The information contained in the following account of the persecution1 in Switzerland, is derived2 principally from the Christian3 Spectator and the London Christian Observer.
Scarcely any country of Continental4 Europe, has excited so deep an interest in the minds of Americans, as Switzerland. Its valleys and lakes, its streams and cataracts5, its lofty mountains and the seas of ice and deserts of snow which crown their summits, have been the Ultima Thule of the traveller, from whatever land. But we have dwelt upon them from the very days of boyhood, with an interest belonging to scarcely any thing earthly, because we regarded all this magnificent and beautiful display, as the mere6 scenery and decoration of the stage, on which an important act in the great drama of liberty, was exhibited. In the christian, these magnificent objects awaken7 emotions perhaps less tumultuous, but deeper and more elevating; for it is here that another scene of that great drama was early opened, involving interests incomparably more valuable, and a struggle far more deadly, not for the civil liberty of Switzerland, but to free the world from a tyranny, in comparison with which, that of Austrian dukes was paternal8 kindness,—a despotism that held the soul itself chained to the papal throne, and assumed the triple crown of heaven and earth and hell, which its representative still wears. To the christian, the names of Tell and Winkelreid, sink into insignificance9 beside those of Zuingle and Calvin; and the war of Swiss independence scarcely deserves a thought, in comparison with that struggle[457] for the moral reformation of the world, in which these men were such distinguished10 actors, and to whose influence we ourselves owe that religious liberty, which is the most precious part of our birthright.
But it is an humbling11 reflection, that the palladium of liberty could not be kept inviolate12, even in the fastnesses of the Alps. A few years only have elapsed, since some of the fairest portions of this "land of the free," were held as conquered tributaries13 by other cantons, and were governed by a bailiff residing in his castle, and exercising a power like that of a feudal14 baron15. A considerable portion of Switzerland is still subject to an aristocracy, as absolute in its sway, and as much opposed to the extension of light and liberty, as any other branch of the holy alliance. The press is, in many cantons, under severe restrictions16, and industry and enterprise are checked by the regulations of the incorporated trades, which place the rod of oppression in the hands of ignorance and self-interest; and which bring home its influence to the work-bench of the mechanic, and too often paralyze the arm of laborious17 poverty. Within ten years, and in one of the most enlightened cantons, men and women have been arrested, and fined, and imprisoned18, in the most cruel manner, for assembling to read the word of God; have even been banished19 under pain of death, and without any passport to secure them from imprisonment21 as vagrants22 in the neighbouring countries, merely for preaching and hearing the gospel, out of the established church.
In the protestant churches of German Switzerland, the Helvetic confession23 and the Heidelberg catechism, both in the strictest sense orthodox, are recognized as standards of faith. This, however, is the only bond of union between the different portions of the Helvetic church. The spiritual concerns of each canton are under the direction of what is called the "church council," established by the government, and composed of some of its members united with some of the clergy24. This body license25, locate and pay the clergy; and form the court of appeal in the affairs of the church. A congregation have no voice in the selection of their pastor26. Baptism and confirmation27, or admission to the Lord's supper, in the established church, are required by law, as indispensable to the exercise of civil rights; and the latter ceremony is generally regarded as a mere introduction into life. In the canton of Berne, no person can enter the most menial station as a domestic, without exhibiting his certificate of communion; and so far is this from being an obsolete28 law, that we have known a person incur29 its penalty, because he delayed for a few days the exhibition of this certificate to the police. In this canton, (and we believe in most others,) no person can be excluded from the communion, except by government; and, as a necessary consequence, no discipline exists in the church. The Lord's supper is received with great regularity30 by the whole parish; and in some districts at least, the opinion prevails, that this ordinance31 is a seal of the pardon of their sins.[458]
Such is the external state of the church in German Switzerland. In regard to its spiritual condition, we have little encouraging to present. The mercenary troops which Switzerland has so long been accustomed to sell to France, Spain and Italy, have usually brought back corrupt32 principles and licentious33 habits; and the young men of patrician34 families, from whom the rulers are ultimately chosen, have been prepared, by serving as officers to these troops, to exert a baneful35 influence upon their country. Those who were destined36 to the ministry37, or to the learned professions, were accustomed to seek an education, if possible, in the German universities, where they would imbibe38 a taste for any thing but evangelical principles. Rousseau, Voltaire, and Gibbon, during their residence in Switzerland, contributed not a little to the increase of infidelity; and the French revolution seemed to sweep away the landmarks39 of religion and morality, and to banish20 whatever might have remained, of the character of Switzerland, from the portions to which its emissaries had immediate40 access.
It will not be supposed that the church escaped untainted, amidst all these causes of corruption41. The feeling which we found extensively prevalent, that it was indecorous to inquire into the opinions of the clergy and the doctrines42 actually maintained in the church, and which presented a serious obstacle to investigation44 on this subject, sufficiently45 indicates, that there is something which will not bear a comparison with the public standard. But more unequivocal evidence of the change of opinion is found in the fact, that candidates for the ministry are now only required to avow46 their belief in the new testament47, and these regulations are avowedly48 adopted, in order not to exclude those who are called "liberal" or "rational" in their opinions.
We trust indeed, that there are many thousands in Switzerland, who have not bowed the knee to Baal, in any form. We believe especially, that in the cantons of Basle, Zurich, Appenzell, and Schaffhausen, as well as Geneva and Vaud, there are many faithful ministers of the gospel. We know that in the midst of decayed churches, there are little bands, who, without separating themselves, or exciting public attention, have adopted the principles and the devotional habits of the United Brethren, or Moravians. The missionary50 seminary at Basle is a radiating point, from which divine truth is going forth51 to the ends of the earth; and there is a cluster of christian institutions around it, which are a monument of love and zeal52. Light is springing up in various directions in the midst of darkness and these first gleamings of the dawn are a sure and delightful53 presage54, that the Sun of righteousness is about to arise upon Switzerland, with healing in its beams.
For several years past, two or three of the clergy of the established church in the city of Berne, have preached the doctrines of the gospel, as exhibited in the standards of the church, with simplicity55 and faithfulness. Much interest was thus excited in a small[459] number of persons, several of whom were among the class of patricians56, and the result might be termed a little revival57. Public attention was called to it, by the change of conduct in those who were its subjects. Their consciences would no longer allow them to partake in those violations59 of the Sabbath, and those questionable60 amusements which were customary in the world around them; and they felt the need of assembling themselves for social devotion and christian intercourse61, during the week. Those who felt reproved by such conduct, spared neither censure62 nor ridicule63. The names of "priest," "methodist," "mummer," etc., were unsparingly applied64 to them; and in one instance, the windows of a person who was obnoxious65 on this account, were broken. It is but justice to the government to state, that immediate and vigorous measures were taken to repress all violence; and no one was suffered to interrupt them, so long as they continued in connexion with the established church. Much hostility66 was indeed expressed against these private assemblies; but so much patrician influence was exerted in their favour, that the government did not venture to execute the threats, sometimes thrown out, of prohibiting them. Pietism continued to increase, from the increased action produced by these social meetings; and the flame was undoubtedly67 nourished by the conversation and correspondence of pious68 British travellers, whose influence may now be traced in every part of the continent, from Calais to Naples, and exhibits one of these remarkable69 traits in the divine government, by which the seed of the word is scattered70 over the world, often by the consent of those who wish to destroy it. The wealth of the English gives them access every where. Even the court of Rome, rather than lose this source of revenue, allows heresy71 to rear its standard of rebellion on the banks of the Tiber; and the efforts of such as are piously72 disposed to spread light around them, are winked73 at, to avoid offending or alarming the national spirit, even of those who are devoted74 to the pleasures of the world.
During the year 1828, a small number of the persons who were thus awakened75, felt it their duty to separate themselves entirely76 from the established church. Their consciences were wounded by the prostitution of the ordinance of the supper, in admitting all who chose to come; since many of the openly vicious, and a multitude who had no apparent interest in religion, belonged to the number. They urged the necessity of discipline from Matt. xvi. and xviii., 1 Cor. v., etc., and maintained that that could not be deemed a church of Christ, which tolerated vice77 in its very bosom78. They felt themselves bound by the precept79, 2 Thess. iii. 6, 14, 15, and 2 John 10, 11, to withdraw from a church in which the gospel was not generally preached; and which cherished in its bosom, so many who crucified Christ afresh, and whom they considered themselves as recognizing as brethren, by partaking of the same bread and the same cup. This measure was promoted by a person who had been banished from the canton de Vaud; and who was received at Berne, under a pledge to[460] the police, that he would not speak of separation. The violation58 of this pledge led to his expulsion, which was the first act of the government on this subject. This excited no serious opposition80, since those who agreed with him in sentiment, did not approve of his violation of truth. It did not however prevent the continuance of the assemblies of separatists, and their distinct avowal81 of their sentiments; and they obtained from a member of the government belonging to the established church, the use of a room to his own house, on condition that nothing should be said there in direct promotion82 of separatism.
This decided83 course of conduct, notwithstanding many hints and threats, placed the government in an embarrassing situation. Eight years before, the canton of Vaud had treated a similar sect84 (of which indeed, some of these very individuals had been members) with great severity; but with so little effect, that their number had been constantly increasing, and their spirit had been diffused85 through a large number of the established churches; to the great annoyance86 of those who did not love the gospel. Thus warned of the danger of violent measures, and yet anxious to find reasons for expelling the leaders of the obnoxious party, they directed the superintendent87 of the police to keep them and their assemblies under constant and rigid88 inspection89; and all who were concerned with them, were watched with the same view. At the same time, one of the evangelical clergymen was sent for, and warned to alter his mode of preaching; and although he did not approve or preach separation, he was accused of contributing to the excitement of feeling, which gave rise to it, by his mode of exhibiting the doctrines of the bible. We need scarcely add, that the warning was without effect on this faithful minister of Christ.
In the year 1813, a few pious individuals began to meet in private, for the purpose of seeking and cherishing that holy truth which was banished from the public assemblies. These persons were directed by some students of theology, among whom was M. Empaytaz. The venerable company of pastors90 soon heard of these unauthorized proceedings91, and lost no time in evincing their disapprobation respecting them. M. Empaytaz, was especially marked out as the object of their displeasure; and they refused to ordain92 him, unless he would avoid every religious assembly which had not their sanction. He chose rather to incur their anathema93 than to wound his conscience, and departed from the city.
But the light had broke forth, and it was not easy again to extinguish it. The honourable94 company seem to have been extremely troubled as to the course to be pursued. To sit still, however, was to yield to the rising spirit of reformation, and they determined95 to bestir themselves. Accordingly, after due deliberation, they issued certain regulations, bearing date May 3, 1817, which they hoped would be received as articles.
These articles however, did not produce the anticipated effect. The doctrine43 of the divinity of Christ, and others equally offensive to[461] Unitarians, continued to be preached. In 1818, M. Malan, a pious orthodox divine, was deprived of his place of regent of the college; and another, M. Mejanel, was ordered to quit Geneva.
For some time, however, the individuals who retained their allegiance to the Helvetic Confession, and remained at Geneva, still held their meetings, with little other provocation96 than that of a few hard names, such as "enthusiasts," "Nazarenes," "advocates for exploded doctrines," &c., which the Unitarians, in the exuberance97 of their wit, and the overflowing98 of their liberality, had the gratification to bespatter them. These attacks produced very little impression upon the persons assailed99. The arguments next adopted, were calculated to supply the defect. About the beginning of July, 1818, the place of meeting being changed, when the persons assembled, they found a large mob prepared to insult them. These enlightened and worthy100 abettors of the reformed church of Geneva, and citizens of that free republic, assembled at the house of meeting, and vociferated amidst other expressions of hostility—we transcribe101 the words with shame and horror,—A bas Jesus Christ! A bas les Moraves! A mort, a la lanterne, &c. and pursued the obnoxious ministers as they came out, with similar cries. Neither did they stop here: their valour and zeal, as is the case with all mobs, became more impetuous as they were not resisted. "Our silence," says one who was present, "in the midst of these insults, did not satisfy them: we had to suffer menaces, maledictions; stoning through the streets, and the violation of our houses." Had not the police exerted themselves to suppress these disorders102, the consequences would probably have been still more fearful.
Persecution in the Pays de Vaud.
In the month of December, 1823, a letter was addressed by three young men, ministers of that canton, and subsequently signed by a few others, to the council of state, intimating a determination to withdraw from the established church, and requesting permission to constitute places of worship independent of it. The cause assigned was, that the Helvetic Confession had been virtually set aside, both by pastors and people; and that the discipline of the church was annihilated103. Their plan was to preach according to that Confession, and to restore the discipline.
The petition to the council of state is dated Dec. 24, 1823. The official answer bears date Jan. 15, 1824; and has all the formalities with which the spirit of intolerance and persecution generally invests itself, and is signed, Le Landamman en Charge, F. Clavel, Le Chandelier, Boisot. In this instrument, the ministers and their friends are called "Momiers;" and it is summarily decreed, that those who separate themselves from the national church shall not be tolerated; that the justices of the peace, &c. are specially49 charged instantly to dissolve their meetings, and to report their proceedings to the council of state, and every person who attends these prohibited assemblies,[462] and who has disobeyed the orders to leave them, and rendered it necessary to employ force, shall be imprisoned three days, besides the possible infliction105 of other pains and penalties; and that all persons whose measures shall have tended to gain proselytes, shall be fined 600 livres, or imprisoned two years; the same punishment to be awarded to him who furnishes a place of meeting, or who has called or directed a prohibited assembly, or who has taken any part whatever in quality of a chief or director. The above decree was accompanied by a circular, dated Jan. 16, 1824, emanating106 from the same high quarter, addressed to the justices of the peace, municipalities, &c. and conceived in the same spirit with its respectable associate.
This iniquitous107 and anti-christian enactment108 has been carried into effect in several instances. M. Charles Rochat, minister of the gospel, of the Canton de Vaud, of a respectable family, and whose brother is one of the national clergy, of the Canton, is the first on whom the severity of the law has fallen. Five persons were found seated round a table in his own house, with the bible open before them: the wife of M. Rochat, a common friend, with two of his sisters, and a young person, a stranger. This was the whole crime. M. Rochat was found guilty of reading in his own house, before his wife and four friends, a chapter of the New Testament! For this he was at first condemned109 to three year's banishment110, which, however, the tribunal of appeal reduced to one year.
Next, M. Olivier was banished for two years, by the sentence of the same law.
Like judgments111 have been pronounced against M. M. Chavannes, Juvet, and Fivas, of whom, the two former, were previously113 confined ten weeks in prison.
Two females also were banished by the judgment112 de premiere instant, of the tribunal of Orbe and Yverden, on the charge of similar meetings being held at their houses; one of whom, however, has been since acquitted114 at Lausanne, as it was proved that she lived with her mother, and consequently that it was at her house, and not at hers, that some friends, after dinner, read the bible together.
But it is not merely in the Canton de Vaud that these enormous instances of injustice115 have occurred: at Neufchatel, an act of arbitrary power has just been committed, almost incredible from its severity. An old law, long obsolete, has been discovered, which, it seems, was passed two or three hundred years back. An agriculturer has been made the first victim of its revived powers. He received into his house M. Juvet, one of the condemned ministers of the Canton de Vaud, and allowed him to administer the sacrament. For this crime he was thrown into prison for three months, and was then brought up in chains, and with a rope drawn116 tight round his neck, to receive sentence. Ten years banishment was the punishment pronounced; and that if he shall attempt to return before the expiration117 of this term, he is to be marked with a hot iron for the first offence, and for the second to be hanged. No passport was given him, so that he was left to be[463] hunted about from place to place, like the most degraded criminal. This worthy man, whose name was Maguin, has a wife and three children, for whom he has now no means of procuring118 a support. [Wilson's Tour, 2d ed. page 325.]
These atrocities119 were practised by those who claim to be the only enlightened and liberal characters of our day—by Unitarians and Socinians—by men too, whose complaints respecting bigotry120 and intolerance, have been the burden of many a long article, expressly designed to represent orthodoxy as peculiarly relentless121 and cruel.
A large number of Swiss pastors have been driven into banishment, by the inquisitorial proceedings of those who style themselves the liberal party in Switzerland. Many of the exiles are now residing in different parts of France, mostly near the frontiers of their own country—others have found a home in different parts of Switzerland.
One of them is now in that place where the wicked cease from troubling—and another seems rapidly advancing to it. M. Juvet, who signed, with two other ministers, the letter to the "Council of State," having been banished from his own canton, sought an asylum122 in another canton: this was refused. He then retired123 to Ferney Voltaire, and pursued his labors124. He was at that time weak from a pulmonary consumption; but he ventured on an excursion to L'Isle125 of Mantrichen, to visit those who were disposed to hear the word of God. "He was insulted, attacked and pursued by the populace, from town to town; and at Le Isle, where he arrived quite exhausted126, and in profuse127 perspiration128, he was thrown into a cold dungeon129, with only a chair and some chopped straw, on which to pass the night. His friends were not permitted to give him either food, fire, or clothing, and in this state he was detained fifteen hours." For two months he was confined in the prison of Yverden, under circumstances of severe illness and medical attendance was denied him. After leaving the prison, he was presently arrested and expelled the commune. Under such accumulated sufferings, nature at length gave way: he slept in the Lord; and among his last prayers were petitions for his persecutors whether the magistrates130 or the mob.
Recent information from Geneva, and the other cantons of Switzerland, inform us that the spirit of persecution is still exhibited by the liberal party in that country. Those who adhere to the Helvetic Confession, and preach conformably to the doctrines of the creed104 of the established church, are called "Momiers," "enthusiasts," and other terms equally, unkind and unchristian. The liberal, or infidel party, do not confine themselves simply to reproaches. They disturb the places of public worship—they stone the people as they return from their devotions—they arraign131 them before civil tribunals for preaching Christ and him crucified—they impose fines upon them, subject them to imprisonment, banishment, and even death itself. All this is done too, in the 19th century, and by those who claim to be the only enlightened and liberal party on the continent.
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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cataracts
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| n.大瀑布( cataract的名词复数 )；白内障 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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humbling
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| adj.令人羞辱的v.使谦恭( humble的现在分词 )；轻松打败（尤指强大的对手）；低声下气 | |
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inviolate
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| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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vagrants
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| 流浪者( vagrant的名词复数 )； 无业游民； 乞丐； 无赖 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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patrician
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| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
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baneful
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| adj.有害的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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imbibe
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| v.喝，饮；吸入，吸收 | |
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landmarks
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| n.陆标( landmark的名词复数 )；目标；（标志重要阶段的）里程碑 ~ (in sth)；有历史意义的建筑物（或遗址） | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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avow
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| v.承认，公开宣称 | |
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testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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avowedly
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| adv.公然地 | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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51
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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52
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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53
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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54
presage
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| n.预感，不祥感；v.预示 | |
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55
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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56
patricians
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| n.（古罗马的）统治阶层成员( patrician的名词复数 )；贵族，显贵 | |
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57
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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58
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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59
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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60
questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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61
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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62
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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63
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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64
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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65
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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66
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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67
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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68
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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69
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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70
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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71
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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72
piously
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| adv.虔诚地 | |
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73
winked
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| v.使眼色( wink的过去式和过去分词 )；递眼色（表示友好或高兴等）；（指光）闪烁；闪亮 | |
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74
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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76
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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77
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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78
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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precept
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| n.戒律；格言 | |
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80
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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81
avowal
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| n.公开宣称，坦白承认 | |
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82
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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83
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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84
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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85
diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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86
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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87
superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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88
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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89
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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90
pastors
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| n.（基督教的）牧师( pastor的名词复数 ) | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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ordain
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| vi.颁发命令；vt.命令，授以圣职，注定，任命 | |
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anathema
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| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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96
provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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97
exuberance
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| n.丰富；繁荣 | |
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98
overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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99
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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100
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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101
transcribe
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| v.抄写，誉写；改编(乐曲)；复制，转录 | |
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102
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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103
annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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104
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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105
infliction
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| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
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106
emanating
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的现在分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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107
iniquitous
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| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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108
enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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109
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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110
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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111
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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112
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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113
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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114
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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115
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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116
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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117
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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118
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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119
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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120
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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121
relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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122
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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123
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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124
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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125
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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126
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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127
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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128
perspiration
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| n.汗水；出汗 | |
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129
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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130
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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131
arraign
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| v.提讯；控告 | |
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