.”
“I have hardly finished my experiments on splenic fever,” answered Pasteur gently, “and you want me to find a remedy for rot! Why not for phylloxera as well?” And, while regretting that the days were not longer, he added, with the energy of which he had just given a new proof: “As to efforts, I am yours usque ad mortem.”
He afterwards was the honoured guest at the banquet prepared for him. It was now not only Sericiculture, but also Agriculture, which proclaimed its infinite gratitude to him; he was given an enthusiastic ovation220, in which, as usual, he saw no fame for himself, but for work and science only.
On May 11, at nine o’clock in the morning, he was again at N?mes to meet the physicians, veterinary surgeons, cattle-breeders, and shepherds at the Bridge of Justice. Of the twelve sheep, six were already dead, the others dying; it was easy to see that their symptoms were the same as are characteristic of the ordinary splenic fever. “M. Pasteur gave all necessary explanations with his usual modesty and clearness,” said the local papers.
“And now let us go back to work!” exclaimed Pasteur, as he stepped into the Paris express; he was impatient to return to his laboratory.
In order to give him a mark of public gratitude greater still than that which came from this or that district, the Académie des Sciences resolved to organize a general movement of Scientific Societies. It was decided to present him with a medal, engraved221 by Alphée Dubois, and bearing on one side Pasteur’s profile and on the other the inscription222: “To Louis Pasteur, his colleagues, his friends, and his admirers.”
On June 25, a Sunday, a delegation223, headed by Dumas, and composed of Boussingault, Bouley, Jamin, Daubrée, Bertin, Tisserand and Davaine arrived at the Ecole Normale and found Pasteur in the midst of his family.
“My dear Pasteur,” said Dumas, in his deep voice, “forty years ago, you entered this building as a student. From the{355} very first, your masters foresaw that you would be an honour to it, but no one would have dared to predict the startling services which you were destined to render to science, France, and the world.”
And after summing up in a few words Pasteur’s great career, the sources of wealth which he had discovered or revived, the benefits he had acquired to medicine and surgery: “My dear Pasteur,” continued Dumas, with an affectionate emotion, “your life has known but success. The scientific method which you use in such a masterly manner owes you its greatest triumphs. The Ecole Normale is proud to number you amongst its pupils; the Académie des Sciences is proud of your work; France ranks you amongst its glories.
“At this time, when marks of public gratitude are flowing towards you from every quarter, the homage which we have come to offer you, in the name of your admirers and friends, may seem worthy of your particular attention. It emanates224 from a spontaneous and universal feeling, and it will preserve for posterity the faithful likeness225 of your features.
“May you, my dear Pasteur, long live to enjoy your fame, and to contemplate4 the rich and abundant fruit of your work. Science, agriculture, industry, and humanity will preserve eternal gratitude towards you, and your name will live in their annals amongst the most illustrious and the most revered226.”
Pasteur, standing29 with bowed head, his eyes full of tears, was for a few moments unable to reply, and then, making a violent effort, he said in a low voice—
“My dear master—it is indeed forty years since I first had the happiness of knowing you, and since you first taught me to love science.
“I was fresh from the country; after each of your classes, I used to leave the Sorbonne transported, often moved to tears. From that moment, your talent as a professor, your immortal227 labours and your noble character have inspired me with an admiration228 which has but grown with the maturity229 of my mind.
“You have surely guessed my feelings, my dear master. There has not been one important circumstance in my life or in that of my family, either happy or painful, which you have not, as it were, blessed by your presence and sympathy.
“Again to-day, you take the foremost rank in the expression of that testimony, very excessive, I think, of the esteem of my masters, who have become my friends. And what you{356} have done for me, you have done for all your pupils; it is one of the distinctive230 traits of your nature. Behind the individual, you have always considered France and her greatness.
“What shall I do henceforth? Until now, great praise had inflamed232 my ardour, and only inspired me with the idea of making myself worthy of it by renewed efforts; but that which you have just given me in the names of the Académie and of the Scientific Societies is in truth beyond my courage.”
Pasteur, who for a year had been applauded by the crowd, received on that June 25, 1882, the testimony which he rated above every other: praise from his master.
Whilst he recalled the beneficent influence which Dumas had had over him, those who were sitting in his drawing-room at the Ecole Normale were thinking that Dumas might have evoked233 similar recollections with similar charm. He too had known enthusiasms which had illumined his youth. In 1822, the very year when Pasteur was born, Dumas, who was then living in a student’s attic234 at Geneva, received the visit of a man about fifty, dressed Directoire fashion, in a light blue coat with steel buttons, a white waistcoat and yellow breeches. It was Alexander von Humboldt, who had wished, on his way through Geneva, to see the young man who, though only twenty-two years old, had just published, in collaboration with Prévost, treatises235 on blood and on urea. That visit, the long conversations, or rather the monologues236, of Humboldt had inspired Dumas with the feelings of surprise, pride, gratitude and devotion with which the first meeting with a great man is wont to fill the heart of an enthusiastic youth. When Dumas heard Humboldt speak of Laplace, Berthollet, Gay-Lussac, Arago, Thenard, Cuvier, etc., and describe them as familiarly accessible, instead of as the awe-inspiring personages he had imagined, Dumas became possessed237 with the idea of going to Paris, knowing those men, living near them and imbibing238 their methods. “On the day when Humboldt left Geneva,” Dumas used to say, “the town for me became empty.” It was thus that Dumas’ journey to Paris was decided on, and his dazzling career of sixty years begun.
He was now near the end of his scientific career, closing peacefully like a beautiful summer evening, and he was happy in the fame of his former pupil. As he left the Ecole Normale, on that June afternoon, he passed under the windows of the laboratory, where a few young men, imbued239 with Pasteu{357}r’s doctrines, represented a future reserve for the progress of science.
That year 1882 was the more interesting in Pasteur’s life, in that though victory on many points was quite indisputable, partial struggles still burst out here and there, and an adversary240 often arose suddenly when he had thought the engagement over.
The sharpest attacks came from Germany. The Record of the Works of the German Sanitary241 Office had led, under the direction of Dr. Koch and his pupils, a veritable campaign against Pasteur, whom they declared incapable242 of cultivating microbes in a state of purity. He did not even, they said, know how to recognize the septic vibrio, though he had discovered it. The experiments by which hens contracted splenic fever under a lowered temperature after inoculation signified nothing. The share of the earthworms in the propagation of charbon, the inoculation into guinea-pigs of the germs found in the little cylinders243 produced by those worms followed by the death of the guinea-pigs, all this they said was pointless and laughable. They even contested the preserving influence of vaccination.
Whilst these things were being said and written, the Veterinary School of Berlin asked the laboratory of the Ecole Normale for some charbon vaccine244. Pasteur answered that he wished that experiments should be made before a commission nominated by the German Government. It was constituted by the Minister of Agriculture and Forests, and Virchow was one of the members of it. A former student of the Ecole Normale—who, after leaving the school first on the list of competitors for the agrégation of physical science, had entered the laboratory—one in whom Pasteur founded many hopes, Thuillier, left for Germany with his little tubes of attenuated virus. Pasteur was not satisfied; he would have liked to meet his adversaries245 face to face and oblige them publicly to own their defeat. An opportunity was soon to arise. He had come to Arbois, as usual, for the months of August and September, and was having some alterations246 made in his little house. The tannery pits were being filled up. “It will not improve the house itself,” he wrote to his son, “but it will be made brighter and more comfortable by having a tidy yard and a garden along the riverside.”
The Committee of the International Congress of Hygiene247,{358} which was to meet at Geneva, interrupted these peaceful holidays by inviting248 Pasteur to read a paper on attenuated virus. As a special compliment, the whole of one meeting, that of Tuesday, September 5, was to be reserved for his paper only. Pasteur immediately returned to work; he only consented under the greatest pressure to go for a short walk on the Besan?on road at five o’clock every afternoon. After spending the whole morning and the whole afternoon sitting at his writing table over laboratory registers, he came away grumbling249 at being disturbed in his work. If any member of his family ventured a question on the proposed paper, he hastily cut them short, declaring that he must be let alone. It was only when Mme. Pasteur had copied out in her clear handwriting all the little sheets covered with footnotes, that the contents of the paper became known.
When Pasteur entered the Congress Hall, great applause greeted him on every side. The seats were occupied, not only by the physicians and professors who form the usual audience of a congress, but also by tourists, who take an interest in scientific things when they happen to be the fashion.
Pasteur spoke of the invitation he had received. “I hastened to accept it,” he said, “and I am pleased to find myself the guest of a country which has been a friend to France in good as in evil days. Moreover, I hoped to meet here some of the contradictors of my work of the last few years. If a congress is a ground for conciliation250, it is in the same degree a ground for courteous discussion. We all are actuated by a supreme passion, that of progress and of truth.”
Almost always, at the opening of a congress, great politeness reigns251 in a confusion of languages. Men are seen offering each other pamphlets, exchanging visiting cards, and only lending an inattentive ear to the solemn speeches going on. This time, the first scene of the first act suspended all private conversation. Pasteur stood above the assembly in his full strength and glory. Though he was almost sixty, his hair had remained black, his beard alone was turning grey. His face reflected indomitable energy; if he had not been slightly lame, and if his left hand had not been a little stiff, no one could have supposed that he had been struck with paralysis252 fourteen years before. The feeling of the place France should hold in an International Congress gave him a proud look and an imposing253 accent of authority. He was visibly ready to meet his{359} adversaries and to make of this assembly a tribunal of judges. Except for a few diplomats254 who at the first words exchanged anxious looks at the idea of possible polemics255, Frenchmen felt happy at being better represented than any other nation. Men eagerly pointed256 out to each other Dr. Koch, twenty-one years younger than Pasteur, who sat on one of the benches, listening, with impassive eyes behind his gold spectacles.
Pasteur analysed all the work he had done with the collaboration of MM. Chamberland, Roux, and Thuillier. He made clear to the most ignorant among his hearers his ingenious experiments either to obtain, preserve or modify the virulence of certain microbes. “It cannot be doubted,” he said, “that we possess a general method of attenuation257.... The general principles are found, and it cannot be disbelieved that the future of those researches is rich with the greatest hopes. But, however obvious a demonstrated truth may be, it has not always the privilege of being easily accepted. I have met in France and elsewhere with some obstinate258 contradictors.... Allow me to choose amongst them the one whose personal merit gives him the greatest claims to our attention, I mean Dr Koch, of Berlin.”
Pasteur then summed up the various criticisms which had appeared in the Record of the Works of the German Sanitary Office. “Perhaps there may be some persons in this assembly,” he went on, “who share the opinions of my contradictors. They will allow me to invite them to speak; I should be happy to answer them.”
Koch, mounting the platform, declined to discuss the subject, preferring, he said, to make answer in writing later on. Pasteur was disappointed; he would have wished the Congress, or at least a Commission designated by Koch, to decide on the experiments. He resigned himself to wait. On the following days, as the members of the Congress saw him attending meetings on general hygiene, school hygiene, and veterinary hygiene, they hardly recognized in the simple, attentive man, anxious for instruction, the man who had defied his adversary. Outside the arena259, Pasteur became again the most modest of men, never allowing himself to criticize what he had not thoroughly260 studied. But, when sure of his facts, he showed himself full of a violent passion, the passion of truth; when truth had triumphed, he preserved not the least bitterness of former struggles.{360}
That day of the 5th September was remembered in Geneva. “All the honour was for France,” wrote Pasteur to his son; “that was what I had wished.”
He was already keen in the pursuit of another malady261 which caused great damage, the “rouget” disease or swine fever. Thuillier, ever ready to start when a demonstration262 had to be made or an experiment to be attempted, had ascertained263, in March, 1882, in a part of the Department of the Vienne, the existence of a microbe in the swine attacked with that disease.
In order to know whether this microbe was the cause of the evil, the usual operations of the sovereign method had to be resorted to. First of all, a culture medium had to be found which was suitable to the micro-organism (veal broth was found to be very successful); then a drop of the culture had to be abstracted from the little phials where the microbe was developing and sown into other flasks264; lastly the culture liquid had to be inoculated265 into swine. Death supervened with all the symptoms of swine fever; the microbe was therefore the cause of the evil? Could it be attenuated and a vaccine obtained? Being pressed to study that disease, and to find the remedy for it, by M. Maucuer, a veterinary surgeon of the Department of Vaucluse, living at Bollène, Pasteur started, accompanied by his nephew, Adrien Loir, and M. Thuillier. The three arrived at Bollène on September 13.
“It is impossible to imagine more obliging kindness than that of those excellent Maucuers,” wrote Pasteur to his wife the next day. “Where, in what dark corner they sleep, in order to give us two bedrooms, mine and another with two beds, I do not like to think. They are young, and have an eight-year-old son at the Avignon College, for whom they have obtained a half-holiday to-day in order that he may be presented to ‘M. Pasteur.’ The two men and I are taken care of in a manner you might envy. It is colder here and more rainy than in Paris. I have a fire in my room, that green oak-wood fire that you will remember we had at the Pont Gisquet.
“I was much pleased to hear that the swine fever is far from being extinguished. There are sick swine everywhere, some dying, some dead, at Bollène and in the country around; the evil is disastrous266 this year. We saw some dead and dying yesterday afternoon. We have brought here a young hog267 who is very ill, and this morning we shall attempt vaccination at a{361} M. de Ballincourt’s, who has lost all his pigs, and who has just bought some more in the hope that the vaccine will be preservative268. From morning till night we shall be able to watch the disease and to try to prevent it. This reminds me of the pébrine, with pigsties269 and sick pigs instead of nurseries full of dying silkworms. Not ten thousand, but at least twenty thousand swine have perished, and I am told it is worse still in the Ardèche.”
On the 17th, the day was taken up by the inoculation of some pigs on the estate of M. de la Gardette, a few kilometres from Bollène. In the evening, a former State Councillor, M. de Gaillard, came at the head of a delegation to compliment Pasteur and invite him to a banquet. Pasteur declined this honour, saying he would accept it when the swine fever was conquered. They spoke to him of his past services, but he had no thought for them; like all progress-seeking men, he saw but what was before him. Experiments were being carried out—he had hastened to have an experimental pigsty270 erected near M. Maucuer’s house—and already, on the 21st, he wrote to Mme. Pasteur, in one of those letters which resembled the loose pages of a laboratory notebook—
“Swine fever is not nearly so obscure to me now, and I am persuaded that with the help of time the scientific and practical problem will be solved.
“Three post-mortem examinations to-day. They take a long time, but that seems of no account to Thuillier, with his cool and patient eagerness.”
Three days later: “I much regret not being able to tell you yet that I am starting back for Paris. It is quite impossible to abandon all these experiments which we have commenced; I should have to return here at least once or twice. The chief thing is that things are getting clearer with every experiment. You know that nowadays a medical knowledge of disease is nothing; it must be prevented beforehand. We are attempting this, and I think I can foresee success; but keep this for yourself and our children. I embrace you all most affectionately.
“P.S.—I have never felt better. Send me 1,000 fr.; I have but 300 fr. left of the 1,600 fr. I brought. Pigs are expensive, and we are killing271 a great many.”
At last on December 8: “I am sending M. Dumas a note for to-morrow’s meeting at the Academy. If I had time I would transcribe272 it for the laboratory and for René.{362}”
“Our researches”—thus ran the report to the Academy—“may be summed up in the following propositions—
“I. The swine fever, or rouget disease, is produced by a special microbe, easy to cultivate outside the animal’s body. It is so tiny that it often escapes the most attentive search. It resembles the microbe of chicken cholera273 more than any other; its shape is also that of a figure 8, but finer and less visible than that of the cholera. It differs essentially274 from the latter by its physiological275 properties; it kills rabbits and sheep, but has no effect on hens.
“II. If inoculated in a state of purity into pigs, in almost inappreciable doses, it speedily brings the fever and death, with all the characteristics usual in spontaneous cases. It is most deadly to the white, so-called improved, race, that which is most sought after by pork-breeders.
“III. Dr. Klein published in London (1878) an extensive work on swine fever which he calls Pneumo-enteritis of Swine; but that author is entirely276 mistaken as to the nature of the parasite277. He has described as the microbe of the rouget a bacillus with spores278, more voluminous even than the bacteridium of splenic fever. Dr. Klein’s microbe is very different from the true microbe of swine fever, and has, besides, no relation to the etiology of that disease.
“IV. After having satisfied ourselves by direct tests that the malady does not recur279, we have succeeded in inoculating in a benignant form, after which the animal has proved refractory280 to the mortal disease.
“V. Though we consider that further control experiments are necessary, we have already great confidence in this, that, dating from next spring, vaccination by the virulent microbe of swine fever, attenuated, will become the salvation281 of pigsties.”
Pasteur ended thus his letter of December 3: “We shall start to-morrow, Monday. Adrien Loir and I shall sleep at Lyons. Thuillier will go straight to Paris, to take care of ten little pigs which we have bought, and which he will take with him. In this way they will not be kept waiting at stations. Pigs, young and old, are very sensitive to cold; they will be wrapped up in straw. They are very young and quite charming; one cannot help getting fond of them.”
The next day Pasteur wrote to his son: “Everything has gone off well, and we much hope, Thuillier and I, that preventive vaccination of this evil can be established in a practical{363} fashion. It would be a great boon282 in pork-breeding countries, where terrible ravages283 are made by the rouget (so called because the animals die covered with red or purple blotches284, already developed during the fever which precedes death). In the United States, over a million swine died of this disease in 1879; it rages in England and in Germany. This year, it has desolated285 the C?tes-du-Nord, the Poitou, and the departments of the Rhone Valley. I sent to M. Dumas yesterday a résumé in a few lines of our results, to be read at to-day’s meeting.”
Pasteur, once more in Paris, returned eagerly to his studies on divers150 virus and on hydrophobia. If he was told that he over-worked himself, he replied: “It would seem to me that I was committing a theft if I were to let one day go by without doing some work.” But he was again disturbed in the work he enjoyed by the contradictions of his opponents.
Koch’s reply arrived soon after the Bollène episode. The German scientist had modified his views to a certain extent; instead of denying the attenuation of virus as in 1881, he now proclaimed it as a discovery of the first order. But he did not believe much, he said, in the practical results of the vaccination of charbon.
Pasteur put forward, in response, a report from the veterinary surgeon Boutet to the Chartres Veterinary and Agricultural School, made in the preceding October. The sheep vaccinated in Eure et Loir during the last year formed a total of 79,392. Instead of a mortality which had been more than nine per cent, on the average in the last ten years, the mortality had only been 518 sheep, much less than one per cent; 5,700 sheep had therefore been preserved by vaccination. Amongst cattle 4,562 animals had been vaccinated; out of a similar number 300 usually died every year. Since vaccination, only eleven cows had died.
“Such results appear to us convincing,” wrote M. Boutet. “If our cultivators of the Beauce understand their own interest, splenic fever and malignant286 pustules will soon remain a mere287 memory, for charbon diseases never are spontaneous, and, by preventing the death of their cattle by vaccination, they will destroy all possibility of propagation of that terrible disease, which will in consequence entirely disappear.”
Koch continued to smile at the discovery on the earthworms’ action in the etiology of anthrax. “You are mistaken, Sir,” replied Pasteur. “You are again preparing for yourself a{364} vexing288 change of opinion.” And he concluded as follows: “However violent your attacks, Sir, they will not hinder the success of the method of attenuated virus. I am confidently awaiting the consequences which it holds in reserve to help humanity in its struggle against the diseases which assault it.”
This debate was hardly concluded when new polemics arose at the Académie de Médecine. A new treatment of typhoid fever was under discussion.
In 1870, M. Glénard, a Lyons medical student, who had enlisted289, was, with many others, taken to Stettin as prisoner of war. A German physician, Dr. Brand, moved with compassion by the sufferings of the vanquished French soldiers, showed them great kindness and devotion. The French student attached himself to him, helped him with his work, and saw him treat typhoid fever with success by baths at 20° C. Brand prided himself on this cold-bath treatment, which produced numerous cures. M. Glénard, on his return to Lyons, remembering with confidence this method of which he had seen the excellent results, persuaded the physician of the Croix Rousse hospital, where he resided, to attempt the same treatment. This was done for ten years, and nearly all the Lyons practitioners290 became convinced that Brand’s method was efficacious. M. Glénard came to Paris and read to the Academy of Medicine a paper on the cold-bath treatment of typhoid fever. The Academy appointed a commission, composed of civil and military physicians, and the discussion was opened.
The oratorical291 display which had struck Pasteur when he first came to the Académie de Médecine was much to the fore6 on that occasion; the merely curious hearers of that discussion had an opportunity of enjoying medical eloquence, besides acquiring information on the new treatment of typhoid fever. There were some vehement292 denunciations of the microbe which was suspected in typhoid fever. “You aim at the microbe and you bring down the patient!” exclaimed one of the orators172, who added, amidst great applause, that it was time “to offer an impassable barrier to such adventurous293 boldness and thus to preserve patients from the unforeseen dangers of that therapeutic294 whirlwind!”
Another orator took up a lighter295 tone: “I do not much believe in that invasion of parasites296 which threatens us like an eleventh plague of Egypt,” said M. Peter. And attacking{365} the scientists who meddled297 with medicine, chymiasters as he called them, “They have come to this,” he said, “that in typhoid fevers they only see the typhoid fever, in typhoid fever, fever only, and in fever, increased heat. They have thus reached that luminous idea that heat must be fought by cold. This organism is on fire, let us pour water over it; it is a fireman’s doctrine.”
Vulpian, whose grave mind was not unlike Pasteur’s, intervened, and said that new attempts should not be discouraged by sneers298. Without pronouncing on the merits of the cold-bath method, which he had not tried, he looked beyond this discussion, indicating the road which theoretically seemed to him to lead to a curative treatment. The first thing was to discover the agent which causes typhoid fever, and then, when that was known, attempt to destroy or paralyse it in the tissues of typhoid patients, or else to find drugs capable either of preventing the aggressions of that agent or of annihilating300 the effects of that aggression299, “to produce, relatively301 to typhoid fever, the effect determined302 by salicylate of soda303 in acute rheumatism304 of the articulations.”
Beyond the restricted audience, allowed a few seats in the Académie de Médecine, the general public itself was taking an interest in this prolonged debate. The very high death rate in the army due to typhoid fever was the cause of this eager attention. Whilst the German army, where Brand’s method was employed, hardly lost five men out of a thousand, the French army lost more than ten per thousand.
Whilst military service was not compulsory305, epidemics306 in barracks were looked upon with more or less compassionate308 attention. But the thought that typhoid fever had been more destructive within the last ten years than the most sanguinary battle now awakened309 all minds and hearts. Is then personal fear necessary to awaken143 human compassion?
Bouley, who was more given to propagating new doctrines than to lingering on such philosophical problems, thought it was time to introduce into the debate certain ideas on the great problems tackled by medicine since the discovery of what might be called a fourth kingdom in nature, that of microbia. In a statement read at the Académie de Médecine, he formulated310 in broad lines the r?le of the infinitesimally small and their activity in producing the phenomena311 of fermentations and diseases. He showed by the parallel works of Pasteur on the{366} one hand, and M. Chauveau on the other, that contagion312 is the function of a living element. “It is especially,” said Bouley, “on the question of the prophylaxis of virulent diseases that the microbian doctrine has given the most marvellous results. To seize upon the most deadly virus, to submit them to a methodical culture, to cause modifying agents to act upon them in a measured proportion, and thus to succeed in attenuating313 them in divers degrees, so as to utilize314 their strength, reduced but still efficacious, in transmitting a benignant malady by means of which immunity315 is acquired against the deadly disease: what a beautiful dream!! And M. Pasteur has made that dream into a reality!!!...”
The debate widened, typhoid fever became a mere incident. The pathogenic action of the infinitesimally small entered into the discussion; traditional medicine faced microbian medicine. M. Peter rushed once more to the front rank for the fight. He declared that he did not apply the term chymiaster to Pasteur; he recognized that it was but “fair to proclaim that we owe to M. Pasteur’s researches the most useful practical applications in surgery and in obstetrics.” But considering that medicine might claim more independence, he repeated that the discovery of the material elements of virulent diseases did not throw so much light as had been said, either on pathological anatomy316, on the evolution, on the treatment or especially on the prophylaxis of virulent diseases. “Those are but natural history curiosities,” he added, “interesting no doubt, but of very little profit to medicine, and not worth either the time given to them or the noise made about them. After so many laborious researches, nothing will be changed in medicine, there will only be a few more microbes.”
A newspaper having repeated this last sentence, a professor of the Faculty317 of Medicine, M. Cornil, simply recalled how, at the time when the acarus of itch318 had been discovered, many partisans319 of old doctrines had probably exclaimed, “What is your acarus to me? Will it teach me more than I know already?” “But,” added M. Cornil, “the physician who had understood the value of that discovery no longer inflicted320 internal medication upon his patients to cure them of what seemed an inveterate321 disease, but merely cured them by means of a brush and a little ointment215.”
M. Peter, continuing his violent speech, quoted certain vaccination failures, and incompletely reported experiments, say{367}ing, grandly: “M. Pasteur’s excuse is that he is a chemist, who has tried, out of a wish to be useful, to reform medicine, to which he is a complete stranger....
“In the struggle I have undertaken the present discussion is but a skirmish; but, to judge from the reinforcements which are coming to me, the mêlée may become general, and victory will remain, I hope, to the larger battalions322, that is to say, to the ‘old medicine.’”
Bouley, amazed that M. Peter should thus scout323 the notion of microbia introduced into pathology, valiantly325 fought this “skirmish” alone. He recalled the discussions à propos of tuberculosis326, so obscure until a new and vivifying notion came to simplify the solution of the problem. “And you reject that solution! You say, ‘What does it matter to me?’... What! M. Koch, of Berlin—who with such discoveries as he has made might well abstain327 from envy—M. Koch points out to you the presence of bacteria in tubercles, and that seems to you of no importance? But that microbe gives you the explanation of those contagious properties of tuberculosis so well demonstrated by M. Villemin, for it is the instrument of virulence itself which is put under your eyes.”
Bouley then went on to refute the arguments of M. Peter, epitomized the history of the discovery of the attenuation of virus, and all that this method of cultures possible in an extra-organic medium might suggest that was hopeful for a vaccine of cholera and of yellow fever, which might be discovered one day and protect humanity against those terrible scourges328. He concluded thus—“Let M. Peter do what I have done; let him study M. Pasteur, and penetrate329 thoroughly into all that is admirable, through the absolute certainty of the results, in the long series of researches which have led him from the discovery of ferments330 to that of the nature of virus; and then I can assure him that instead of decrying331 this great glory of France, of whom we must all be proud, he too will feel himself carried away by enthusiasm and will bow with admiration and respect before the chemist, who, though not a physician, illumines medicine and dispels332, in the light of his experiments, a darkness which had hitherto remained impenetrable.”
A year before this (Peter had not failed to report the fact) an experiment of anthrax vaccination had completely failed at the Turin Veterinary School. All the sheep, vaccinated and{368} non-vaccinated, had succumbed333 subsequently to the inoculation of the blood of a sheep which had died of charbon.
This took place in March, 1882. As soon as Pasteur heard of this extraordinary fiasco, which seemed the counterpart of the Pouilly-le-Fort experiment, he wrote on April 16 to the director of the Turin Veterinary School, asking on what day the sheep had died the blood of which had been used for the virulent inoculation.
The director answered simply that the sheep had died on the morning of March 22, and that its blood had been inoculated during the course of the following day. “There has been,” said Pasteur, “a grave scientific mistake; the blood inoculated was septic as well as full of charbon.”
Though the director of the Turin Veterinary School affirmed that the blood had been carefully examined and that it was in no wise septic, Pasteur looked back on his 1877 experiments on anthrax and septic?mia, and maintained before the Paris Central Veterinary Society on June 8, 1882, that the Turin School had done wrong in using the blood of an animal at least twenty-four hours after its death, for the blood must have been septic besides containing anthrax. The six professors of the Turin School protested unanimously against such an interpretation334. “We hold it marvellous,” they wrote ironically, “that your Illustrious Lordship should have recognized so surely, from Paris, the disease which made such havoc335 amongst the animals vaccinated and non-vaccinated and inoculated with blood containing anthrax in our school on March 23, 1882.
“It does not seem to us possible that a scientist should affirm the existence of septic?mia in an animal he has not even seen....”
The quarrel with the Turin School had now lasted a year. On April 9, 1883, Pasteur appealed to the Academy of Sciences to judge of the Turin incident and to put an end to this agitation336, which threatened to cover truth with a veil. He read out the letter he had just addressed to the Turin professors.
“Gentlemen, a dispute having arisen between you and myself respecting the interpretation to be given to the absolute failure of your control experiment of March 23, 1882, I have the honour to inform you that, if you will accept the suggestion, I will go to Turin any day you may choose; you shall inoculate in my presence some virulent charbon into any number of sheep you like. The exact moment of death in each case shall{369} be determined, and I will demonstrate to you that in every case the blood of the corpse337 containing only charbon at the first will also be septic on the next day. It will thus be established with absolute certainty that the assertion formulated by me on June 8, 1882, against which you have protested on two occasions, arises, not as you say, from an arbitrary opinion, but from an immovable scientific principle; and that I have legitimately338 affirmed from Paris the presence of septic?mia without it being in the least necessary that I should have seen the corpse of the sheep you utilized339 for your experiments.
“Minutes of the facts as they are produced shall be drawn up day by day, and signed by the professors of the Turin Veterinary School and by the other persons, physicians or veterinary surgeons, who may have been present at the experiments; these minutes will then be published both at the Academies of Turin and of Paris.”
Pasteur contented himself with reading this letter to the Academy of Sciences. For months he had not attended the Academy of Medicine; he was tired of incessant340 and barren struggles; he often used to come away from the discussions worn out and excited. He would say to Messrs. Chamberland and Roux, who waited for him after the meetings, “How is it that certain doctors do not understand the range, the value, of our experiments? How is it that they do not foresee the great future of all these studies?”
The day after the Académie des Sciences meeting, judging that his letter to Turin sufficiently341 closed the incident, Pasteur started for Arbois. He wanted to set up a laboratory adjoining his house. Where the father had worked with his hands, the son would work at his great light-emitting studies.
On April 3 a letter from M. Peter had been read at the Academy of Medicine, declaring that he did not give up the struggle and that nothing would be lost by waiting.
At the following sitting, another physician, M. Fauvel, while declaring himself an admirer of Pasteur’s work and full of respect for his person, thought it well not to accept blindly all the inductions342 into which Pasteur might find himself drawn, and to oppose those which were contradictory343 to acquired facts. After M. Fauvel, M. Peter violently attacked what he called “microbicidal drugs which may become homicidal,” he said. When reading the account of this meeting, Pasteur had an impulse of anger. His resolutions not to return to the{370} Academy of Medicine gave way before the desire not to leave Bouley alone to lead the defensive344 campaign; he started for Paris.
As his family was then at Arbois, and the doors of his flat at the Ecole Normale closed, the simplest thing for Pasteur was to go to the H?tel du Louvre, accompanied by a member of his family. The next morning he carefully prepared his speech, and, at three o’clock in the afternoon, he entered the Academy of Medicine. The President, M. Hardy345, welcomed him in these words—“Allow me, before you begin to speak, to tell you that it is with great pleasure that we see you once again among us, and that the Academy hopes that, now that you have once more found your way to its precincts, you will not forget it again.”
After isolating346 and rectifying347 the points of discussion, Pasteur advised M. Peter to make a more searching inquiry348 into the subject of anthrax vaccination, and to trust to Time, the only sovereign judge. Should not the recollection of the violent hostility349 encountered at first by Jenner put people on their guard against hasty judgments350? There was not one of the doctors present who could not remember what had been written at one time against vaccination!!!
He went on to oppose the false idea that each science should restrict itself within its own limitations. “What do I, a physician, says M. Peter, want with the minds of the chemist, the physicist352 and the physiologist353?
“On hearing him speak with so much disdain of the chemists and physiologists354 who touch upon questions of disease, you might verily think that he is speaking in the name of a science whose principles are founded on a rock! Does he want proofs of the slow progress of therapeutics? It is now six months since, in this assembly of the greatest medical men, the question was discussed whether it is better to treat typhoid fever with cold lotions355 or with quinine, with alcohol or salicylic acid, or even not to treat it at all.
“And, when we are perhaps on the eve of solving the question of the etiology of that disease by a microbe, M. Peter commits the medical blasphemy356 of saying, ‘What do your microbes matter to me? It will only be one microbe the more!’”
Amazed that sarcasm357 should be levelled against new studies which opened such wide horizons, he denounced the flippancy{371} with which a professor of the Faculty of Medicine allowed himself to speak of vaccinations358 by attenuated virus.
He ended by rejoicing once more that this great discovery should have been a French one.
Pasteur went back to Arbois for a few days. On his return to Paris, he was beginning some new experiments, when he received a long letter from the Turin professors. Instead of accepting his offer, they enumerated359 their experiments, asked some questions in an offended and ironical manner, and concluded by praising an Italian national vaccine, which produced absolute immunity in the future—when it did not kill.
“They cannot get out of this dilemma,” said Pasteur; “either they knew my 1877 notes, unravelling360 the contradictory statements of Davaine, Jaillard and Leplat, and Paul Bert, or they did not know them. If they did not know them on March 22, 1882, there is nothing more to say; they were not guilty in acting361 as they did, but they should have owned it freely. If they did know them, why ever did they inoculate blood taken from a sheep twenty-four hours after its death? They say that this blood was not septic; but how do they know? They have done nothing to find out. They should have inoculated some guinea-pigs, by choice, and then tried some cultures in a vacuum to compare them with cultures in contact with air. Why will they not receive me? A meeting between truth-seeking men would be the most natural thing in the world!”
Still hoping to persuade his adversaries to meet him at Turin and be convinced, Pasteur wrote to them. “Paris, May 9, 1883. Gentlemen—Your letter of April 30 surprises me very much. What is in question between you and me? That I should go to Turin, if you will allow me, to demonstrate that sheep, dead of charbon, as numerous as you like, will, for a few hours after their death, be exclusively infected with anthrax, and that the day after their death they will present both anthrax and septic infection; and that therefore, when, on March 23, 1882, wishing to inoculate blood infected with anthrax only into sheep vaccinated and non-vaccinated, you took blood from a carcase twenty-four hours after death, you committed a grave scientific mistake.
“Instead of answering yes or no, instead of saying to me ‘Come to Turin,’ or ‘Do not come,’ you ask me, in a manu{372}script letter of seventeen pages, to send you from Paris, in writing, preliminary explanations of all that I should have to demonstrate in Turin.
“Really, what is the good? Would not that lead to endless discussions? It is because of the uselessness of a written controversy that I have placed myself at your disposal.
“I have once more the honour of asking you to inform me whether you accept the proposal made to you on April 9, that I should go to Turin to place before your eyes the proofs of the facts I have just mentioned.
“P.S.—In order not to complicate362 the debate, I do not dwell upon the many erroneous quotations and statements contained in your letter.”
M. Roux began to prepare an interesting curriculum of experiments to be carried out at Turin. But the Turin professors wrote a disagreeable letter, published a little pamphlet entitled Of the Scientific Dogmatism of the Illustrious Professor Pasteur, and things remained as they were.
All these discussions, renewed on so many divers points, were not altogether a waste of time; some of them bore fruitful results by causing most decisive proofs to be sought for. It has also made the path of Pasteur’s followers wider and smoother that he himself should have borne the brunt of the first opposition363.
In the meanwhile, testimonials of gratitude continued to pour in from the agricultors and veterinary surgeons who had seen the results of two years’ practice of the vaccination against anthrax.
In the year 1882, 613,740 sheep and 83,946 oxen had been vaccinated. The Department of the Cantal which had before lost about 3,000,000 fr. every year, desired in June, 1883, on the occasion of an agricultural show, to give M. Pasteur a special acknowledgement of their gratitude. It consisted of a cup of silver-plated bronze, ornamented364 with a group of cattle. Behind the group—imitating in this the town of Aubenas, who had made a microscope figure as an attribute of honour—was represented, in small proportions, an instrument which found itself for the first time raised to such an exalted position, the little syringe used for inoculations.
Pasteur was much pressed to come himself and receive this offering from a land which would henceforth owe its fortune to{373} him. He allowed himself to be persuaded, and arrived, accompanied as usual by his family.
The Mayor, surrounded by the municipal councillors, greeted him in these words: “Our town of Aurillac is very small, and you will not find here the brilliant population which inhabits great cities; but you will find minds capable of understanding the scientific and humanitarian365 mission which you have so generously undertaken. You will also find hearts capable of appreciating your benefits and of preserving the memory of them; your name has been on all our lips for a long time.”
Pasteur, visiting that local exhibition, did not resemble the official personages who listen wearily to the details given them by a staff of functionaries366. He thought but of acquiring knowledge, going straight to this or that exhibitor and questioning him, not with perfunctory politeness, but with a real desire for practical information; no detail seemed to him insignificant367. “Nothing should be neglected,” he said; “and a remark from a rough labourer who does well what he has to do is infinitely precious.”
After visiting the products and agricultural implements368, Pasteur was met in the street by a peasant who stopped and waved his large hat, shouting, “Long live Pasteur!”... “You have saved my cattle,” continued the man, coming up to shake hands with him.
Physicians in their turn desired to celebrate and to honour him who, though not a physician, had rendered such service to medicine. Thirty-two of them assembled to drink his health. The head physician of the Aurillac Hospital, Dr. Fleys, said in proposing the toast: “What the mechanism369 of the heavens owes to Newton, chemistry to Lavoisier, geology to Cuvier, general anatomy to Bichat, physiology370 to Claude Bernard, pathology and hygiene will owe to Pasteur. Unite with me, dear colleagues, and let us drink to the fame of the illustrious Pasteur, the precursor371 of the medicine of the future, a benefactor to humanity.”
This glorious title was now associated with his name. In the first rank of his enthusiastic admirers came the scientists, who, from the point of view of pure science, admired the achievements, within those thirty-five years, of that great man whose perseverance372 equalled his penetration373. Then came the manufacturers, the sericicultors, and the agricultors, who owed their{374} fortune to him who had placed every process he discovered into the public domain374. Finally, France could quote the words of the English physiologist, Huxley, in a public lecture at the London Royal Society: “Pasteur’s discoveries alone would suffice to cover the war indemnity375 of five milliards paid by France to Germany in 1870.”
To that capital was added the inestimable price of human lives saved. Since the antiseptic method had been adopted in surgical376 operations, the mortality had fallen from 50 per 100 to 5 per 100.
In the lying-in hospitals, more than decimated formerly377 (for the statistics had shown a death-rate of not only 100 but 200 per 1,000), the number of fatalities378 was now reduced to 3 per 1,000 and soon afterwards fell to 1 per 1,000. And, in consequence of the principles established by Pasteur, hygiene was growing, developing, and at last taking its proper place in the public view. So much progress accomplished had brought Pasteur a daily growing acknowledgment of gratitude, his country was more than proud of him. His powerful mind, allied379 with his very tender heart, had brought to French glory an aureole of charity.
The Government of the Republic remembered that England had voted two national rewards to Jenner, one in 1802 and one in 1807, the first of ￡10,000, and the second of ￡20,000. It was at the time of that deliberation that Pitt, the great orator, exclaimed, “Vote, gentlemen, your gratitude will never reach the amount of the service rendered.”
The French Ministry380 proposed to augment381 the 12,000 fr. pension accorded to Pasteur in 1874 as a national recompense, and to make it 25,000 fr., to revert111 first to Pasteur’s widow, and then to his children. A Commission was formed and Paul Bert again chosen to draw up the report.
On several occasions at the meetings of the commission one of its members, Benjamin Raspail, exalted the parasitic382 theory propounded383 in 1843 by his own father. His filial pleading went so far as to accuse Pasteur of plagiarism384. Paul Bert, whilst recognizing the share attributed by F. V. Raspail to microscopic385 beings, recalled the fact that his attempt in favour of epidemic307 and contagious diseases had not been adopted by scientists. “No doubt,” he said, “the parasitic origin of the itch was now definitely accepted, thanks in a great measure to the efforts of Raspail; but generalizations386 were considered{375} as out of proportion to the fact they were supposed to rest on. It seemed excessive to conclude from the existence of the acarus of itch, visible to the naked eye or with the weakest magnifying glass, the presence of microscopic parasites in the humours of virulent diseases.... Such hypotheses can be considered but as a sort of intuition.”
“Hypotheses,” said Pasteur, “come into our laboratories in armfuls; they fill our registers with projected experiments, they stimulate387 us to research—and that is all.” One thing only counted for him: experimental verification.
Paul Bert, in his very complete report, quoted Huxley’s words to the Royal Society and Pitt’s words to the House of Commons. He stated that since the first Bill had been voted, a new series of discoveries, no less marvellous from a theoretical point of view and yet more important from a practical point of view, had come to strike the world of Science with astonishment388 and admiration.” Recapitulating389 Pasteur’s works, he said—
“They may be classed in three series, constituting three great discoveries.
“The first one may be formulated thus: Each fermentation is produced by the development of a special microbe.
“The second one may be given this formula: Each infectious disease (those at least that M. Pasteur and his immediate104 followers have studied) is produced by the development within the organism of a special microbe.
“The third one may be expressed in this way: The microbe of an infectious disease, cultivated under certain detrimental390 conditions, is attenuated in its pathogenic activity; from a virus it has become a vaccine.
“As a practical consequence of the first discovery, M. Pasteur has given rules for the manufacture of beer and of vinegar, and shown how beer and wine may be preserved against secondary fermentations which would turn them sour, bitter or slimy, and which render difficult their transport and even their preservation391 on the spot.
“As a practical consequence of the second discovery, M. Pasteur has given rules to be followed to preserve cattle from splenic fever contamination, and silkworms from the diseases which decimated them. Surgeons, on the other hand, have succeeded, by means of the guidance it afforded, in effecting almost completely the disappearance392 of erysipelas and of the{376} purulent infections which formerly brought about the death of so many patients after operations.
“As a practical consequence of the third discovery, M. Pasteur has given rules for, and indeed has effected, the preservation of horses, oxen, and sheep from the anthrax disease which every year kills in France about 20,000,000 francs’ worth. Swine will also be preserved from the rouget disease which decimates them, and poultry393 from the cholera which makes such terrible havoc among them. Everything leads us to hope that rabies will also soon be conquered.” When Paul Bert was congratulated on his report, he said, “Admiration is such a good, wholesome394 thing!!”
The Bill was voted by the Chamber, and a fortnight later by the Senate, unanimously. Pasteur heard the first news through the newspapers, for he had just gone to the Jura. On July 14, he left Arbois for D?le, where he had promised to be present at a double ceremony.
On that national holiday, a statue of Peace was to be inaugurated, and a memorial plate placed on the house where Pasteur was born; truly a harmonious395 association of ideas. The prefect of the Jura evidently felt it when, while unveiling the statue in the presence of Pasteur, he said: “This is Peace, who has inspired Genius and the great services it has rendered.” The official procession, followed by popular acclamation, went on to the narrow Rue124 des Tanneurs. When Pasteur, who had not seen his native place since his childhood, found himself before that tannery, in the low humble rooms of which his father and mother had lived, he felt himself the prey396 to a strong emotion.
The mayor quoted these words from the resolutions of the Municipal Council: “M. Pasteur is a benefactor of Humanity, one of the great men of France; he will remain for all D?lois and in particular those who, like him, have risen from the ranks of the people, an object of respect as well as an example to follow; we consider that it is our duty to perpetuate397 his name in our town.”
The Director of Fine Arts, M. Kaempfen, representing the Government at the ceremony, pronounced these simple words: “In the name of the Government of the Republic, I salute398 the inscription which commemorates399 the fact that in this little house, in this little street, was born, on December 27, 1822,{377} he who was to become one of the greatest scientists of this century so great in science, and who has, by his admirable labours, increased the glory of France and deserved well of the whole of humanity.”
The feelings in Pasteur’s heart burst forth231 in these terms: “Gentlemen, I am profoundly moved by the honour done to me by the town of D?le; but allow me, while expressing my gratitude, to protest against this excess of praise. By according to me a homage rendered usually but to the illustrious dead, you anticipate too much the judgment351 of posterity. Will it ratify400 your decision? and should not you, Mr. Mayor, have prudently warned the Municipal Council against such a hasty resolution?
“But after protesting, gentlemen, against the brilliant testimony of an admiration which is more than I deserve, let me tell you that I am touched, moved to the bottom of my soul. Your sympathy has joined on that memorial plate the two great things which have been the passion and the delight of my life: the love of Science and the cult19 of the home.
“Oh! my father, my mother, dear departed ones, who lived so humbly401 in this little house, it is to you that I owe everything. Thy enthusiasm, my brave-hearted mother, thou hast instilled402 it into me. If I have always associated the greatness of Science with the greatness of France, it is because I was impregnated with the feelings that thou hadst inspired. And thou, dearest father, whose life was as hard as thy hard trade, thou hast shown to me what patience and protracted effort can accomplish. It is to thee that I owe perseverance in daily work. Not only hadst thou the qualities which go to make a useful life, but also admiration for great men and great things. To look upwards403, learn to the utmost, to seek to rise ever higher, such was thy teaching. I can see thee now, after a hard day’s work, reading in the evening some story of the battles in the glorious epoch404 of which thou wast a witness. Whilst teaching me to read, thy care was that I should learn the greatness of France.
“Be ye blessed, my dear parents, for what ye have been, and may the homage done to-day to your little house be yours!
“I thank you, gentlemen, for the opportunity of saying aloud what I have thought for sixty years. I thank you for this fête and for your welcome, and I thank the town of D?le,{378} which loses sight of none of her children, and which has kept such a remembrance of me.”
“Nothing is more exquisite,” wrote Bouley to Pasteur, “than those feelings of a noble heart, giving credit to the parents’ influence for all the glory with which their son has covered their name. All your friends recognized you, and you appeared under quite a new light to those who may have misjudged your heart by knowing of you only the somewhat bitter words of some of your Academy speeches, when the love of truth has sometimes made you forgetful of gentleness.”
It might have seemed that after so much homage, especially when offered in such a delicate way as on this last occasion, Pasteur had indeed reached a pinnacle405 of fame. His ambition however was not satisfied. Was it then boundless406, in spite of the modesty which drew all hearts towards him? What more did he wish? Two great things: to complete his studies on hydrophobia and to establish the position of his collaborators—whose name he ever associated with his work—as his acknowledged successors.
A few cases of cholera had occurred at Damietta in the month of June. The English declared that it was but endemic cholera, and opposed the quarantines. They had with them the majority of the Alexandria Sanitary Council, and could easily prevent sanitary measures from being taken. If the English, voluntarily closing their eyes to the dangers of the epidemic, had wished to furnish a new proof of the importation of cholera, they could not have succeeded better. The cholera spread, and by July 14 it had reached Cairo. Between the 14th and 22nd there were five hundred deaths per day.
Alexandria was threatened. Pasteur, before leaving Paris for Arbois, submitted to the Consulting Committee of Public Hygiene the idea of a French Scientific Mission to Alexandria. “Since the last epidemic in 1865,” he said, “science has made great progress on the subject of transmissible diseases. Every one of those diseases which has been subjected to a thorough study has been found by biologists to be produced by a microscopic being developing within the body of man or of animals, and causing therein ravages which are generally mortal. All the symptoms of the disease, all the causes of death depend directly upon the physiological properties of the microbe.... What is wanted at this moment to satisfy{379} the preoccupations of science is to inquire into the primary cause of the scourge. Now the present state of knowledge demands that attention should be drawn to the possible existence within the blood, or within some organ, of a micro-organism whose nature and properties would account in all probability for all the peculiarities407 of cholera, both as to the morbid408 symptoms and the mode of its propagation. The proved existence of such a microbe would soon take precedence over the whole question of the measures to be taken to arrest the evil in its course, and might perhaps suggest new methods of treatment.”
Not only did the Committee of Hygiene approve of Pasteur’s project, but they asked him to choose some young men whose knowledge would be equalled by their devotion. Pasteur only had to look around him. When, on his return to the laboratory, he mentioned what had taken place at the Committee of Hygiene, M. Roux immediately offered to start. A professor at the Faculty of Medicine who had some hospital practice, M. Straus, and a professor at the Alfort Veterinary School, M. Nocard, both of whom had been authorised to work in the laboratory, asked permission to accompany M. Roux. Thuillier had the same desire, but asked for twenty-four hours to think over it.
The thought of his father and mother, who had made a great many sacrifices for his education, and whose only joy was to receive him at Amiens, where they lived, during his short holidays, made him hesitate. But the thought of duty overcame his regrets; he put his papers and notes in order and went to see his dear ones again. He told his father of his intention, but his mother did not know of it. At the time when the papers spoke of a French commission to study cholera, his elder sister, who loved him with an almost motherly tenderness, said to him suddenly, “You are not going to Egypt, Louis? swear that you are not!” “I am not going to swear anything,” he answered, with absolute calm; adding that he might some time go to Russia to proceed to some vaccination of anthrax, as he had done at Buda-Pesth in 1881. When he left Amiens nothing in his farewells revealed his deep emotion; it was only from Marseilles that he wrote the truth.
Administrative409 difficulties retarded410 the departure of the Commission, which only reached Egypt on August 15. Dr. Koch had also come to study cholera. The head physician of{380} the European hospital, Dr. Ardouin, placed his wards52 at the entire disposal of the French savants. In a certain number of cases, it was possible to proceed to post-mortem examinations immediately after death, before putrefaction411 had begun. It was a great thing from the point of view of the search after a pathogenic micro-organism as well as from the anatomo-pathological point of view.
The contents of the intestines412 and the characteristic stools of the cholera patients offered a great variety of micro-organisms. But which was really the cause of cholera? The most varied modes of culture were attempted in vain. The same negative results followed inoculations into divers animal species, cats, dogs, swine, monkeys, pigeons, rabbits, guinea-pigs, etc., made with the blood of cholerics or with the contents of their bowels413. Experiments were made with twenty-four corpses414. The epidemic ceased unexpectedly. Not to waste time, while waiting for a reappearance of the disease, the French Commission took up some researches on cattle plague. Suddenly a telegram from M. Roux informed Pasteur that Thuillier had succumbed to an attack of cholera.
“I have just heard the news of a great misfortune,” wrote Pasteur to J. B. Dumas on September 19; “M. Thuillier died yesterday at Alexandria of cholera. I have telegraphed to the Mayor of Amiens asking him to break the news to the family.
“Science loses in Thuillier a courageous415 representative with a great future before him. I lose a much-loved and devoted416 pupil; my laboratory one of its principal supports.
“I can only console myself for this death by thinking of our beloved country and all he has done for it.”
Thuillier was only twenty-six. How had this happened? Had he neglected any of the precautions which Pasteur had written down before the departure of the Commission, and which were so minute as to be thought exaggerated?
Pasteur remained silent all day, absolutely overcome. The head of the laboratory, M. Chamberland, divining his master’s grief, came to Arbois. They exchanged their sorrowful thoughts, and Pasteur fell back into his sad broodings.
A few days later, a letter from M. Roux related the sad story: “Alexandria, September 21. Sir and dear master—Having just heard that an Italian ship is going to start, I am writing a few lines without waiting for the French mail. The tele{381}graph has told you of the terrible misfortune which has befallen us.”
M. Roux then proceeded to relate in detail the symptoms presented by the unfortunate young man, who, after going to bed at ten o’clock, apparently in perfect health, had suddenly been taken ill about three o’clock in the morning of Saturday, September 15. At eight o’clock, all the horrible symptoms of the most violent form of cholera were apparent, and his friends gave him up for lost. They continued their desperate endeavours however, assisted by the whole staff of French and Italian doctors.
“By dint417 of all our strength, all our energy, we protracted the struggle until seven o’clock on Wednesday morning, the 19th. The asphyxia, which had then lasted twenty-four hours, was stronger than our efforts.
“Your own feelings will help you to imagine our grief.
“The French colony and the medical staff are thunderstruck. Splendid funeral honours have been rendered to our poor Thuillier.
“He was buried at four o’clock on Wednesday afternoon, with the finest and most imposing manifestation Alexandria had seen for a long time.
“One very precious and affecting homage was rendered by the German Commission with a noble simplicity which touched us all very much.
“M. Koch and his collaborators arrived when the news spread in the town. They gave utterance418 to beautiful and touching419 words to the memory of our dead friend. When the funeral took place, those gentlemen brought two wreaths which they themselves nailed on the coffin420. ‘They are simple,’ said M. Koch, ‘but they are of laurel, such as are given to the brave.’
“M. Koch hold one corner of the pall421. We embalmed422 our comrade’s body; he lies in a sealed zinc423 coffin. All formalities have been complied with, so that his remains may be brought back to France when the necessary time has expired. In Egypt the period of delay is a whole year.
“Dear master, how much more I should like to tell you! The recital424 of the sad event which happened so quickly would take pages. This blow is altogether incomprehensible. It was{382} more than a fortnight since we had seen a single case of cholera; we were beginning to study cattle-plague.
“Of us all, Thuillier was the one who took most precautions; he was irreproachably425 careful.
“We are writing by this post a few lines to his family, in the names of all of us.
“Such are the blows cholera can strike at the end of an epidemic! Want of time forces me to close this letter. Pray believe in our respectful affection.”
The whole of the French colony, who received great marks of sympathy from the Italians and other foreigners, wished to perpetuate the memory of Thuillier. Pasteur wrote, on October 16, to a French physician at Alexandria, who had informed him of this project:
“I am touched with the generous resolution of the French colony at Alexandria to erect a monument to the memory of Louis Thuillier. That valiant324 and beloved young man was deserving of every honour. I know, perhaps better than any one, the loss inflicted on science by his cruel death. I cannot console myself, and I am already dreading426 the sight of the dear fellow’s empty place in my laboratory.”
On his return to Paris, Pasteur read a paper to the Academy of Sciences, in his own name and in that of Thuillier, on the now well-ascertained mode of vaccination for swine-fever. He began by recalling Thuillier’s worth:
“Thuillier entered my laboratory after taking the first rank at the Physical Science Agrégation competition at the Ecole Normale. His was a deeply meditative427, silent nature; his whole person breathed a virile428 energy which struck all those who knew him. An indefatigable429 worker, he was ever ready for self-sacrifice.”
A few days before, M. Straus had given to the Biology Society a summary statement of the studies of the Cholera Commission, concluding thus: “The documents collected during those two months are far from solving the etiological problem of cholera, but will perhaps not be useless for the orientation430 of future research.”
The cholera bacillus was put in evidence, later on, by Dr. Koch, who had already suspected it during his researches in Egypt.
Glory, which had been seen in the battlefield at the beginning of the nineteenth century, now seemed to elect to dwell in the{383} laboratory, that “temple of the future” as Pasteur called it. From every part of the world, letters reached Pasteur, appeals, requests for consultations431. Many took him for a physician. “He does not cure individuals,” answered Edmond About one day to a foreigner who was under that misapprehension; “he only tries to cure humanity.” Some sceptical minds were predicting failure to his studies on hydrophobia. This problem was complicated by the fact that Pasteur was trying in vain to discover and isolate432 the specific microbe.
He was endeavouring to evade433 that difficulty; the idea pursued him that human medicine might avail itself of “the long period of incubation of hydrophobia, by attempting to establish, during that interval before the appearance of the first rabic symptoms, a refractory condition in the subjects bitten.”
At the beginning of the year 1884, J. B. Dumas enjoyed following from a distance Pasteur’s readings at the Académie des Sciences. His failing health and advancing age (he was more than eighty years old) had forced him to spend the winter in the South of France. On January 26, 1884, he wrote to Pasteur for the last time, à propos of a book[32] which was a short summary of Pasteur’s discoveries and their concatenation:
“Dear colleague and friend,—I have read with a great and sincere emotion the picture of your scientific life drawn by a faithful and loving hand.
“Myself a witness and a sincere admirer of your happy efforts, your fruitful genius and your imperturbable434 method, I consider it a great service rendered to Science, that the accurate and complete whole should be put before the eyes of young people.
“It will make a wholesome impression on the public in general; to young scientists, it will be an initiation435, and to those who, like me, have passed the age of labour it will bring happy memories of youthful enthusiasm.
“May Providence436 long spare you to France, and maintain in you that admirable equilibrium437 between the mind that observes, the genius that conceives, and the hand that executes with a perfection unknown until now.”
This was a last proof of Dumas’ affection for Pasteur. Although his life was now fast drawing to its close, his mental faculties were in no wise impaired438, for we find him three weeks later, on February 20, using his influence as Permanent Secre{384}tary of the Academy to obtain the Lacaze prize for M. Cailletet, the inventor of the well-known apparatus439 for the liquefaction of gases.
J. B. Dumas died on April 11, 1884. Pasteur was then about to start for Edinburgh on the occasion of the tercentenary of the celebrated Scotch440 University. The “Institut de France,” invited to take part in these celebrations, had selected representatives from each of the five Academies: the Académie Fran?aise was sending M. Caro; the Academy of Sciences, Pasteur and de Lesseps; the Academy of Moral Sciences, M. Gréard; the Academy of Inscriptions441 and Letters, M. Perrot; and the Academy of Fine Arts, M. Eugène Guillaume. The Collège de France sent M. Guillaume Guizot, and the Academy of Medicine Dr. Henry Gueneau de Mussy.
Pasteur much wished to relinquish442 this official journey; the idea that he would not be able to follow to the grave the incomparable teacher of his youth, the counsellor and confidant of his life, was infinitely painful to him.
He was however reconciled to it by one of his colleagues, M. Mézières, who was going to Edinburgh on behalf of the Minister of Public Instruction, and who pointed out to him that the best way of honouring Dumas’ memory lay in remembering Dumas’ chief object in life—the interests of France. Pasteur went, hoping that he would have an opportunity of speaking of Dumas to the Edinburgh students.
In London, the French delegates had the pleasant surprise of finding that a private saloon had been reserved to take Pasteur and his friends to Edinburgh. This hospitality was offered to Pasteur by one of his numerous admirers, Mr. Younger, an Edinburgh brewer443, as a token of gratitude for his discoveries in the manufacture of beer. He and his wife and children welcomed Pasteur with the warmest cordiality, when the train reached Edinburgh; the principal inhabitants of the great Scotch city vied with each other in entertaining the French delegates, who were delighted with their reception.
The next morning, they, and the various representatives from all parts of the world, assembled in the Cathedral of St. Giles, where, with the exalted feeling which, in the Scotch people, mingles444 religious with political life, the Town Council had decided that a service should inaugurate the rejoicings. The Rev56. Robert Flint, mounting that pulpit from which the impetuous John Knox, Calvin’s friend and disciple445, had{385} breathed forth his violent fanaticism446, preached to the immense assembly with a full consciousness of the importance of his discourse447. He spoke of the relations between Science and Faith, of the absolute liberty of science in the realm of facts, of the thought of God considered as a stimulant448 to research, progress being but a Divine impulse.
In the afternoon, the students imparted life and merriment into the proceedings449; they had organized a dramatic performance, the members of the orchestra, even, being undergraduates.
The French delegates took great interest in the system of this University. Accustomed as they were to look upon the State as sole master and dispenser, they now saw an independent institution, owing its fortune to voluntary contributions, revealing in every point the power of private enterprise. Unlike what takes place in France, where administrative unity makes itself felt in the smallest village, the British Government effaces450 itself, and merely endeavours to inspire faith in political unity. Absolutely her own mistress, the University of Edinburgh is free to confer high honorary degrees on her distinguished451 visitors. However, these honorary diplomas are but of two kinds, viz.: Doctor of Divinity (D.D.) and Doctor of Laws (LL.D.). In 1884, seventeen degrees of D.D. and 122 degrees of LL.D. were reserved for the various delegates. “The only laws I know,” smilingly said the learned Helmholtz, “are the laws of Physics.”
The solemn proclamation of the University degrees took place on Thursday, April 17. The streets and monuments of the beautiful city were decorated with flags, and an air of rejoicing pervaded452 the whole atmosphere.
The ceremony began by a special prayer, alluding453 to the past, looking forward to the future, and asking for God’s blessing454 on the delegates and their countries. The large assembly filled the immense hall where the Synod of the Presbyterian Church holds its meetings. The Chancellor and the Rector of the University were seated on a platform with a large number of professors; those who were about to receive honorary degrees occupied seats in the centre of the hall; about three thousand students found seats in various parts of the hall.
The Chancellor of the University of Edinburgh had arranged that the new graduates should be called in alphabetical455 order. As each of them heard his name, he rose and mounted the platform. The students took great pleasure in heartily456 cheer{386}ing those savants who had had most influence on their studies. When Pasteur’s name was pronounced, a great silence ensued; every one was trying to obtain a sight of him as he walked towards the platform. His appearance was the signal for a perfect outburst of applause; five thousand men rose and cheered him. It was indeed a splendid ovation.
In the evening, a banquet was set out in the hall, which was hung with the blue and white colours of the University; there were a thousand guests, seated round twenty-eight tables, one of which, the high table, was reserved for the speakers who were to propose the toasts, which were to last four hours. Pasteur was seated next to Virchow; they talked together of the question of rabies, and Virchow owned that, when he saw Pasteur in 1881 about to tackle this question, he much doubted the possibility of a solution. This friendly chat between two such men proves the desirability of such gatherings457; intercourse458 between the greatest scientists can but lead to general peace and fraternity between nations. After having read a telegram from the Queen, congratulating the University and welcoming the guests, a toast was drunk to the Queen and to the Royal Family, and a few words spoken by the representative of the Emperor of Brazil. Pasteur then rose to speak:
“My Lord Chancellor, Gentlemen, the city of Edinburgh is now offering a sight of which she may be proud. All the great scientific institutions, meeting here, appear as an immense Congress of hopes and congratulations. The honour and glory of this international rendezvous459 deservedly belong to you, for it is centuries since Scotland united her destinies with those of the human mind. She was one of the first among the nations to understand that intellect leads the world. And the world of intellect, gladly answering your call, lays a well-merited homage at your feet. When, yesterday, the eminent460 Professor Robert Flint, addressing the Edinburgh University from the pulpit of St. Giles, exclaimed, ‘Remember the past and look to the future,’ all the delegates, seated like judges at a great tribunal, evoked a vision of past centuries and joined in a unanimous wish for a yet more glorious future.
“Amongst the illustrious delegates of all nations who bring you an assurance of cordial good wishes, France has sent to represent her those of her institutions which are most representative of the French spirit and the best part of French glory. France is ready to applaud whenever a source of light appears in{387} the world; and when death strikes down a man of genius, France is ready to weep as for one of her own children. This noble spirit of solidarity461 was brought home to me when I heard some of you speak feelingly of the death of the illustrious chemist, J. B. Dumas, a celebrated member of all your Academies, and only a few years ago an eloquent462 panegyrist of your great Faraday. It was a bitter grief to me that I had to leave Paris before his funeral ceremony; but the hope of rendering463 here a last and solemn homage to that revered master helped me to conquer my affliction. Moreover, gentlemen, men may pass, but their works remain; we all are but passing guests of these great homes of intellect, which, like all the Universities who have come to greet you in this solemn day, are assured of immortality464.”
Pasteur, having thus rendered homage to J. B. Dumas, and having glorified465 his country by his presence, his speech and the great honours conferred on him, would have returned home at once; but the undergraduates begged to be allowed to entertain, the next day, some of those men whom they looked upon as examples and whom they might never see again.
Pasteur thanked the students for this invitation, which filled him with pride and pleasure, for he had always loved young people, he said, and continued, in his deep, stirring voice:
“Ever since I can remember my life as a man, I do not think I have ever spoken for the first time with a student without saying to him, ‘Work perseveringly466; work can be made into a pleasure, and alone is profitable to man, to his city, to his country.’ It is even more natural that I should thus speak to you. The common soul (if I may so speak) of an assembly of young men is wholly formed of the most generous feelings, being yet illumined with the divine spark which is in every man as he enters this world. You have just given a proof of this assurance, and I have felt moved to the heart in hearing you applaud, as you have just been doing, such men as de Lesseps, Helmholtz and Virchow. Your language has borrowed from ours the beautiful word enthusiasm, bequeathed to us by the Greeks: εν θε??, an inward God. It was almost with a divine feeling that you just now cheered those great men.
“One of those of our writers who have best made known to France and to Europe the philosophy of Robert Reid and Dugald Stewart said, addressing young men in the preface of one of his works:{388}—
“‘Whatever career you may embrace, look up to an exalted goal; worship great men and great things.’
“Great things! You have indeed seen them. Will not this centenary remain one of Scotland’s glorious memories? As to great men, in no country is their memory better honoured than in yours. But, if work should be the very life of your life, if the cult for great men and great things should be associated with your every thought, that is still not enough. Try to bring into everything you undertake the spirit of scientific method, founded on the immortal works of Galileo, Descartes and Newton.
“You especially, medical students of this celebrated University of Edinburgh—who, trained as you are by eminent masters, may aspire467 to the highest scientific ambition—be you inspired by the experimental method. To its principles, Scotland owes such men as Brewster, Thomson and Lister.”
The speaker who had to respond on behalf of the students to the foreign delegates expressed himself thus, directly addressing Pasteur:
“Monsieur Pasteur, you have snatched from nature secrets too carefully, almost maliciously468 hidden. We greet in you a benefactor of humanity, all the more so because we know that you admit the existence of spiritual secrets, revealed to us by what you have just called the work of God in us.
“Representatives of France, we beg you to tell your great country that we are following with admiration the great reforms now being introduced into every branch of your education, reforms which we look upon as tokens of a beneficent rivalry469 and of a more and more cordial intercourse—for misunderstandings result from ignorance, a darkness lightened by the work of scientists.”
The next morning, at ten o’clock, crowds gathered on the station platform with waving handkerchiefs. People were showing each other a great Edinburgh daily paper, in which Pasteur’s speech to the undergraduates was reproduced and which also contained the following announcement in large print:
“In memory of M. Pasteur’s visit to Edinburgh, Mr. Younger offers to the Edinburgh University a donation of ￡500.”
Livingstone’s daughter, Mrs. Bruce, on whom Pasteur had called the preceding day, came to the station a few moments{389} before the departure of the train, bringing him a book entitled The Life of Livingstone.
The saloon carriage awaited Pasteur and his friends. They departed, delighted with the hospitality they had received, and much struck with the prominent place given to science and the welcome accorded to Pasteur. “This is indeed glory,” said one of them. “Believe me,” said Pasteur, “I only look upon it as a reason for continuing to go forward as long as my strength does not fail me.{390}”
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1
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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6
fore
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| adv.在前面；adj.先前的；在前部的；n.前部 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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collaborated
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| 合作( collaborate的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾结叛国 | |
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quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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14
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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altruism
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| n.利他主义，不自私 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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scrupulously
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| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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adept
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| adj.老练的，精通的 | |
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invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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31
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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prostrated
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| v.使俯伏，使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 )；（指疾病、天气等）使某人无能为力 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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45
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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46
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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47
emanating
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的现在分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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48
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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49
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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50
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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51
dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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52
wards
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| 区( ward的名词复数 )； 病房； 受监护的未成年者； 被人照顾或控制的状态 | |
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53
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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54
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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55
careworn
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| adj.疲倦的，饱经忧患的 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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58
perturbed
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| adj.烦燥不安的v.使（某人）烦恼，不安( perturb的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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59
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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60
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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61
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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62
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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64
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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69
lighting
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| n.照明，光线的明暗，舞台灯光 | |
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70
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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71
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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72
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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73
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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rigidity
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| adj.钢性，坚硬 | |
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75
enveloped
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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78
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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suffrages
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| （政治性选举的）选举权，投票权( suffrage的名词复数 ) | |
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80
inadequacy
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| n.无法胜任，信心不足 | |
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81
impersonal
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| adj.无个人感情的，与个人无关的，非人称的 | |
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82
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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84
preoccupied
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| adj.全神贯注的，入神的；被抢先占有的；心事重重的v.占据（某人）思想，使对…全神贯注，使专心于( preoccupy的过去式) | |
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85
modification
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| n.修改，改进，缓和，减轻 | |
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86
agitates
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| 搅动( agitate的第三人称单数 )； 激怒； 使焦虑不安； （尤指为法律、社会状况的改变而）激烈争论 | |
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87
piquancy
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| n.辛辣，辣味，痛快 | |
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88
serene
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| adj. 安详的，宁静的，平静的 | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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90
supple
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| adj.柔软的，易弯的，逢迎的，顺从的，灵活的；vt.使柔软，使柔顺，使顺从；vi.变柔软，变柔顺 | |
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91
lame
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| adj.跛的，(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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92
negation
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| n.否定；否认 | |
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93
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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94
invoking
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| v.援引( invoke的现在分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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95
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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96
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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97
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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98
witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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99
subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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100
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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101
cordon
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| n.警戒线，哨兵线 | |
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102
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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103
artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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104
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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105
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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106
philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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107
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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108
instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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109
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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110
consolatory
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| adj.慰问的，可藉慰的 | |
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111
revert
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| v.恢复，复归，回到 | |
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112
reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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113
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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114
ironical
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| adj.讽刺的，冷嘲的 | |
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115
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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116
redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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117
caressing
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| 爱抚的，表现爱情的，亲切的 | |
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118
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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119
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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120
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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121
sublimity
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| 崇高，庄严，气质高尚 | |
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122
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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123
divination
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| n.占卜，预测 | |
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124
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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125
luminous
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| adj.发光的，发亮的；光明的；明白易懂的；有启发的 | |
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126
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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127
enumeration
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| n.计数，列举；细目；详表；点查 | |
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128
amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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129
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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130
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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131
plebeian
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|
| adj.粗俗的；平民的；n.平民；庶民 | |
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132
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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133
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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134
enigma
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| n.谜，谜一样的人或事 | |
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135
torments
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| （肉体或精神上的）折磨，痛苦( torment的名词复数 )； 造成痛苦的事物[人] | |
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136
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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137
unctuously
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| adv.油腻地，油腔滑调地；假惺惺 | |
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138
attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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139
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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140
crumbled
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|
| （把…）弄碎， （使）碎成细屑( crumble的过去式和过去分词 )； 衰落； 坍塌； 损坏 | |
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141
collaboration
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| n.合作，协作；勾结 | |
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142
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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143
awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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144
awakening
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|
| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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145
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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146
philosophical
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|
| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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147
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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148
antithesis
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| n.对立；相对 | |
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149
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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150
divers
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|
| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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151
majestic
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|
| adj.雄伟的，壮丽的，庄严的，威严的，崇高的 | |
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152
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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153
capabilities
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|
| n.能力( capability的名词复数 )；可能；容量；[复数]潜在能力 | |
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154
odious
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|
| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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155
attained
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|
| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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156
hooting
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| （使）作汽笛声响，作汽车喇叭声( hoot的现在分词 )； 倒好儿； 倒彩 | |
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157
doctrines
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|
| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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158
austere
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|
| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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159
eschew
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| v.避开，戒绝 | |
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160
frivolous
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|
| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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161
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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162
applied
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|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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163
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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164
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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165
erecting
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|
| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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166
gratitude
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|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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167
decided
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|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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168
effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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169
complacently
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| adv. 满足地, 自满地, 沾沾自喜地 | |
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170
inoculation
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| n.接芽；预防接种 | |
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171
impurity
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| n.不洁，不纯，杂质 | |
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172
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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173
broth
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| n.原(汁)汤(鱼汤、肉汤、菜汤等) | |
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174
previously
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|
| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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175
sterilized
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| v.消毒( sterilize的过去式和过去分词 )；使无菌；使失去生育能力；使绝育 | |
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176
alteration
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|
| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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177
cellular
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|
| adj.移动的；细胞的，由细胞组成的 | |
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178
irritation
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|
| n.激怒，恼怒，生气 | |
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179
remains
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|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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180
virulent
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|
| adj.有毒的，有恶意的，充满敌意的 | |
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181
procured
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|
| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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182
inoculate
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|
| v.给...接种，给...注射疫苗 | |
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183
calf
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|
| n.小牛，犊，幼仔，小牛皮 | |
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184
infiltrated
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|
| adj.[医]浸润的v.（使）渗透，（指思想）渗入人的心中( infiltrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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185
attenuated
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|
| v.（使）变细( attenuate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）变薄；（使）变小；减弱 | |
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186
virulence
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|
| n.毒力，毒性；病毒性；致病力 | |
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187
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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188
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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189
cocoons
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| n.茧，蚕茧( cocoon的名词复数 )v.茧，蚕茧( cocoon的第三人称单数 ) | |
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190
kindly
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|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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191
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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192
conjured
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| 用魔术变出( conjure的过去式和过去分词 )； 祈求，恳求； 变戏法； （变魔术般地） 使…出现 | |
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193
scourge
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|
| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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194
benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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195
effacing
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| 谦逊的 | |
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196
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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197
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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198
venerate
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| v.尊敬，崇敬，崇拜 | |
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199
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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200
fructify
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| v.结果实；使土地肥沃 | |
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201
implant
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| vt.注入，植入，灌输 | |
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202
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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203
charlatanism
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| n.庸医术，庸医的行为 | |
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204
vaccination
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| n.接种疫苗，种痘 | |
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205
destined
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|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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206
interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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207
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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208
celebrated
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|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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209
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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210
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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211
contemplating
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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212
dispel
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| vt.驱走，驱散，消除 | |
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213
vaccinated
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| [医]已接种的，种痘的，接种过疫菌的 | |
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214
inoculating
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|
| v.给…做预防注射( inoculate的现在分词 ) | |
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215
ointment
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| n.药膏，油膏，软膏 | |
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216
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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217
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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218
contagious
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|
| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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219
shred
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| v.撕成碎片，变成碎片；n.碎布条，细片，些少 | |
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220
ovation
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| n.欢呼，热烈欢迎，热烈鼓掌 | |
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221
engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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222
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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223
delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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224
emanates
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的第三人称单数 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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225
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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226
revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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227
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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228
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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229
maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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230
distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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231
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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232
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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233
evoked
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| [医]诱发的 | |
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234
attic
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| n.顶楼，屋顶室 | |
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235
treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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236
monologues
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| n.（戏剧）长篇独白( monologue的名词复数 )；滔滔不绝的讲话；独角戏 | |
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237
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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238
imbibing
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| v.吸收( imbibe的现在分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
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239
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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240
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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241
sanitary
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| adj.卫生方面的，卫生的，清洁的，卫生的 | |
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242
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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243
cylinders
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|
| n.圆筒( cylinder的名词复数 )；圆柱；汽缸；（尤指用作容器的）圆筒状物 | |
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244
vaccine
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| n.牛痘苗，疫苗；adj.牛痘的，疫苗的 | |
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245
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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246
alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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247
hygiene
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| n.健康法，卫生学 （a.hygienic） | |
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248
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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249
grumbling
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| adj. 喃喃鸣不平的, 出怨言的 | |
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250
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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251
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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252
paralysis
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| n.麻痹(症)；瘫痪(症) | |
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253
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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254
diplomats
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| n.外交官( diplomat的名词复数 )；有手腕的人，善于交际的人 | |
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255
polemics
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|
| n.辩论术，辩论法；争论( polemic的名词复数 )；辩论；辩论术；辩论法 | |
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256
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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257
attenuation
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| n.变薄；弄细；稀薄化；减少 | |
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258
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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259
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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260
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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261
malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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262
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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263
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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264
flasks
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| n.瓶，长颈瓶， 烧瓶( flask的名词复数 ) | |
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265
inoculated
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| v.给…做预防注射( inoculate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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266
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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267
hog
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| n.猪；馋嘴贪吃的人；vt.把…占为己有，独占 | |
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268
preservative
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| n.防腐剂；防腐料；保护料；预防药 | |
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269
pigsties
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| n.猪圈，脏房间( pigsty的名词复数 ) | |
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270
pigsty
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| n.猪圈，脏房间 | |
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271
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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272
transcribe
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| v.抄写，誉写；改编(乐曲)；复制，转录 | |
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273
cholera
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| n.霍乱 | |
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274
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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275
physiological
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| adj.生理学的，生理学上的 | |
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276
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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277
parasite
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| n.寄生虫；寄生菌；食客 | |
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278
spores
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| n.（细菌、苔藓、蕨类植物）孢子( spore的名词复数 )v.（细菌、苔藓、蕨类植物）孢子( spore的第三人称单数 ) | |
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279
recur
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|
| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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280
refractory
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|
| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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281
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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282
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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283
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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284
blotches
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|
| n.（皮肤上的）红斑，疹块( blotch的名词复数 )；大滴 [大片]（墨水或颜色的）污渍 | |
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285
desolated
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|
| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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286
malignant
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|
| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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287
mere
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|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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288
vexing
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|
| adj.使人烦恼的，使人恼火的v.使烦恼( vex的现在分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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289
enlisted
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|
| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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290
practitioners
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|
| n.习艺者，实习者( practitioner的名词复数 )；从业者（尤指医师） | |
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291
oratorical
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|
| adj.演说的，雄辩的 | |
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292
vehement
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|
| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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293
adventurous
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|
| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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294
therapeutic
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|
| adj.治疗的，起治疗作用的；对身心健康有益的 | |
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295
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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296
parasites
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|
| 寄生物( parasite的名词复数 )； 靠他人为生的人； 诸虫 | |
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297
meddled
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| v.干涉，干预（他人事务）( meddle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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298
sneers
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| 讥笑的表情（言语）( sneer的名词复数 ) | |
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299
aggression
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|
| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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300
annihilating
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|
| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的现在分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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301
relatively
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|
| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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302
determined
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|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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303
soda
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| n.苏打水；汽水 | |
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304
rheumatism
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|
| n.风湿病 | |
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305
compulsory
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|
| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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306
epidemics
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| n．流行病 | |
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307
epidemic
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|
| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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308
compassionate
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|
| adj.有同情心的，表示同情的 | |
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309
awakened
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|
| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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310
formulated
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|
| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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311
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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312
contagion
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|
| n.(通过接触的疾病)传染；蔓延 | |
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313
attenuating
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|
| v.（使）变细( attenuate的现在分词 )；（使）变薄；（使）变小；减弱 | |
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314
utilize
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| vt.使用，利用 | |
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315
immunity
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|
| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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316
anatomy
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| n.解剖学，解剖；功能，结构，组织 | |
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317
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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318
itch
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| n.痒，渴望，疥癣；vi.发痒，渴望 | |
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319
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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320
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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321
inveterate
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|
| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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322
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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323
scout
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| n.童子军，侦察员；v.侦察，搜索 | |
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324
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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325
valiantly
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| adv.勇敢地，英勇地；雄赳赳 | |
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326
tuberculosis
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|
| n.结核病，肺结核 | |
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327
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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328
scourges
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| 带来灾难的人或东西，祸害( scourge的名词复数 )； 鞭子 | |
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329
penetrate
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|
| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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330
ferments
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|
| n.酵素( ferment的名词复数 )；激动；骚动；动荡v.（使）发酵( ferment的第三人称单数 )；（使）激动；骚动；骚扰 | |
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331
decrying
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|
| v.公开反对，谴责( decry的现在分词 ) | |
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332
dispels
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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333
succumbed
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|
| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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334
interpretation
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|
| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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335
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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336
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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337
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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338
legitimately
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|
| ad.合法地；正当地，合理地 | |
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339
utilized
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|
| v.利用，使用( utilize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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340
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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341
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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342
inductions
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|
| 归纳（法）( induction的名词复数 )； （电或磁的）感应； 就职； 吸入 | |
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343
contradictory
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|
| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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344
defensive
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|
| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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345
hardy
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|
| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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346
isolating
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|
| adj.孤立的，绝缘的v.使隔离( isolate的现在分词 )；将…剔出（以便看清和单独处理）；使（某物质、细胞等）分离；使离析 | |
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347
rectifying
|
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| 改正，矫正( rectify的现在分词 )； 精馏； 蒸流； 整流 | |
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348
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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349
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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350
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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351
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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352
physicist
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| n.物理学家，研究物理学的人 | |
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353
physiologist
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| n.生理学家 | |
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354
physiologists
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| n.生理学者( physiologist的名词复数 )；生理学( physiology的名词复数 )；生理机能 | |
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355
lotions
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| n.洗液，洗剂，护肤液( lotion的名词复数 ) | |
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356
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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357
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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358
vaccinations
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| n.种痘，接种( vaccination的名词复数 )；牛痘疤 | |
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359
enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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360
unravelling
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| 解开，拆散，散开( unravel的现在分词 )； 阐明； 澄清； 弄清楚 | |
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361
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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362
complicate
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| vt.使复杂化，使混乱，使难懂 | |
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363
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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364
ornamented
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|
| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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365
humanitarian
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|
| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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366
functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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367
insignificant
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|
| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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368
implements
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|
| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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369
mechanism
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| n.机械装置；机构，结构 | |
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370
physiology
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| n.生理学，生理机能 | |
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371
precursor
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| n.先驱者；前辈；前任；预兆；先兆 | |
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372
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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373
penetration
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|
| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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374
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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375
indemnity
|
|
| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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376
surgical
|
|
| adj.外科的，外科医生的，手术上的 | |
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377
formerly
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|
| adv.从前，以前 | |
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378
fatalities
|
|
| n.恶性事故( fatality的名词复数 )；死亡；致命性；命运 | |
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379
allied
|
|
| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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380
ministry
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|
| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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381
augment
|
|
| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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382
parasitic
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|
| adj.寄生的 | |
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383
propounded
|
|
| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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384
plagiarism
|
|
| n.剽窃，抄袭 | |
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385
microscopic
|
|
| adj.微小的，细微的，极小的，显微的 | |
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386
generalizations
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|
| 一般化( generalization的名词复数 )； 普通化； 归纳； 概论 | |
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387
stimulate
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|
| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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388
astonishment
|
|
| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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389
recapitulating
|
|
| v.总结，扼要重述( recapitulate的现在分词 ) | |
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390
detrimental
|
|
| adj.损害的，造成伤害的 | |
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391
preservation
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|
| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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392
disappearance
|
|
| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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393
poultry
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|
| n.家禽，禽肉 | |
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394
wholesome
|
|
| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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395
harmonious
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|
| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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396
prey
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|
| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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397
perpetuate
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|
| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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398
salute
|
|
| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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399
commemorates
|
|
| n.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的名词复数 )v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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400
ratify
|
|
| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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401
humbly
|
|
| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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402
instilled
|
|
| v.逐渐使某人获得（某种可取的品质），逐步灌输( instill的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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403
upwards
|
|
| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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404
epoch
|
|
| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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405
pinnacle
|
|
| n.尖塔，尖顶，山峰；(喻)顶峰 | |
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406
boundless
|
|
| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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407
peculiarities
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|
| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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408
morbid
|
|
| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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409
administrative
|
|
| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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410
retarded
|
|
| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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411
putrefaction
|
|
| n.腐坏，腐败 | |
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412
intestines
|
|
| n.肠( intestine的名词复数 ) | |
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413
bowels
|
|
| n.肠，内脏，内部；肠( bowel的名词复数 )；内部，最深处 | |
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414
corpses
|
|
| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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415
courageous
|
|
| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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416
devoted
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|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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417
dint
|
|
| n.由于，靠；凹坑 | |
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418
utterance
|
|
| n.用言语表达，话语，言语 | |
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419
touching
|
|
| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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420
coffin
|
|
| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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421
pall
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|
| v.覆盖，使平淡无味；n.柩衣，棺罩；棺材；帷幕 | |
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422
embalmed
|
|
| adj.用防腐药物保存（尸体）的v.保存（尸体）不腐( embalm的过去式和过去分词 )；使不被遗忘；使充满香气 | |
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423
zinc
|
|
| n.锌；vt.在...上镀锌 | |
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424
recital
|
|
| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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425
irreproachably
|
|
| adv.不可非难地，无过失地 | |
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426
dreading
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|
| v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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427
meditative
|
|
| adj.沉思的，冥想的 | |
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428
virile
|
|
| adj.男性的；有男性生殖力的；有男子气概的；强有力的 | |
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429
indefatigable
|
|
| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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430
orientation
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|
| n.方向，目标；熟悉，适应，情况介绍 | |
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431
consultations
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|
| n.磋商（会议）( consultation的名词复数 )；商讨会；协商会；查找 | |
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432
isolate
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|
| vt.使孤立，隔离 | |
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433
evade
|
|
| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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434
imperturbable
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|
| adj.镇静的 | |
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435
initiation
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|
| n.开始 | |
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436
providence
|
|
| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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437
equilibrium
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|
| n.平衡，均衡，相称，均势，平静 | |
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438
impaired
|
|
| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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439
apparatus
|
|
| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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440
scotch
|
|
| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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441
inscriptions
|
|
| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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442
relinquish
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|
| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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443
brewer
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|
| n. 啤酒制造者 | |
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444
mingles
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|
| 混合，混入( mingle的第三人称单数 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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445
disciple
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|
| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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446
fanaticism
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|
| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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447
discourse
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|
| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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448
stimulant
|
|
| n.刺激物，兴奋剂 | |
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449
proceedings
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|
| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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450
effaces
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|
| v.擦掉( efface的第三人称单数 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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451
distinguished
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|
| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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452
pervaded
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|
| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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453
alluding
|
|
| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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454
blessing
|
|
| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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455
alphabetical
|
|
| adj.字母（表）的，依字母顺序的 | |
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456
heartily
|
|
| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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457
gatherings
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|
| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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458
intercourse
|
|
| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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459
rendezvous
|
|
| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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460
eminent
|
|
| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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461
solidarity
|
|
| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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462
eloquent
|
|
| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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463
rendering
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|
| n.表现，描写 | |
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464
immortality
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|
| n.不死，不朽 | |
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465
glorified
|
|
| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
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466
perseveringly
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| 坚定地 | |
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467
aspire
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|
| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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468
maliciously
|
|
| adv.有敌意地 | |
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469
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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