In his gallant1 defence of the Press Bureau against overwhelming odds—few people share his admiration2 for that most unhappy institution—Sir Stanley Buckmaster denied that information was ever "kept back." So far as I know no one has ever suggested that the Press Bureau had anything to say about the circulation of official news: its unhappily directed energies seem to operate in other directions. But that it is keeping back news of the very gravest kind admits of no shadow of doubt. The official reports have assured us of late, with irritating frequency, that there is "nothin' doin'." Now and again we hear of a trench3 being heroically captured. But we hear very little of the reverse side of the picture, upon which the casualty lists, a month or six weeks later, throw such a lurid4 light.
Time and again lately we have read in the casualty lists of battalions5 losing anything from two hundred to four hundred men in killed or wounded or "missing," which means, in effect, prisoners. Even the[Pg 172] Guards, our very finest regiments6, have lost heavily in this last disagreeable fashion: other regiments have lost even more heavily. Now British soldiers do not surrender readily, and we can take it for granted that when a large number of our men are made prisoners it is not without very heavy fighting. One single daily paper recently contained the names of very nearly two thousand officers and men killed, or wounded, or missing, on certain dates in January. Where, why, or how these men were lost we do not know, and we are told absolutely nothing. The real fact is that the news is carefully concealed8 under a tiny paragraph which announces that a line of trenches9 which had been lost have been brilliantly recaptured. We are glad, of course, to learn of the success, but would it not be well for the nation to learn of the failure? Can it be supposed for an instant that the Germans do not know? Is it giving away military information of value to the enemy to publish here in Great Britain news with which they are already perfectly10 well acquainted? Is it not rather that in their anxiety to say smooth things the authorities deliberately11 suppress the news of reverses, and tell us only the story of our triumph?
The most injurious suppression of news by the Government has made its effect felt in practically every single department of our public life which has the remotest connection with the prosecution12 of the war.
Take recruiting as an example. Recruiting is mainly stimulated14, such is the curious temper of our people, either by a great victory or a great disaster. Failing one or other of these, the flow of men sinks to what we regard as "normal proportions," which means in effect that the public is[Pg 173] lukewarm on the subject. It is perfectly well known that a specially15 heroic deed of a particular regiment7 will bring to that regiment a flood of recruits, as was the case after the gallant exploit of the London Scottish had been published to the world. And what is true of the regiment, is true of the Army. Yet with all their enthusiastic advertising16 for recruits, the military authorities have neglected the quickest and easiest way of filling the ranks: instead of telling our people in bold stirring words of the heroic deeds of our individual regiments, they have, except in a few instances, fought the war with a degree of anonymity17 which may be creditable to their modesty18, but does no tribute to their intelligence.
Turn the shield to the darker side: every reverse has stimulated patriotism19 and brought more men to the colours. What, I wonder, was the value of the Scarborough raid as compared with the recruiting posters? The sense of insult bit deep, as it always does in the English mind. The Kaiser's own particular insult—his jibing20 reference to "General French's contemptible21 little Army"—probably did more to rouse the fighting blood of our men than all the German attacks. The splendid story of the retreat from Mons flushed our hearts to pride, and men poured to the colours. Is there no lesson here for the wiseacres of Whitehall? Does the knowledge that Englishmen may be led, but cannot be driven, convey nothing to them? Are they unaware22 that the Englishman is the worst servant in the world if he is not trusted, but the very best if full confidence is extended to him? Can they not see that their foolish policy of suppressing ugly facts is, day by day, breeding greater distrust and apathy23?
[Pg 174]
I confess to feeling very strongly on the Clyde strikes, which, for a wretched industrial dispute—probably engineered by German secret agents—held up war material of which we stood in the gravest need. I cannot understand how Scotsmen, belonging to a nation which has proved its glorious valour on a hundred hard-fought fields, could have ceased work when they were assured that their claims would be investigated by an impartial24 tribunal. The bare idea, to me, is as shocking as it must be to most people. And I can only hope and believe that the action the men took is mainly attributable to the simple fact that they did not understand the real gravity of the position; that they did not appreciate the desperate character of our need, and that they utterly25 failed to realise that to cease work at such a time was as truly desertion in the face of the enemy as if they had been soldiers on duty in the trenches. I confess I would rather think this than put the cause down to laziness, or lack of patriotism, or drink. But if this, indeed, be the real cause—a lack of knowledge of the essential facts of the situation—whom have we to thank? Those, surely, who have cozened a great people with fair words; those, surely, who have spoken as though our enemy were in desperate straits, that all goes well, and that the war will soon be over.
With regard to the alien peril26, it is a source of great gratification to me that His Majesty's Government have adopted my suggestion of closing the routes to Holland to all who cannot furnish to the Foreign Office guarantees of their bona fides. In my book, "German Spies in England," I suggested this course, and in addition, that the intending traveller should apply personally for a permit, that he[Pg 175] should furnish a photograph of himself, his passport, his certificate of registration27, if an alien, and two references from responsible British individuals stating the reason for the journey and the nature of the business to be transacted28. Within a fortnight of the publication of my suggestion the Government adopted it, and have established a special department at the Home Office for the purpose of interviewing all intending to leave England for Holland. The regulations are now most stringent29. And, surely, not before they were required.
Thus one step has been taken to reduce the enemy alien peril. But more remains30 to be done. If we wish to end it, once and for all, we should follow the example of our Allies, the Russians, who were well aware of the network of spies spread over their land. In Russia every German, whether naturalised or not, has been interned31, every German woman and child has been sent out of the country, and all property belonging to German companies, or individuals, has been confiscated32 for ever by the Government.
One result of this confiscation33 is that factories in first-class condition can now be purchased from the Russian Government for what the bricks are worth. In addition, there is a fine upon all persons heard speaking German in public. In the opinion of Russians, Germany was, as in England, a kind of octopus34, and now they have the opportunity they have thrown it off for ever. Why should we still pursue the policy of the kid-glove and allow the peril to daily increase when the Government could, by a stroke of the pen, end it for ever, as Russia has done?
Now there is one remedy, and only one, for the national apathy. The truth must be told, and[Pg 176] with all earnestness I beg of my readers, each as opportunity offers, to do all in his power to stimulate13 public opinion in the right direction until the demand for the truth becomes so universal, and so insistent35, that no Government in this country can afford to ignore it. Many Members of Parliament have appealed in vain; the great newspapers have fought unweariedly for the cause of honesty and common sense. The real remedy lies in the hands of the people. Democracy may not bring us unmixed blessings36, but it does, at least, mean that, in the long run, the will of the people must rule. If the people insist on the truth, the truth must be told, and in so insisting the people of England, I firmly believe, will be doing a great work for themselves, for our Empire, and for the cause of civilisation37.
They will be working for the one thing necessary above all others to hearten the strong, to strengthen the weak, to resolve the hesitation38 of the doubters, to nerve Britons as a whole for a stupendous effort which shall bring nearer, by many months, the final obliteration39 of the greatest menace which has ever confronted civilisation—the infamous40 doctrine41 that might is right, that faith and honour are but scraps42 of paper, that necessity knows no law but the law of self-interest, that the plighted43 word of a great nation can be heedlessly broken, and that the moral reprobation44 of humanity counts for nothing against material success.
THE END

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1
gallant
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adj.英勇的,豪侠的;(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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2
admiration
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n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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3
trench
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n./v.(挖)沟,(挖)战壕 | |
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lurid
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adj.可怕的;血红的;苍白的 | |
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5
battalions
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n.(陆军的)一营(大约有一千兵士)( battalion的名词复数 );协同作战的部队;军队;(组织在一起工作的)队伍 | |
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regiments
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(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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regiment
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n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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8
concealed
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a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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trenches
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深沟,地沟( trench的名词复数 ); 战壕 | |
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10
perfectly
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adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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deliberately
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adv.审慎地;蓄意地;故意地 | |
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12
prosecution
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n.起诉,告发,检举,执行,经营 | |
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13
stimulate
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vt.刺激,使兴奋;激励,使…振奋 | |
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stimulated
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a.刺激的 | |
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specially
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adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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16
advertising
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n.广告业;广告活动 a.广告的;广告业务的 | |
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17
anonymity
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n.the condition of being anonymous | |
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modesty
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n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
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patriotism
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n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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20
jibing
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v.与…一致( jibe的现在分词 );(与…)相符;相匹配 | |
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21
contemptible
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adj.可鄙的,可轻视的,卑劣的 | |
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22
unaware
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a.不知道的,未意识到的 | |
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apathy
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n.漠不关心,无动于衷;冷淡 | |
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impartial
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adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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utterly
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adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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peril
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n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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registration
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n.登记,注册,挂号 | |
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transacted
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v.办理(业务等)( transact的过去式和过去分词 );交易,谈判 | |
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stringent
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adj.严厉的;令人信服的;银根紧的 | |
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30
remains
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n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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31
interned
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v.拘留,关押( intern的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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32
confiscated
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没收,充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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33
confiscation
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n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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34
octopus
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n.章鱼 | |
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35
insistent
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adj.迫切的,坚持的 | |
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blessings
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n.(上帝的)祝福( blessing的名词复数 );好事;福分;因祸得福 | |
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civilisation
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n.文明,文化,开化,教化 | |
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hesitation
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n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
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obliteration
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n.涂去,删除;管腔闭合 | |
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40
infamous
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adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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doctrine
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n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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scraps
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油渣 | |
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43
plighted
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vt.保证,约定(plight的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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reprobation
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n.斥责 | |
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