The determination of the War Lord of Germany—whose preparations against Great Britain had been so slyly and so cunningly made—was at last revealed by the publication of the French Yellow Book, which disclosed that in a dispatch dated November 22nd, 1913, M. Jules Cambon, the French Ambassador in Berlin, reported a conversation between the Emperor and the King of the Belgians in the presence of General von Moltke, the chief of the General Staff. King Albert had till then believed, as most people in Great Britain had believed, that the Emperor was a friend of peace.
But at this interview King Albert, according to an excellent summary of the dispatches published in the Star, found the Emperor completely changed. He revealed himself as the[Pg 37] champion of the war party which he had hitherto held in check. King Albert learned that the Emperor had "come to think that war with France was inevitable1, and that things must come to that sooner or later." General von Moltke spoke2 to King Albert "exactly as his Sovereign." He, too, declared that "war was necessary and inevitable." He said to King Albert: "This time we must settle the business once and for all, and your Majesty3 can have no idea of the irresistible4 enthusiasm which on that day will sweep over the whole German people."
King Albert vainly protested that it was a travesty5 of the intentions of the French Government to interpret them in this fashion. He found the Emperor "over-wrought and irritable6."
M. Cambon suggested that the change in the Emperor's attitude was due to jealousy7 of the popularity of the Crown Prince, "who flatters the passions of the Pan-Germans." He also suggested that the motive8 of the conversation was to induce King Albert to oppose no resistance in the event of war. The French Ambassador warned his Government that the Emperor was familiarising himself with an order of ideas once repugnant to him. In other words, as long ago as 1913 the Kaiser was no longer working for the peace of Europe, but was already in the hands of the Prussian gang of militarists, who were working for war.
[Pg 38]
The French Yellow Book proves up to the hilt the guilt9 of Germany, in shattering the last hopes of peace at the end of July, 1914. Russia had proposed a formula for a direct agreement with Austria, but on July 30th Herr von Jagow, without consulting Austria, declared that this proposal was not acceptable. When Germany discovered that Austria was wavering and becoming more conciliatory, she threw off the mask, and suddenly hurled10 her ultimatum11 at Russia. M. Cambon reminded Herr von Jagow of his declaration that Germany would not mobilise if Russia only mobilised on the Galician frontier. What was the German Minister's reply? It was a subterfuge12. He said: "It was not a definite undertaking13." The German Government, in its White Paper, suppressed its despatches during the crucial period to Vienna. It did not publish them because, we now know, it did not dare to reveal the truth.
Germany, as I have shown, had for a long time planned the attack on France through Belgium. So long ago, indeed, as May 6th, 1913, von Moltke said: "We must begin war without waiting, in order to brutally14 crush all resistance." The evidence of the Yellow Book proves that the Emperor and his entourage had irrevocably resolved to frustrate15 all efforts of the Allies to preserve the peace of Europe. It confirms the Kaiser's secret intentions revealed in the previous chapter, and it establishes—fully and finally—[Pg 39]the guilt of the Kaiser and of the German Government.
Those British newspapers which were most active and resolute16 in keeping the country unprepared for the war that has come upon us, and which, if they had had their way, would have left us to-day almost naked to our enemies, are now suddenly rubbing their eyes, and discovering that Germany had premeditated war for quite a long time. And this is up-to-date journalism17! The public, alas18! reposed19 confidence in such journals. Happily, they do not now. What the country will never forget, if it consents to forgive, is the perversity20 with which they so long refused to look facts in the face.
It is surely a damning coincidence that when the Kaiser and von Moltke were telling King Albert that war was inevitable, was the very time chosen by the National Liberal Federation21 to demand the reduction of our Navy Estimates, and to threaten the Government with a dangerous division in the party unless the demand were complied with!
Reduction in armaments, forsooth!
The Government knew the facts, and did indeed resist the demand; but for weeks there was a crisis in the Cabinet, and even in January, 1914, as the Globe pointed22 out, a Minister took the occasion to declare that a unique opportunity had arrived for revising the scale of our expenditure23 on Armaments!
While Mr. McKenna was, as late as last[Pg 40] November, endeavouring in an outrageous24 manner to gag the Globe, and to prevent that newspaper from telling the public the truth of the spy-peril25, Lord Haldane—the scales from whose eyes regarding his friend the Kaiser appear now to have fallen—made a speech on November 25th, 1914, in the House of Lords in which he, at last, admitted the existence of spies. The following are extracts from this speech:—
"With the extraordinary intelligence system which Germany organised in this country long before the war, no doubt they had certain advantages which they ought not to have even of this kind.... If he were to harbour a suspicion it would be that the most formidable people were not aliens, but probably people of British nationality who had been suborned.... He wishes he were sure that when really valuable and dangerous pieces of information were given they were not given by people of our own nationality, but some of the information which had been given, could only have been given by people who had access to it because they were British. His belief was that we had had very little of this kind of thing, but that we had some, and that it was formidable he could not doubt. In seeking these sources of communication with the enemy it was desirable to go about the search in a scientific way, and to cast suspicion where it was most likely to be founded."
Such a contribution to the spy question was really very characteristic. It, however, came ill from one whose legal confrère was, at that moment, being referred to in the House of Commons as having a German[Pg 41] chauffeur26 who had been naturalised after the war broke out, and had gone for a holiday into Switzerland! Switzerland is a country not in the Antarctic Ocean, but right on the border of the land of the Huns in Europe, and the Lord Chief Justice, according to Mr. Asquith at the Guildhall, is in close association with Cabinet Ministers in these days of crises.
Perhaps, as a correspondent pointed out, it never struck our Lord Chancellor27 that the Lord Chief Justice's "now-British" chauffeur might—though I hope not—have gone through Switzerland into Germany, and might, if so disposed, quite innocently have related there information to which he had access, not only because he was British, but because he was in the service of a highly-placed person. Or, perhaps, he did realise it, and his reference to information given by persons of British nationality was a veiled protest against the action of some of his colleagues—against that other who also has a "now-British" chauffeur, or to a third, whose German governess, married to a German officer, left her position early in November, but has left her German maid behind her. Perhaps he did not know these things, or he would also have known that other people may have access to information, not because they are British, but because they are in the employ of British Cabinet Ministers.
Hitherto, the security of our beloved Empire had been disregarded by party[Pg 42] politicians, and their attendant sycophants28, in their frantic29 efforts to "get-on" socially, and to pile up dividends30. What did "The City" care in the past for the nation's peril, so long as money was being made?
In the many chats I had with the late Lord Roberts we deplored31 the apathy32 with which Great Britain regarded what was a serious and most perilous33 situation.
But, after all, were the British public really to blame? They are discerning and intelligent, and above all, patriotic34. Had they been told the hideous35 truth, they would have risen in their masses, and men would have willingly come forward to serve and defend their country from the dastardly intentions of our hypocritical "friends" across the North Sea, and their crafty36 Emperor of the volte-face.
It is not the fault of the British public themselves. The blame rests as an indelible blot37 upon certain members of the British Government, who now stand in the pillory38 exposed, naked and ashamed. The apologetic speeches of certain members of the Cabinet, and the subdued39 and altered tone of certain influential40 organs of the Press, are, to the thinker, all-sufficient proof.
In the insidious41 form of fiction—not daring to write fact after my bitter experiences and the seal of silence set upon my lips—I endeavoured, in my novel "Spies of the Kaiser" and other books, time after time, to warn the public of the true state of affairs which[Pg 43] was being so carefully and so foolishly hidden. I knew the truth, but, in face of public opinion, I dared not write it in other fashion.
Naturally, if the Government jeered42 at me, the public would do likewise. Yet I confess that very often I was filled with the deepest regret, and on the Continent I discussed with foreign statesmen, and with the Kings of Italy, Servia, Roumania and Montenegro in private audiences I was granted by them, what I dared not discuss in London.
Our national existence was certainly at stake. Lord Roberts knew it. He—with members of the Cabinet—had read the Kaiser's fateful words which I have here printed in the foregoing pages, and it was this knowledge which prompted him to so strenuously43 urge the peril of our unpreparedness until the outbreak of war.
The hypocrisy44 of the Kaiser is sufficiently45 revealed by the fact that two months after his declaration at the Secret Council at Potsdam he made a public speech at Strasburg on August 30th in which he assured the world that the peace of Europe was not in danger.
In the same month, however, that the German Emperor disclosed his secret intentions towards Great Britain, some important military man?uvres took place in Essex and were watched most closely by the German authorities. The spy-peril had then commenced. It would seem that the Kaiser took the keenest interest in the matter.[Pg 44] Despite the fact that there was an officially accredited46 German military attaché, a number of German agents were also present, and among the number was Count Eulenburg, a Secretary of the German Embassy in London. A military correspondent of the Daily Mail wrote that the Count's taking of notes and making of sketches47 had excited a good deal of adverse48 criticism among the British officers who were familiar with the fact. The reports of all these secret agents were apparently49 to be laid before the Kaiser, who was well aware of the significance of the operations in Essex to both the German Army and Navy.
The only organ of the Press which recognised the spy-peril in its earliest stages was the Daily Mail, which never ceased to point out the imminent50 and serious danger, and to warn the public that Germany meant us harm. Because of this open policy, it was from time to time denounced by the deluded51 public—deluded because of official lies—for what was termed its "scaremongerings." But recent events have surely shown the world that that journal spoke the open truth, while all others, and more especially a certain dear old delightful52 London daily paper, so glibly53 told us that "there will be no war with Germany," while even three days before the outbreak of war this same journal actually made a plea for "German Culture."
Culture indeed! Have not the modern Huns now revealed themselves? What must[Pg 45] readers of that paper now think? It has truly been said that the influence of the half-naked barbarians54 who swept over the Thuringian forests soon after the birth of Christianity has never been totally eradicated55. There is, au fond, an inherent brutality56 in the German character which the saving grace of the art of music has never destroyed, the brutality which caused the destruction of Louvain, of Rheims, of Ypres, of Termonde, of Malines, the wreck57 of cathedrals and churches, and the wholesale58 savage59 butchery of innocent men, women, and even tiny children.
And this is the gallant60 and "cultured" nation which has been so admired and eulogised by certain well-known papers: the nation which has so cleverly spread its spies through every phase of our national life, and made such elaborate plans for her conquest that, in her arrogance61, she has now risen to defy civilisation62.
Here is one of many equally ridiculous extracts from that same journal which pleaded for "German culture." It was published after a Zeppelin had flown 610 miles, on January 1st, 1909:
" ... as far as national danger goes, the thing is not yet within sight. 'Dirigibles' may, in the future, be useful for scouting63 and collecting intelligence when war has once begun, ... but talk about invasion by airship, or bombardment from the sky, need not, for a long time, be considered by ourselves or any other nation."
[Pg 46]
Again, a few days later, this same pro-German journal wrote:—
"It is maintained by some of our contemporaries that Germany is struggling to regain64 her position of predominance in Europe, such as she held more than thirty years ago. That is not our reading of the situation."
I will not quote more. There are dozens of such expressions of opinions in the files of that unreliable organ of "public opinion."
Where should we have been to-day, I ask, had we suffered ourselves to be led by the nose by this "patriotic" organ of the Press, which, with its sinister65 commercialism on the declaration of war, urged upon us to keep out of the fighting, and to capture the trade of our friends the Belgians, French, and Russians?
This self-proclaimed organ of "humanitarianism66" actually urged us to stand aside and make capital out of the agonies of those countries at war. I will quote the following from the article in its actual words on August the 4th—the day upon which war was declared:—
"If we remained neutral we should be, from the commercial point of view, in precisely67 the same position as the United States. We should be able to trade with all the belligerents68 (so far as the war allows of trade with them); we should be able to capture the bulk of their trade in neutral markets; we should keep our expenditure down; we should keep out of debt; we should have healthy finances."
And this same organ of humanitarianism[Pg 47] has assured us, for years, that no spies of Germany existed in England, and that war was utterly69 out of the question. And the British public have paid their half-pennies for such bamboozle70! One sighs to think of it!
Times without number—even to-day as I write—this journal has sought to ridicule71 those who attempt to tell the nation the truth concerning the underground peril existing in every part of our islands. Its motive for so doing may be left to the inquisitive72.
Probably few men have travelled so constantly up and down Europe as I have done, in search of material for my books. In the course of my wanderings, and perhaps a somewhat erratic73 life on the Continent, I have—ever since I recognised the spy-peril—made it my practice to seek out the spies of Germany, and I know a good many of them.
An incident which may interest the reader occurred on October 29th, 1914:
I was on the platform of Waterloo Station buying a paper, and chatting with the bookstall clerk, when I noticed a group of men, mostly in shabby overcoats and presenting a woebegone appearance, surrounded by a cordon74 of police in silver-trimmed helmets—county constabulary from the North. An excited crowd had surrounded them, and as I glanced across my attention was attracted by a man slightly better dressed than the others, though his well-cut grey overcoat was somewhat shabby. As his dark, narrow-set[Pg 48] eyes met mine, he lifted his grey plush hat to me, and smiled across in recognition.
For a moment I halted, puzzled. I had not realised that the group of men were prisoners. The fellow's face was familiar, and the next instant I recognised him. We had met a dozen times in various places in Europe—the last time at Salvini's, in Milan, early in the previous year. He was a well-known agent of the German General Staff, though I had never met him before on British soil.
I crossed over to him, arousing the distinct suspicion of the constables75 and the curiosity of the crowd of onlookers77.
"Of course," I said, for I could not help a grain of sympathy with him, for, usually a resident of the best hotels, he was now herded80 with the scum of his compatriots. "Well, what's the matter?"
"Matter!" he echoed. "You see! They've got me at last!"
"Speak French," I said in that language. "The police won't understand"; for the constable76 near him looked at me very suspiciously, and I had no desire to be arrested on Waterloo platform.
"Bien!" said my friend, whom I will call by his assumed name, von Sybertz, "I am arrested. It is the fortune of war! I am simply detained as an alien, and we are[Pg 49] going to Frimley, I hear. Do not say anything; do not make it worse for me. That is all I ask, M'sieur Le Queux. You know me—too well—eh?" and he grinned.
"I shall say nothing," was my reply. "But, in return, tell me what you know. Tell me quickly," I urged, for I saw that the constables were preparing to move the prisoners towards the train. "What is the position?"
"Bad. My friends are frantic," he replied. "All their plans have gone wrong. It is, I fear, our downfall. The Kaiser is mad. I have no money. I came to England in the middle of August. I have been to Portsmouth, to Rosyth, Hull82, and Liverpool; now I am deserted83. I was arrested yesterday near Manchester, though I had registered as German and thought myself safe. I was, as I have always been when in England, a teacher of languages. It covers so much," and he smiled. "Is not this meeting strange, eh? We have chatted together—and laughed together, too—in Nice, Florence, Rome—in many places. And now, monsieur, you have the laugh of me—eh? We must be beaten. Germany begins to know the truth."
"No, not the laugh," I protested. "It is, as you say, the fortune of war that you have been taken."
"Pass on, please," commanded the big constable gruffly at my elbow.
[Pg 50]
"And you?—you will say nothing? Promise me, M'sieur Le Queux," von Sybertz urged again in French.
"I have promised," was my reply. "You are arrested—for me, that is sufficient. I wish you no ill-will, though you are my enemy," I added.
"Ah, yes, you are English!" exclaimed the spy. "I knew—I have known always that the English are gentlemen. Au revoir—and a thousand thanks for your promise."
And my friend the spy—a man who, on account of his refined and gentlemanly bearing, and the money which had, for years, been at his command, was a particularly dangerous secret-agent of the Kaiser—lifted his shabby grey hat politely, and then passed dolefully on, with the big constable at his elbow, to the train which stood waiting to convey him to that barbed-wire enclosure high upon Frith Hill.
I watched him pass out of my sight, while the crowd, on their part, watched me in wonder. I knew I had aroused the suspicions of the police by speaking in a foreign tongue. That meeting had been a strangely dramatic one. In those moments there came up before me visions of past meetings. Five years before, I had first known him living in a pretty white villa84, with palms in front, on Mont Boron, outside Nice, and taking his lunch daily at the Reserve, at Beaulieu, one of the most expensive luncheon85-places in[Pg 51] Europe. I had met him in the Russie in Rome, in Doney's in Florence, and in the Pera Palace in Constantinople. He was a gay, merry companion, and half a dozen times I had been to variety theatres with him and to garish86 night-cafés afterwards. Yet I knew him to be a German international spy, and so intimate had we become that he had scarcely taken the trouble to conceal87 the fact from me.
In those few brief moments there had been enacted88 before me, at that busy London terminus, the dénouement of a great life-drama, and, as the spy disappeared, there arose before me recollections of the gay places of Europe where we had before met—the Rooms at Monte Carlo, the Casino at Trouville, and other places where he had been such a well-known figure, always exquisitely89 dressed, always the acme90 of correctness, and always a great favourite with the fair sex. What would the latter think could they see him now?
In silence and in sorrow I have watched the proceedings91 of many a German spy in this country—watched while the public have been lulled92 to slumber93 by those who rule. Ah! it has all been a fearful comedy, which has, alas! now ended in tragedy—the tragedy of our dead sons, brothers and husbands who lie in unnumbered graves in France and in Belgium.
At Rosyth, I lived in an obscure hotel in Queensferry under the name of William Kelly, enduring three weeks of wearisome idleness, boating up and down the Firth of Forth95, and watching, with interest, the movements of two Germans. They had arrived in Edinburgh from a tourist-ship which had touched at Leith. The first suspicion of them had been conveyed to me by my friend Mr. D. Thomson, proprietor96 of the Dundee Courier, and I sped north to investigate. In passing I may say that this journal was one of the first—with the Daily Mail—to point out the danger of German spies. My journey was not without result, for I waited, I watched, and I returned to the Intelligence Department with certain important details which proved to be the beginning of a long campaign. Those two Germans, unsuspicious-looking professors with gold-rimmed spectacles, were making elaborate maps. But these maps were not ordnance97 maps, but maps of our weaknesses. Our secret agents followed them to Plymouth, to Milford Haven98, to Cromarty, and afterwards on a tour through Ireland.
Surely it is betraying no confidence to say that one of our secret agents—a man whose remarkable99 career I hope to some day record in the guise100 of fiction—acted as their guide on that curious tour!
[Pg 53]
I know I have written times without number of spies in the form of fiction. Many people have asked me, "Is it true?" To such I will say that the dramas I have written, short and long, have been penned solely101 with one single purpose—in order to call public attention to our peril.
Many of the stories I have written have been based upon actual fact. Half a life spent in travelling up and down Europe has shown me most conclusively102 how cleverly Germany has, with the aid of her spies, made elaborate preparations to invade us.
So intimate have I been with Germany's secret agents that, during this last Christmas, I had the displeasure of sending Compliments of the Season to two of them!
I have dined at the Ritz in Paris on more than one occasion with the yellow-toothed old Baroness103 X——, an Austrian, high-born, smart, and covered with jewellery. With her she has usually one and sometimes two pretty "nieces," who speak French, and pose as French. Perhaps they are, but one may be forgiven if one is suspicious. The Baroness X—— always has on hand a goodly supply of these "nieces." I have met them at Doney's in Florence, at Ciro's at Monte Carlo, at Maxim's in Paris, at Shepheard's at Cairo. I have chatted with these young ladies at the Hotel Hungaria in Budapest, at the Royal at Dinard, at the Grand in Rome, and in the aviary104 at the Métropole at Brighton.[Pg 54] But these merry little "nieces" are always different! Baroness X—— and myself are in entire agreement. She knows what I know, and she sent me a Christmas card this season and dated from The Hague! She is certainly the ugliest old lady I have ever met, a figure well known in every European capital. Her speech is like the filing of brass105. As a linguist106, however, she is really wonderful. I believe she speaks every European language perfectly107, and Arabic too, for she once told me, while we were together on a steamer going down the Mediterranean108, that she was born in Smyrna, of Austrian parents.
As a spy of Germany she is unique, and I give her her due. She is amazingly clever. To my certain knowledge, she and her nieces, two years ago, while living in Nice beneath the same roof as myself, obtained through a young artillery109 officer a remarkable set of plans of the defences of the Franco-Italian frontier near the Col di Tenda. Again, I know how she and her attendant couple of "nieces" were in Ireland "on a tour" during the troubles of last year. And, further, I also know how many a military secret of our own War Office has been "collected" by one or other of those pretty cigarette-smoking flapper "nieces," with whom I, too, have smoked cigarettes and chatted in French or Italian.
How often have I seen one or other of[Pg 55] these sirens—daughters of a foreign countess as their dupes have believed them to be—driving about London in private cars or in taxis, or supping at restaurants.
On a day in last November I found one of these interesting young ladies, dark-haired and chic—Parisienne, of course—enjoying a tête-à-tête luncheon at the Hut at Wisley, on the Ripley road, her cavalier being a man in khaki. I wondered what information she was trying to obtain. Yet what could I do? How could I act, and interrupt such a perfectly innocent déjeuner à deux?
Yes, to the onlooker78 who knows, the man?uvres are all very intensely interesting, and would be most amusing, if they were not all so grimly and terribly tragic110.
And who is to blame for all this? Would it be suffered in Germany?
The law of libel, and a dozen other different Acts, are suspended over the head of the unfortunate man who dares to risk ridicule and speak the truth. Therefore, with my own personal experience of the utter incapability111 of the Commissioner112 of Metropolitan113 Police to deal with spies, or even to reply to correspondence I have addressed to his hopeless department, and to the still greater discourtesy and amazing chaos114 existing in his ruling department, the Home Office, I ask myself whether it is of any use whatever to trouble, or even exert oneself further in the matter? It is for my readers,[Pg 56] the public themselves, to demand the truth. The public are assuredly not blind to the fact that air raids have been made upon us directed by spies.
I can only address these serious words to my circle of readers throughout the Kingdom, and to make my bow, assuring them that while they were being gulled115 and bamboozled116 by those whom they have so foolishly trusted, I have, at personal loss to myself—which need not be counted—done my level best to counteract117 the evil which Germany has spread in our midst.
And my only request is that, by my works, constant and earnest as they have been, I may be judged.
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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majesty
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irresistible
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travesty
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irritable
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jealousy
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motive
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guilt
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hurled
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ultimatum
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subterfuge
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undertaking
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brutally
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frustrate
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resolute
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journalism
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alas
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reposed
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perversity
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federation
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pointed
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expenditure
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outrageous
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peril
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chauffeur
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chancellor
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sycophants
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| n.谄媚者，拍马屁者( sycophant的名词复数 ) | |
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29
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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30
dividends
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| 红利( dividend的名词复数 )； 股息； 被除数； （足球彩票的）彩金 | |
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31
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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32
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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33
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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34
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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35
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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36
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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37
blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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38
pillory
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| n.嘲弄；v.使受公众嘲笑；将…示众 | |
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39
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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40
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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41
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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42
jeered
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| v.嘲笑( jeer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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44
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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45
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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46
accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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47
sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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48
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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49
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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50
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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51
deluded
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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53
glibly
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| adv.流利地，流畅地；满口 | |
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54
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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eradicated
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| 画着根的 | |
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brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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57
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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58
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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59
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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63
scouting
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| 守候活动，童子军的活动 | |
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64
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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humanitarianism
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| n.博爱主义；人道主义；基督凡人论 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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68
belligerents
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| n.交战的一方（指国家、集团或个人）( belligerent的名词复数 ) | |
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69
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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bamboozle
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| v.欺骗，隐瞒 | |
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71
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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inquisitive
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| adj.求知欲强的，好奇的，好寻根究底的 | |
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erratic
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| adj.古怪的，反复无常的，不稳定的 | |
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74
cordon
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| n.警戒线，哨兵线 | |
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75
constables
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| n.警察( constable的名词复数 ) | |
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76
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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77
onlookers
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| n.旁观者，观看者( onlooker的名词复数 ) | |
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78
onlooker
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| n.旁观者，观众 | |
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79
recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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80
herded
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| 群集，纠结( herd的过去式和过去分词 )； 放牧； （使）向…移动 | |
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81
shrugged
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| vt.耸肩（shrug的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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82
hull
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| n.船身；(果、实等的)外壳；vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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83
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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84
villa
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| n.别墅，城郊小屋 | |
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85
luncheon
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| n.午宴，午餐，便宴 | |
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86
garish
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| adj.华丽而俗气的，华而不实的 | |
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87
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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88
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
exquisitely
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| adv.精致地；强烈地；剧烈地；异常地 | |
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90
acme
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| n.顶点，极点 | |
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91
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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92
lulled
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| vt.使镇静，使安静（lull的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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93
slumber
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| n.睡眠，沉睡状态 | |
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94
revert
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| v.恢复，复归，回到 | |
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95
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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96
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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97
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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98
haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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99
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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100
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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101
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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102
conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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103
baroness
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| n.男爵夫人，女男爵 | |
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104
aviary
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| n.大鸟笼，鸟舍 | |
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105
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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106
linguist
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| n.语言学家；精通数种外国语言者 | |
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107
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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108
Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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109
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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110
tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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111
incapability
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| n.无能 | |
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112
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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113
metropolitan
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| adj.大城市的，大都会的 | |
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114
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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115
gulled
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| v.欺骗某人( gull的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
bamboozled
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| v.欺骗，使迷惑( bamboozle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117
counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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