Even at the present day it is universally recognized that a certain proportion of wooded land is essential to the prosperity and productivity of any country. And whenever this is lacking, not only do the building, furniture, paper and other industries suffer, but the rainfall proves insufficient7, spring floods are frequent and the fertility of the soil is impaired8 by washing. These misfortunes are slight, however, compared with the disastrous9 results of the gradual thinning out of the forests of Elizabethan England. The woods were necessary[8] for three all-important industries, the industries upon which the prosperity and wealth of the nation were largely dependent—shipbuilding, for which were needed timber, masts, pitch, tar10, resin11; the manufacture of woolens13, calling for a large supply of potash; smelting15 of all kinds, since three hundred years ago wood and not coal was the fuel used in the furnaces. It was with the deepest apprehension16, then, that thoughtful Englishmen watched the gradual reduction of the forest areas, for it seemed to betoken17 for their country a period of declining prosperity and economic decay. "When therefore our mils of Iron and excesse of building have already turned our greatest woods into pasture and champion within these few years," says a writer of this period, "neither the scattered18 forests of England, nor the diminished groves19 of Ireland will supply the defect of our navy."[1-1]
From this intolerable situation England sought relief through foreign commerce. If she could no longer smelt14 her own iron, if she could not produce ship-stores or burn her own wood ashes, these things might be procured21 from countries where the forests were still extensive, countries such as those bordering the Baltic—Germany, Poland, Russia, Sweden. And so the vessels23 of the Muscovy Company in the second half of the Sixteenth century passed through the Cattegat in large numbers to make their appearance at Reval and Libau and Danzig, seeking there the raw materials so vitally necessary to England. "Muscovia and Polina doe yeerly receive many thousands for Pitch, Tarre, Sope Ashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, Masts, Yards, Wainscot, Firres, Glasse, and such like," wrote Captain John Smith, "also Swethland for Iron and Copper24."[1-2]
But this solution of her problem was obviously unsatisfactory to England. The northern voyage was long, dangerous and costly25; the King of Denmark, who controlled the entrance[9] to the Baltic, had it within his power at any moment to exclude the English traders; the Muscovy company no longer enjoyed exemption26 from customs in Prussia, Denmark and Russia. In case war should break out among the northern nations this trade might for a time be cut off entirely27, resulting in strangulation for England's basic industries. "The merchant knoweth," said the author of A True Declaration, "that through the troubles in Poland & Muscovy, (whose eternall warres are like the Antipathy28 of the Dragon & Elephant) all their traffique for Masts, Deales, Pitch, Tarre, Flax, Hempe, and Cordage, are every day more and more indangered."[1-3] Moreover, the trade was much impeded30 by the ice which for several months each year choked some of the northern ports.
The most alarming aspect of this unfortunate situation was the effect of the shortage of shipbuilding material upon the merchant marine31. Situated32 as it was upon an island, England enjoyed communication with the nations of the world only by means of the ocean pathways. Whatever goods came to her doors, whatever goods of her own manufacture she sent to foreign markets, could be transported only by sea. It was a matter of vital import to her, then, to build up and maintain a fleet of merchant vessels second to none. But this was obviously difficult if not impossible when "the furniture of shipping33" such as "Masts, Cordage, Pitch, Tar, Rossen" were not produced in quantity by England itself, and could be had "only by the favor of forraigne potency34."[1-4] Already, it was stated, the decay of shipping was manifest, while large numbers of able mariners35 were forced to seek employment in other countries. "You know how many men for want of imploiment, betake themselves to Tunis, Spaine and Florence," declared one observer, "and to serve in courses not warrantable, which would better beseeme our own walles and borders to bee spread with such branches, that their native countrey and[10] not forreine Princes might reape their fruit, as being both exquisite36 Navigators, and resolute37 men for service, as any the world affords."[1-5]
It must be remembered that the merchant vessel22 three hundred years ago constituted an important part of the nation's sea defence. The fleet which met the mighty38 Spanish Armada in the Channel and inflicted39 upon it so decisive a defeat, was made up in large part of volunteer ships from every English port. And the Britisher knew full well that the merchant marine constituted the "wooden walls" of his country, knew that its decay would leave England almost defenseless. At the moment when one able writer was pointing out that "the Realme of England is an Island impossible to be otherwise fortified40 than by stronge shippes," another was complaining that there were scarce two vessels of 100 tons belonging to the whole city of Bristol, and few or none along the Severn from Gloucester to Land's End on one side, and to Milford Haven41 on the other.[1-6]
For this intolerable situation there could be but one remedy—England must secure colonial possessions to supply her with the products for which her forests were no longer sufficient. Her bold navigators had already crossed the Atlantic, returning with alluring42 stories of the limitless resources of the New World, of mighty forests spreading in unbroken array for hundreds of miles along the coast and back into the interior as far as the eye could see.[1-7] Why, it was asked, should Englishmen be forced to make the hazardous43 journey to the Baltic in order to procure20 from other nations what they might easily have for themselves by taking possession of some of the limitless unoccupied areas of America? It was folly44 to remain in economic bondage45 while the road to independence stretched so invitingly47 before them.
Long before the Goodspeed, the Discovery and the Sarah[11] Constant turned their prows48 into the waters of the James, able English writers were urging upon the nation the absolute necessity for colonial expansion. In 1584 the farseeing Hakluyt pointed49 out that the recent voyage of Sir Humphrey Gilbert had proved that "pitche, tarr, rosen, sope ashes" could be produced in America in great plenty, "yea, as it is thought, ynoughe to serve the whole realme."[1-8] Captain Christopher Carleill had the previous year made an effort to persuade the Muscovy Company to divert its energies toward America. Why remain under the power of the King of Denmark, he asked, or other princes who "command our shippes at their pleasure," when all the products of the Baltic regions were to be had from unoccupied territories which so easily could be placed under the English flag?
It has often been taken for granted that the statesmen and merchants of three centuries ago pursued always a mistaken and shortsighted economic policy. John Fiske assures us that even at the close of the Eighteenth century the barbarous superstitions50 of the Middle Ages concerning trade between nations still flourished with scarcely diminished vitality51. Yet it requires but a cursory52 study of the theories and arguments of the Elizabethan economists53 to realize that they were men of ability and vision, that they knew what was needed and how to procure it, that they were nearer right than many have supposed. In fact, they acted upon sound economic principles a century and a half before Adam Smith formulated54 and expounded55 them.
These men realized keenly that England's safety demanded a larger measure of economic independence and they pointed out what seemed to be the only available means of securing it. Since her forests upon which her prosperity in the past had been so largely based, were nearing the point of exhaustion56, she must expand to embrace new lands where the virgin[12] growth of trees stood untouched. If this is barbarous, then the recent efforts of Italy to gain an independent coal supply, of Great Britain to get control of various oil fields, of the United States to build up a dye industry, are all likewise barbarous. In fact the world today in matters of economic policy has by no means gotten away from the conceptions of the men whose able writings cleared the way for the beginning of the British colonial empire.
But it must not be supposed that England in this matter was concerned only for her supply of naval57 stores, potash and pig iron. There were other products, not so vital it is true, but still important, which she was forced to seek abroad. From the south of Europe came salt, sugar, wine, silk, fruits; from the Far East saltpetre and dyes, together with spices for making palatable58 the winter's stock of food; from Holland came fish, from France wine and silk. And as in the Baltic, so elsewhere the merchants of London and Bristol and Plymouth found their activities resented and their efforts blocked and thwarted59.
All commerce with the dominions60 of the King of Spain was carried on with the greatest difficulty. "Our necessitie of oiles and colours for our clothinge trade being so greate," pointed out Hakluyt, "he may arreste almoste the one halfe of our navye, our traficque and recourse beinge so greate in his dominions." The rich trade with the Far East was seriously hampered62 by the Turks, through whose territories it had to pass, and often a heavy tribute was laid upon it by the Sultan and his minions61. Even after the merchants had succeeded in lading their vessels in the eastern Mediterranean63 with goods from the Orient, they still had to run the gauntlet of the hostile Powers who infested64 that sea. If they escaped the Knights65 of Malta, they might be captured by the corsairs of Algeria or Tripoli.
[13]
The trade with France had also declined greatly during the closing years of the Sixteenth century. Not only had the religious wars proved a tremendous obstacle, but the government at Paris discriminated66 against the woolens from England by means of custom duties, while the French workmen were themselves manufacturing cloth of excellent quality in larger amounts than had hitherto been thought possible. In the Low Countries the long and bitter struggle of the people against the bloody67 bands of Alva had wrought such destruction and had so ruined industry that all foreign commerce had greatly declined.[1-9]
There can be no surprise, then, that many English economists felt that a crisis had been reached, that nothing save the immediate68 establishment of colonies would prevent disaster. With the woolen12 industry declining, with the shipbuilding centres almost idle, with able mariners deserting the service, with the foreign market gradually closing to English wares69, with the country overrun with idle and starving laborers71, with some of her chief natural resources nearly exhausted72 and the trade by which her needs were replenished73 in constant danger, England turned to America as her hope for salvation74. Upon securing a foothold in the New World, hitherto monopolized75 by Spain and Portugal, depended Albion's future greatness and prosperity.
It is this which gave to the London Company its national character, and made its efforts to establish a colony across the Atlantic a crusade, a movement in which every Englishman was vitally concerned. The great lords and wealthy merchants who comprised the Company knew well enough that there was little hope of immediate returns upon the money they subscribed76 so liberally. They expected to receive their reward in another way, in the revival77 of English industrial life and the restoration of English economic independence. It is a singular[14] perversion78 of history, an inaccurate79 interpretation80 of men and events, which for so many years beclouded our conception of the beginning of the British colonial empire. The settlement at Jamestown was not the product of a selfish, private venture, but the fruition of long years of thought and endeavor, long years of pleading with the English public, of the conscious and deliberate efforts of the nation to expand to the New World, to break the bonds of economic dependence46 and to restore to England the place in the world which rightfully was hers.
In addition to, but closely associated with, the economic causes of Anglo-Saxon expansion was the realization81 in England of the need for prompt action in putting a limit to the growing domains82 of the King of Spain. In the century which had elapsed since Columbus opened a new world to the peoples of Europe, this monarch83 had seized the richest part of the great prize, and was still reaching forward to the north and to the south. Unless England took advantage of the present opportunity, the vast American continents might be closed to her forever. Anglo-Saxon civilization in that case might well remain permanently84 cooped up in the little island that had seen its inception85, while the Spanish language and Spanish institutions expanded to embrace the garden spots of the world.[1-10]
There were still other motives86 for this great movement. The English felt the prime necessity of discovering and controlling a new route to the East, they wished to expand the influence of the Anglican church and convert the Indians, they hoped to seize and fortify87 strategic points in America which would aid them in their struggles with the Spaniards. But these things, important as they were, paled beside the pressing necessity of national expansion, of rehabilitating88 English industrial life, restoring the merchant marine and securing economic independence.
[15]
Thus, when Captain Newport returned in 1607 to report that the colony of Virginia had been safely launched, many Englishmen were aroused to a high pitch of hope and expectation. Now at last a province had been secured which could supply the raw materials which England so greatly needed. The active supporters of the undertaking89 were lavish90 in their promises. Virginia would yield better and cheaper timber for shipping than Prussia or Poland, she would furnish potash in abundance, and since wood could there be had for the cutting, her copper and iron ore could be smelted91 on the spot. Wine could be made there, as excellent as that of the Canaries, they boasted, while it was hoped soon to manufacture silk rivalling in fineness that of Persia or of Turkey. The waters of the colony were full of "Sturgion, Caviare and new land fish of the best," her fields could produce hemp29 for cordage and flax for linen92. As for pitch, tar, turpentine and boards, there was a certainty of a rich return.[1-11] In February 1608, the Council of Virginia wrote to the corporation of Plymouth: "The staple93 and certain Comodities we have are Soap-ashes, pitch, tar, dyes of sundry94 sorts and rich values, timber for all uses, fishing for sturgeon and divers95 other sorts ... making of Glass and Iron, and no improbable hope of richer mines."[1-12]
And no sooner had the infant colony been established than the Company turned with enthusiasm to the production of these highly desired commodities. A number of foreigners, Dutchmen and Poles skilled in the manufacture of ship-stores, were sent over to make a start with pitch, tar, turpentine and potash. They were to act as instructors96, also, and it was expected that within a few years the Virginia forests would be filled with workers in these trades. Unfortunately their efforts met with ill success, and save for a few small samples of pitch and tar which were sent to England, nothing of value was produced.
[16]
For this failure the reason is apparent. All the able economists and statesmen who had predicted that the colony would become an industrial center had overlooked one vitally important factor—the lack of cheap labor70. No matter how rich in natural resources, Virginia could not hope to compete with the long-established industries of Europe and Asia, because she lacked the abundant population requisite97 to success. It had been imagined by Hakluyt and others that the colony could avail herself of the surplus population of England, could drain off the upper stratum98 of the idle and unemployed99. What more feasible than to set these men to work in the forests of the New World to produce the raw materials the want of which was responsible for unemployment in England itself!
But the voyage across the Atlantic was so long and costly, that it proved impossible to transport in any reasonable length of time enough workers to Virginia to supply her needs. And the few thousand that came over in the early years of the Seventeenth century were in such great demand that they could secure wages several times higher than those in vogue100 throughout Europe. Thus the London Company, from the very outset, found itself face to face with a difficulty which it could never surmount101. Virginia could not compete with the ship-stores of the Baltic nations because her labor, when indeed it was found possible to secure labor at all, was far more expensive than that of Poland or Sweden or Russia. It mattered not that the Company sent over indentured102 servants, bound by their contracts to work for a certain number of years; the effect was the same. The cost of transportation swallowed up the profits from the servant's labor, when that labor was expended103 upon industries which had to face the competition of the cheap workers of the Old World.
It speaks well for the acumen104 of Captain John Smith that[17] he seems to have been the first to grasp clearly this truth. He wrote that the workingmen had made a beginning of "Pitch and Tarre, Glass, Sope-ashes and Clapboard," but that little had been accomplished105. "If you rightly consider what an infinite toyle it is in Russia and Swetland, where the woods are proper for naught106 else, and though there be the helpe both of man and beast in those ancient Common-wealths, which many a hundred years have used it, yet thousands of those poor people can scarce get necessaries to live ... you must not expect from us any such matter."[1-13]
The attempt to produce iron in Virginia was pursued even more vigorously, but with equally poor success. The early settlers, eager to assure the Company that the venture they had entered upon would soon yield a rich return, spoke107 enthusiastically of the numerous indications of the presence of iron ore. In 1609 Captain Newport brought with him to England a supply of ore from which sixteen or seventeen tons of metal were extracted of a quality equal or superior to that obtained from any European country. The iron was sold to the East India Company at the rate of ￡4 a ton.[1-14] Immediately plans were launched for taking advantage of what seemed to be a splendid opportunity. In the course of the first three years machinery108 for smelting and manufacturing iron was sent over and men were set to work to operate it. But the difficulties proved too great and ere long the attempt had to be abandoned.
The Company had no idea of relinquishing109 permanently its quest for staple commodities, however, and soon a new and far more ambitious project was set on foot for extracting the ore. The spot selected was at Falling Creek110, in the present county of Chesterfield, a few miles below the rapids of the James river. George Sandys had noted111 with satisfaction some years before that the place was in every respect suited for[18] iron smelting, for in close proximity112 to the ore was wood in abundance, stones for the construction of the furnace and deep water for transportation. To him it seemed that nature itself had selected the site and endowed it with every facility which the enterprise could require.[1-15] Here the London Company spent from ￡4,000 to ￡5,000 in a supreme113 effort to make their colony answer in some degree the expectations which had been placed in it. A Captain Blewit, with no less than 80 men, was sent over to construct the works, upon which, they declared, were fixed114 the eyes of "God, Angels and men." But Blewit soon succumbed115 to one of the deadly epidemics116 which yearly swept over the little colony, and a Mr. John Berkeley, accompanied by 20 experienced workers, came over to take his place.
At first things seem to have gone well with this ambitious venture. Soon the Virginia forests were resounding117 to the whir of the axe118 and the crash of falling trees, to the exclamations119 of scores of busy men as they extracted the ore, built their furnace and began the work of smelting. Operations had progressed so far that it was confidently predicted that soon large quantities of pig iron would be leaving the James for England, when an unexpected disaster put an abrupt120 end to the enterprise. In the terrible massacre121 of 1622, when the implacable Opechancanough attempted at one stroke to rid the country of its white invaders122, the little industrial settlement at Falling Creek was completely destroyed. The furnace was ruined, the machinery thrown into the river, the workmen butchered. This project, which had absorbed so much of the attention and resources of the Company, is said to have yielded only a shovel123, a pair of tongs124 and one bar of iron.[1-16]
The history of the attempts to establish glass works in Virginia is also a story of wasted energy and money, of final failure. The Dutch and Polish workers who came in 1608 set up a furnace at Jamestown,[1-17] but nothing more is heard[19] of them, and it is clear that they met with no success. Nor did Captain William Norton, who arrived in 1621 with a number of skilled Italian glass workers fare any better.[1-18] In 1623 George Sandys wrote: "Capt. Norton dyed with all save one of his servants, the Italians fell extremely sick yet recovered; but I conceave they would gladly make the work to appear unfeasable, that they might by that means be dismissed for England. The fier hath now been for six weeks in ye furnace and yet nothing effected. They claim that the sand will not run." Shortly after this the workmen brought matters to an end by cracking the furnace with a crowbar.[1-19]
Thus ended in complete failure the efforts of England to reap what she considered the legitimate125 fruits of this great enterprise. The day of which her farseeing publicists had dreamed had arrived; she had at last challenged the right of Spain to all North America, her sons were actually settled on the banks of the James, a beginning had been made in the work of building a colonial empire. But the hope which had so fired the mind of Hakluyt, the hope of attaining127 through Virginia British economic independence, was destined128 never to be fulfilled. However lavishly129 nature had endowed the colony with natural resources, however dense her forests, however rich her mines, however wide and deep her waterways, she could not become an industrial community. Fate had decreed for her another destiny. But England was reluctant to accept the inevitable130 in this matter. Long years after Sir Edwin Sandys and his fellow workers of the London Company had passed to their rest, we find the royal ministers urging upon the colony the necessity of producing pig iron and silk and potash, and promising131 every possible encouragement in the work. But the causes which operated to bring failure in 1610 or 1620 prevented success in 1660 and 1680. Virginia had not the abundant supply of labor essential to the[20] development of an industrial community and for many decades, perhaps for centuries, could not hope to attain126 it. Her future lay in the discovery and exploitation of one staple commodity for which she was so pre?minently adapted that she could, even with her costly labor, meet the competition of other lands. The future history of Virginia was to be built up around the Indian plant tobacco.
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1
depletion
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| n.耗尽，枯竭 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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denuded
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| adj.[医]变光的，裸露的v.使赤裸( denude的过去式和过去分词 )；剥光覆盖物 | |
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insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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impaired
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| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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tar
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| n.柏油，焦油；vt.涂或浇柏油/焦油于 | |
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resin
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| n.树脂，松香，树脂制品；vt.涂树脂 | |
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woolen
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| adj.羊毛(制)的；毛纺的 | |
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woolens
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| 毛织品，毛料织物； 毛织品，羊毛织物，毛料衣服( woolen的名词复数 ) | |
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smelt
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| v.熔解，熔炼；n.银白鱼，胡瓜鱼 | |
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smelting
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| n.熔炼v.熔炼，提炼（矿石）( smelt的现在分词 ) | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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betoken
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| v.预示 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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hemp
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| n.大麻；纤维 | |
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impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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potency
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| n. 效力，潜能 | |
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mariners
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| 海员，水手（mariner的复数形式） | |
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exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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alluring
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| adj.吸引人的，迷人的 | |
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hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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invitingly
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| adv. 动人地 | |
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48
prows
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| n.船首( prow的名词复数 ) | |
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49
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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50
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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51
vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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52
cursory
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| adj.粗略的；草率的；匆促的 | |
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53
economists
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| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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54
formulated
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| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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55
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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57
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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58
palatable
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| adj.可口的，美味的；惬意的 | |
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59
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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60
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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61
minions
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| n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 )；走狗；宠儿；受人崇拜者 | |
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62
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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63
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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infested
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| adj.为患的，大批滋生的（常与with搭配）v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 )；遍布于 | |
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65
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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66
discriminated
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| 分别，辨别，区分( discriminate的过去式和过去分词 )； 歧视，有差别地对待 | |
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67
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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68
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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69
wares
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| n. 货物, 商品 | |
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70
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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71
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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72
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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replenished
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| 补充( replenish的过去式和过去分词 )； 重新装满 | |
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74
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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75
monopolized
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| v.垄断( monopolize的过去式和过去分词 )；独占；专卖；专营 | |
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76
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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77
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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78
perversion
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| n.曲解；堕落；反常 | |
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inaccurate
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| adj.错误的，不正确的，不准确的 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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82
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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83
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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85
inception
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| n.开端，开始，取得学位 | |
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86
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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87
fortify
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| v.强化防御，为…设防；加强，强化 | |
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88
rehabilitating
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| 改造（罪犯等）( rehabilitate的现在分词 )； 使恢复正常生活； 使恢复原状； 修复 | |
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89
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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90
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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smelted
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| v.熔炼，提炼（矿石）( smelt的过去式和过去分词 )；合演( costar的过去式和过去分词 )；闻到；嗅出 | |
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92
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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94
sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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95
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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96
instructors
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| 指导者，教师( instructor的名词复数 ) | |
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97
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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98
stratum
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| n.地层，社会阶层 | |
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99
unemployed
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| adj.失业的，没有工作的；未动用的，闲置的 | |
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100
Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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101
surmount
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| vt.克服；置于…顶上 | |
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102
indentured
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| v.以契约束缚（学徒）( indenture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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104
acumen
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| n.敏锐，聪明 | |
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105
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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106
naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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107
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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108
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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109
relinquishing
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的现在分词 )； 放弃 | |
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110
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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111
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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112
proximity
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| n.接近，邻近 | |
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113
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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114
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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115
succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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116
epidemics
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| n．流行病 | |
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117
resounding
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| adj. 响亮的 | |
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118
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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119
exclamations
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| n.呼喊( exclamation的名词复数 )；感叹；感叹语；感叹词 | |
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120
abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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121
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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122
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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123
shovel
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| n.铁锨，铲子，一铲之量；v.铲，铲出 | |
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124
tongs
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| n.钳；夹子 | |
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125
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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126
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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127
attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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128
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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129
lavishly
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| adv.慷慨地，大方地 | |
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130
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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131
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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