A few curious facts have, it is true, leaked out from time to time through the columns of the newspapers, but the authorities—and more especially the Home Office, under Mr. McKenna—have been most careful to hide the true state of affairs from the public, and even to lull1 them into a false sense of security, for obvious reasons. The serious truth is that German espionage2 and treasonable propaganda have, during past years, been allowed by a slothful military administration to take root so deeply, that the authorities to-day find themselves powerless to eradicate3 its pernicious growth.
Unfortunately for myself—for by facing the British public and daring to tell them[Pg 12] the truth, I suffered considerable pecuniary4 loss—I was in 1905 the first person to venture to suggest to the authorities, by writing my forecast "The Invasion of England," the most amazing truth, that Germany was secretly harbouring serious hostile intentions towards Great Britain.
The reader, I trust, will forgive me for referring to my own personal experiences, for I do so merely in order to show that to the grievous, apathetic5 attitude of the Government of the time the present scandalous state of affairs is entirely6 due.
I had lived in Germany for a considerable period. I had travelled up and down the country; I had lived their "home life"; I had lounged in their officers' clubs; and I had indulged in the night-life of Berlin; and, further, I had kept my eyes and ears open. By this, I had gained certain knowledge. Therefore I resolved to write the truth, which seemed to me so startling.
My daring, alas7! cost me dearly. On the day prior to the publication of the book in question, Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman, then Premier8, rose in the House of Commons and—though he had never had an opportunity of seeing my work—deliberately condemned10 it, declaring that it "should never have been written" because it was calculated to create alarm. Who, among the readers of this book, would condemn9 anything he had not even seen? Now the last thing the[Pg 13] Government desired was that public attention should be drawn11 to the necessity of preparing against German aggression12.
Once the real fear of the German peril13 had taken root in our islands, there would instantly have been an irresistible14 demand that no money should be spared to equip and prepare our fighting forces for a very possible war—and then good-bye to the four-hundred-a-year payments to Members, and those vast sums which were required to bribe15 the electors with Social Reform.
In the columns of the Times I demanded by what right the Prime Minister had criticised a book which he had never even seen, and in justice to the late Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman I must here record that he apologised to me, privately16, for committing what he termed a "political error."
Political error! If there had been no further "political errors" in this dear old country of ours, we should have no war to-day.
The Government was bent17 upon suppressing the truth of my earnest appeal; hence I was held up to derision, and, in addition, denounced on all hands as a "scaremonger."
Now, at the outset, I wish to say that I am no party politician. My worst enemy could never call me that. I have never voted for a candidate in my life, for my motto has ever been "Britain for the British." My appeal to the nation was made in all honesty[Pg 14] of purpose, and in the true sense of the patriotism18 of one who probably has the ear of a wide public. The late Lord Roberts realised this. Our national hero, who, like myself, was uttering words of solemn warning, knew what pressure the Government were endeavouring to place upon me, and how they meant to crush me; therefore on November 29th, 1905, he wrote the following:—
"Speaking in the House of Lords on the 10th July, 1905, I said:—'It is to the people of the country I appeal to take up the question of the Army in a sensible practical manner. For the sake of all they hold dear, let them bring home to themselves what would be the condition of Great Britain if it were to lose its wealth, its power, its position.' The catastrophe19 that may happen if we still remain in our present state of unpreparedness is vividly20 and forcibly illustrated21 in Mr. Le Queux's new book, which I recommend to the perusal22 of every one who has the welfare of the British Empire at heart."
But alas! if the public disregarded the earnest warnings of "Bobs," it was scarcely surprising that it should disregard mine—especially after the Prime Minister had condemned me. My earnest appeal to the nation met only with jeers23 and derision, I was caricatured at the music halls, and somebody wrote a popular song which asked, "Are we Downhearted?"
Neither the British public, nor the authorities, desired the truth, and, ostrich-like,[Pg 15] buried their heads in the sand. Germany would never dare to go to war, we were told, many wiseacres adding, "Not in our time."
The violent storm of indignation sweeping24 upon my unfortunate head, I confess, staggered me. The book, which had cost me eighteen months of hard work, and a journey of ten thousand miles in a motor-car, was declared to be the exaggerated writing of a Jingo, a sensationalist, and one who desired to stir up strife25 between nations. I was both puzzled and pained.
Shortly afterwards, I met Mr. (now Lord) Haldane—then War Minister—at dinner at a country house in Perthshire, when, in his breezy way, he assured me over the dinner-table that he knew Germany and German intentions better than myself, and that there would never be war. And he waxed humorous at my expense, and scorned Lord Roberts's warnings.
The Kaiser's cleverness in ingratiating himself with certain English Statesmen, officers, and writers is really amazing, yet it was—though at that time unsuspected—part of the great German plot formed against us.
As an instance how the Emperor was cleverly misleading the British Cabinet, Lord Haldane, speaking on June 29th, 1912, at a public dinner, at which Baron26 Marschall von Bieberstein, the German Ambassador, was present, said:—
[Pg 16]
"I speak of one whom we admire in this country and regard as one of ourselves.
"He (the Kaiser) knows our language and our institutions as we do, and he speaks as we do.
"The German Emperor is something more than an Emperor—he is a man, and a great man. He is gifted by the gods with the highest gift that they can give—I use a German word to express it—Geist (spirit). He has got Geist in the highest degree. He has been a true leader of his people—a leader in spirit as well as in deed. He has guided them through nearly a quarter of a century, and preserved unbroken peace. I know no record of which a monarch27 has better cause to be proud. In every direction his activities have been remarkable28.
"He has given his country that splendid fleet that we who know about fleets admire; he has preserved the tradition of the greatest army the world has ever seen; but it is in the arts of peace that he has been equally great. He has been the leader of his people in education, and in the solution of great social questions.
"That is a great record, and it makes one feel a sense of rejoicing that the man who is associated with these things should be half an Englishman. I have the feeling very strongly that in the last few years Germany and England have become much more like each other than they used to be. It is because we have got so much like each other that a certain element of rivalry29 comes in.
"We two nations have a great common task in the world—to make the world better. It is because the German Emperor, I know, shares that conviction profoundly that it gives me the greatest pleasure to give you the toast of his name."
The Government, having sought to point the finger of ridicule30 at my first warning, must have been somewhat surprised at the[Pg 17] phenomenal success which the book in question attained31, for not only were over a million copies sold in different editions in English, but it was translated into no fewer than twenty-six languages—including Japanese—and, further, was adopted as a text-book in the German Army—though I may add that the details I gave of various vulnerable points around our coasts were so disguised as to be of little use to the enemy.
I had had a disheartening experience. Yet worse was to come.
A couple of years later, while making certain inquiries32 in Germany with a view to continuing my campaign, and my endeavour to disclose the real truth to the British public, I discovered, to my surprise, the existence of a wide-spread system of German espionage in England.
Just about that time Colonel Mark Lockwood, the Member for Epping, asked a question in the House of Commons regarding the reported presence of spies in Essex. For his pains he was, of course, like myself, promptly33 snubbed.
A week later, I ventured to declare, at a meeting in Perth, that in our midst we were harbouring a new, most dangerous, and well-organised enemy—a horde34 of German spies.
German spies in England! Who ever heard such wild rubbish! This completed the bitterness of public opinion against me. The[Pg 18] Press unanimously declared that I had spoken wilful35 untruths; my statements were refuted in leading articles, and in consequence of my endeavour to indicate a grave national peril, a certain section of the Press even went so far as to boycott36 my writings altogether! Indeed, more than one first-class London newspaper which had regularly published my novels—I could name them, but I will not—refused to print any more of my work!
I was, at the same time, inundated37 with letters from persons who openly abused me and called me a liar38, and more than one anonymous39 communication, which I have still kept, written in red ink and probably from spies themselves, for the caligraphy is distinctly foreign, threatened me with death.
Such was my reward for daring to awaken40 the country to a sense of danger. It caused me some amusement, I must confess, yet it also taught me a severe lesson—the same bitter lesson which the British public, alas! taught Lord Roberts, who was so strenuously41 endeavouring to indicate the danger of our unpreparedness. It told me one plain truth, a truth spoken in the words of the noble General himself, who, with a sigh, one day said to me, "Nothing, I fear, will arouse the public to a sense of danger until they one day awaken and find war declared."
On the day following my speech, the German Press, which published reports of it,[Pg 19] called me "the German-hater," by which epithet42 I am still known in the Fatherland. The editor of a certain London daily newspaper told me to my face: "There are no spies in England"; adding, "You are a fool to alarm the public by such a statement. Nobody believes you."
I, however, held my own views, and felt that it was my duty to act in one of two ways. Either I should place the confidential43 information and documents which I had gathered, mostly from German sources, in the hands of the Press, and thus vindicate44 myself; or give them over to the Government, and allow them to deal with them in a befitting and confidential manner. The latter attitude I deemed to be the correct one, as an Englishman—even though I have a foreign name. At the War Office the officials at first sniffed45, and then, having carefully examined the documents, saw at once that I had discovered a great and serious truth.
For this reason I have never sought, until now, to vindicate myself in the public eye; yet I have the satisfaction of knowing that from that moment, until this hour of writing, a certain nameless department, known only by a code-number,—I will refer to it as the Confidential Department,—has been unremitting in its efforts to track down German secret agents and their deadly work.
Through six years I have been intimate with its workings. I know its splendid staff,[Pg 20] its untiring and painstaking46 efforts, its thoroughness, its patriotism, and the astuteness47 of its head director, who is one of the finest Englishmen of my acquaintance.
There are men who, like myself, have since done work for it both at home and abroad, and at a considerable expenditure—patriotic men who have never asked for a single penny to cover even their expenses—men who have presented reports which have cost them long journeys abroad, many a watchful48 night, much personal danger, and considerable outlay49. Yet all the time the Home Office ridiculed50 the idea of spies, and thus misled the public.
The archives of the secret department in question, which commenced its activity after the presentation of my array of facts, would be an amazing revelation to the public, but, alas! would, if published, bring ignominy, disaster, and undying shame to certain persons among us towards whom the Kaiser, the Master-Spy, has, in the past decade, been unduly51 gracious.
I could name British spies. I could write things here, shameful52 facts, which would, like my first allegations, be scouted53 with disbelief, although I could prove them in these pages. But, as a Briton, I will not reveal facts which repose54 in those secret files, records of traitorous55 shame, of high-placed men in England who have lived for years in the enjoyment56 of generous allowances from a[Pg 21] mysterious source. To write here the truth I feel sorely tempted57, in spite of the law of libel.
But enough! We are Englishmen. Let us wipe off the past, in the hope that such traitorous acts will never be repeated, and that at last our eyes are open to the grave dangers that beset58 us.
To-day we have awakened59, and the plain truth of all for which I have contended is surely obvious to the world.
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1
lull
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| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
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espionage
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| n.间谍行为，谍报活动 | |
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3
eradicate
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| v.根除，消灭，杜绝 | |
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4
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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apathetic
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| adj.冷漠的，无动于衷的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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9
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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10
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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11
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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vividly
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| adv.清楚地，鲜明地，生动地 | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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23
jeers
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| n.操纵帆桁下部（使其上下的）索具；嘲讽( jeer的名词复数 )v.嘲笑( jeer的第三人称单数 ) | |
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24
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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28
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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30
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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31
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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32
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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33
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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36
boycott
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| n./v.(联合)抵制，拒绝参与 | |
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37
inundated
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| v.淹没( inundate的过去式和过去分词 )；（洪水般地）涌来；充满；给予或交予（太多事物）使难以应付 | |
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38
liar
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| n.说谎的人 | |
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39
anonymous
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| adj.无名的；匿名的；无特色的 | |
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40
awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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41
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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42
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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45
sniffed
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| v.以鼻吸气，嗅，闻( sniff的过去式和过去分词 )；抽鼻子（尤指哭泣、患感冒等时出声地用鼻子吸气）；抱怨，不以为然地说 | |
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46
painstaking
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| adj.苦干的；艰苦的，费力的，刻苦的 | |
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47
astuteness
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| n.敏锐；精明；机敏 | |
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48
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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49
outlay
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| n.费用，经费，支出；v.花费 | |
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50
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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52
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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53
scouted
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| 寻找，侦察( scout的过去式和过去分词 )； 物色（优秀运动员、演员、音乐家等） | |
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54
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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55
traitorous
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| adj. 叛国的, 不忠的, 背信弃义的 | |
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56
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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57
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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58
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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59
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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