The design of those who were the primary agents in originating the causes of the French Revolution, was the utter subversion3 of the christian4 religion. Voltaire, the leader in this crusade against religion,[490] boasted that "with one hand he would pull down, what took twelve Apostles to build up." The motto on the seal of his letters was, "Crush the wretch5," having reference to Jesus Christ, and the system of religion, which he promulgated6. To effect his object he wrote and published a great variety of infidel tracts7, containing the most licentious8 sentiments and the most blasphemous9 attacks upon the religion of the Bible. Innumerable copies of these tracts were printed, and gratuitously10 circulated in France and other countries. As they were adapted to the capacity of all classes of persons, they were eagerly sought after, and read with avidity. The doctrines11 inculcated in them were subversive12 of every principle of morality and religion. The everlasting13 distinctions between virtue14 and vice15, were completely broken down. Marriage was ridiculed—obedience to parents treated as the most abject17 slavery—subordination to civil government, the most odious18 despotism—and the acknowledgement of a God, the height of folly19 and absurdity20. Deeply tinged21 with such sentiments, the revolution of 1789, found the popular mind in France prepared for all the atrocities22 which followed. The public conscience had become so perverted23, that scenes of treachery, cruelty and blood were regarded with indifference24, and sometimes excited the most unbounded applause in the spectators. Such a change had been effected in the French character, by the propagation of Infidel and Atheistical26 opinions, "that from being one of the most light hearted and kind tempered of nations," says Scott, "the French seemed upon the revolution to have been animated27, not merely with the courage, but with the rabid fury of wild beasts." When the Bastile was stormed "Fouton and Berthier, two individuals whom they considered as enemies of the people, were put to death, with circumstances of cruelty and insult fitting only at the death stake of an Indian encampment; and in imitation of literal cannibals, there were men, or rather monsters found, not only to tear asunder29, the limbs of their victims, but to eat their hearts, and drink their blood."
Croly, in his new interpretation30 of the Apocalypse, holds the following language.
The primary cause of the French revolution was the exile of Protestantism.
Its decency31 of manners had largely restrained the licentious tendencies of the higher orders; its learning had compelled the Romish Ecclesiastics32 to similar labours; and while christianity could appeal to such a church in France, the progress of the infidel writers was checked by the living evidence of the purity, peacefulness and wisdom of the Gospel. It is not even without sanction of scripture34 and history to conceive that, the presence of such a body of the servants of God was a divine protection to their country.
But the fall of the church was followed by the most palpable, immediate35, and ominous36 change. The great names of the Romish priesthood, the vigorous literature of Bossnett, the majestic37 oratory38 of Massillon,[491] the pathetic and classic elegance40 of Fenelon, the mildest of all enthusiasts41; a race of men who towered above the genius of their country and of their religion; passed away without a successor. In the beginning of the 18th century, the most profligate42 man in France was an ecclesiastic33, the Cardinal43 Dubois, prime minister to the most profligate prince in Europe, the Regent Orleans. The country was convulsed with bitter personal disputes between Jesuit and Jansenist, fighting even to mutual44 persecution upon points either beyond or beneath the human intellect. A third party stood by, unseen, occasionally stimulating45 each, but equally despising both, a potential fiend, sneering46 at the blind zealotry and miserable48 rage that were doing its unsuspected will. Rome, that boasts of her freedom from schism49 should blot50 the 18th century from her page.
The French mind, subtle, satirical, and delighting to turn even matters of seriousness into ridicule16, was immeasurably captivated by the true burlesque51 of those disputes, the childish virulence52, the extravagant53 pretensions54, and the still more extravagant impostures fabricated in support of the rival pre-eminence in absurdity; the visions of half-mad nuns55 and friars; the Convulsionaries; the miracles at the tomb of the Abbe Paris, trespasses56 on the common sense of man, scarcely conceivable by us if they had not been renewed under our eyes by popery. All France was in a burst of laughter.
In the midst of this tempest of scorn an extraordinary man arose, to guide and deepen it into public ruin, Voltaire; a personal profligate; possessing a vast variety of that superficial knowledge which gives importance to folly; frantic57 for popularity, which he solicited58 at all hazards; and sufficiently59 opulent to relieve him from the necessity of any labours but those of national undoing60. Holding but an inferior and struggling rank in all the manlier61 provinces of the mind, in science, poetry, and philosophy; he was the prince of scorners. The splenetic pleasantry which stimulates62 the wearied tastes of high life; the grossness which half concealed63 captivates the loose, without offence to their feeble decorum; and the easy brilliancy which throws what colours it will on the darker features of its purpose; made Voltaire, the very genius of France. But under this smooth and sparkling surface, reflecting like ice all the lights flung upon it, there was a dark fathomless64 depth of malignity65. He hated government; he hated morals; he hated man, he hated religion. He sometimes bursts out into exclamations66 of rage and insane fury against all that we honour as best and holiest, that sound less the voice of human lips than the echoes of the final place of agony and despair.
A tribe worthy67 of his succession, showy, ambitious, and malignant68, followed; each with some vivid literary contribution, some powerful and popular work, a new despotic of combustion69 in that mighty71 mine on which stood in thin and fatal security the throne of France. Rousseau, the most impassioned of all romancers, the great corrupter72 of the female mind. Buffon, a lofty and splendid speculator, who dazzled the whole multitude of the minor73 philosophers, and fixed74 the creed[492] of Materialism75. Moutesquieu, eminent76 for knowledge and sagacity in his "Spirit of Laws" striking all the establishments of his country into contempt; and in his "Persian Letters," levelling the same blow at her morals. D'Alembert, the first mathematician77 of his day, an eloquent78 writer, the declared pupil of Voltaire, and, by his secretary-ship of the French academy, furnished with all the facilities for propagating his master's opinions. And Diderot, the projector79 and chief conductor of the Encyclopedia80, a work justly exciting the admiration81 of Europe, by the novelty and magnificence of its design, and by the comprehensive and solid extent of its knowledge; but in its principles utterly82 evil, a condensation83 of all the treasons of the school of anarchy84, the lex scripta of the Revolution.
All those men were open infidels; and their attacks on religion, such as they saw it before them, roused the Gallican church. But the warfare85 was totally unequal. The priesthood came armed with the antiquated86 and unwieldy weapons of old controversy87, forgotten traditions and exhausted88 legends. They could have conquered them only by the bible; they fought them only with the breviary. The histories of the saints, and the wonders of images were but fresh food for the most overwhelming scorn. The bible itself, which popery has always laboured to close, was brought into the contest, and used resistlessly against the priesthood. They were contemptuously asked, in what part of the sacred volume had they found the worship of the Virgin89, of the Saints, or of the Host? where was the privilege that conferred Saintship at the hands of the pope? where was the prohibition91 of the general use of scripture by every man who had a soul to be saved? where was the revelation of that purgatory92, from which a monk93 and a mass could extract a sinner? where was the command to imprison94, torture, and slay95 men for their difference of opinion with an Italian priest and the college of cardinals96? To those formidable questions the clerics answered by fragments from the fathers, angry harangues98, and more legends of more miracles. They tried to enlist99 the nobles and the court in a crusade. But the nobles were already among the most zealous100, though secret, converts to the Encyclopedia; and the gentle spirit of the monarch101 was not to be urged into a civil war. The threat of force only inflamed102 contempt into vengeance104. The populace of Paris, like all mobs, licentious, restless, and fickle105; but beyond all, taking an interest in public matters, had not been neglected by the deep designers who saw in the quarrel of the pen the growing quarrel of the sword. The Fronde was not yet out of their minds; the barrier days of Paris; the municipal council which in 1648, had levied106 war against the government; the mob-army which had fought, and terrified that government into forgiveness; were the strong memorials on which the anarchists107 of 1793 founded their seduction. The perpetual ridicule of the national belief was kept alive among them. The populace of the provinces, whose religion was in their rosary, were prepared for rebellion by similar means and the terrible and fated visitation of France began.[493]
After passing through many scenes from the recital108 of which the mind turns away with loathing109 and disgust, the reign110 of terror commenced. Previous to this, however, there had been dreadful riots, and disorders111 in Paris. The Swiss Guards had been cut to pieces, and the king and royal family imprisoned112. The priests had nearly all perished or been banished113 from France. The national assembly was divided into desperate factions114, which often turned their arms against one another. When one party triumphed, proscription116 followed, and the guillotine was put in requisition, and blood flowed in torrents117. The grossest irreligion likewise prevailed. Leaders of the atheistical mob would extend their arms to heaven and dare a God, if he existed, to vindicate118 his insulted majesty119, and crush them with his thunderbolts. Over the entrance of their grave yards was placed this inscription120, "Death an eternal sleep." Men who dared to think differently from the dominant121 faction115, were immediately executed, in mockery, often, of all the forms of justice. The most ferocious122 of the bloody123 factions, were the jacobins, so called from their place of meeting. The leaders of this party were Danton, Robespierre, and Marat. They are thus described by Scott in his life of Napoleon.
Three men of terror, whose names will long remain, we trust, unmatched in history by those of any similar miscreants124, had now the unrivalled leading of the jacobins, and were called the Triumvirate.
Danton deserves to be named first, as unrivalled by his colleagues in talent and audacity126. He was a man of gigantic size, and possessed127 a voice of thunder. His countenance128 was that of an Ogre on the shoulders of a Hercules. He was as fond of the pleasures of vice as of the practice of cruelty; and it was said there were times when he became humanized amidst his debauchery, laughed at the terror which his furious declamation130 excited, and might be approached with safety like the Maelstrom131 at the turn of tide. His profusion132 was indulged to an extent hazardous133 to his popularity, for the populace are jealous of a lavish134 expenditure135, as raising their favourites too much above their own degree; and the charge of peculation136 finds always ready credit with them, when brought against public men.
Robespierre possessed this advantage over Danton, that he did not seem to seek for wealth, either for hoarding137 or expending138, but lived in strict and economical retirement139, to justify140 the name of the Incorruptible, with which he was honoured by his partisans141. He appears to have possessed little talent, saving a deep fund of hypocrisy142, considerable powers of sophistry143, and a cold exaggerated strain of oratory, as foreign to good taste, as the measures he recommended were to ordinary humanity. It seemed wonderful, that even the seething144 and boiling of the revolutionary cauldron should have sent up from the bottom, and long supported on the surface, a thing so miserably145 void of claims to public distinction; but Robespierre had to impose on the minds of the vulgar, and he knew how to beguile146 them, by accommodating his flattery to their passions and scale of understanding, and by acts of cunning and hypocrisy, which weigh more with the multitude[494] than the words of eloquence147, or the arguments of wisdom. The people listened as to their Cicero, when he twanged out his apostrophes of Pauvre Peuple, Peuple verteueux! and hastened to execute whatever came recommended by such honied phrases, though devised by the worst of men for the worst and most inhuman148 of purposes.
Vanity was Robespierre's ruling passion, and though his countenance was the image of his mind, he was vain even of his personal appearance, and never adopted the external habits of a sans culotte. Amongst his fellow jacobins he was distinguished149 by the nicety with which his hair was arranged and powdered; and the neatness of his dress was carefully attended to, so as to counterbalance, if possible, the vulgarity of his person. His apartments, though small, were elegant, and vanity had filled them with representations of the occupant. Robespierre's picture at length hung in one place, his miniature in another, his bust70 occupied a niche150, and on the table were disposed a few medallions exhibiting his head in profile. The vanity which all this indicated was of the coldest and most selfish character, being such as considers neglect as insult, and receives homage151 merely as a tribute; so that, while praise is received without gratitude152, it is withheld153 at the risk of mortal hate. Self-love of this dangerous character is closely allied154 with envy, and Robespierre was one of the most envious155 and vindictive156 men that ever lived. He never was known to pardon any opposition157, affront158, or even rivalry159; and to be marked in his tablets on such an account was a sure, though perhaps not an immediate sentence of death. Danton was a hero, compared with this cold, calculating, creeping miscreant125; for his passions, though exaggerated, had at least some touch of humanity, and his brutal160 ferocity was supported by brutal courage. Robespierre was a coward, who signed death-warrants with a hand that shook, though his heart was relentless161. He possessed no passions on which to charge his crimes; they were perpetrated in cold blood, and upon mature deliberation.
Marat, the third of this infernal triumvirate, had attracted the attention of the lower orders, by the violence of his sentiments in the journal which he conducted from the commencement of the revolution, upon such principles that it took the lead in forwarding its successive changes. His political exhortations163 began and ended like the howl of a blood-hound for murder; or, if a wolf could have written a journal, the gaunt and famished164 wretch could not have ravined more eagerly for slaughter165. It was blood which was Marat's constant demand, not in drops from the breast of an individual, not in puny166 streams from the slaughter of families, but blood in the profusion of an ocean. His usual calculation of the heads which he demanded amounted to two hundred and sixty thousand; and though he sometimes raised it as high as three hundred thousand, it never fell beneath the smaller number. It may be hoped, and, for the honour of human nature, we are inclined to believe, there was a touch of insanity167 in this unnatural168 strain of ferocity; and the wild and squalid features of the wretch appear to have intimated a degree of alienation169 of mind.[495] Marat was, like Robespierre, a coward. Repeatedly denounced in the Assembly, he skulked170 instead of defending himself, and lay concealed in some obscure garret or cellar, among his cut-throats, until a storm appeared, when, like a bird of ill omen171, his death-screech was again heard. Such was the strange and fatal triumvirate, in which the same degree of cannibal cruelty existed under different aspects. Danton murdered to glut172 his rage; Robespierre to avenge173 his injured vanity, or to remove a rival whom he envied! Marat, from the same instinctive174 love of blood, which induces a wolf to continue his ravage175 of the flocks long after his hunger is appeased176.
These monsters ruled France for a time with the most despotic sway. The most sanguinary laws were enacted—and the most vigilant177 system of police maintained. Spies and informers were employed—and every murmur178, and every expression unfavourable to the ruling powers was followed with the sentence of death and its immediate execution.
"Men," says Scott, "read Livy for the sake of discovering what degree of private crime might be committed under the mask of public virtue. The deed of the younger Brutus, served any man as an apology to betray to ruin and to death, a friend or a patron, whose patriotism180 might not be of the pitch which suited the time. Under the example of the elder Brutus, the nearest ties of blood were repeatedly made to give way before the ferocity of party zeal47—a zeal too often assumed for the most infamous181 and selfish purposes. As some fanatics182 of yore studied the old testament183 for the purpose of finding examples of bad actions to vindicate those which themselves were tempted184 to commit, so the republicans of France, we mean the desperate and outrageous186 bigots of the revolution, read history to justify, by classical instances, their public and private crimes. Informers, those scourges187 of a state, were encouraged to a degree scarce known in ancient Rome in the time of the emperors, though Tacitus has hurled188 his thunders against them, as the poison and pest of his time. The duty of lodging189 such informations was unblushingly urged as indispensable. The safety of the republic being the supreme190 charge of every citizen, he was on no account to hesitate in denouncing, as it was termed, any one whomsoever, or howsoever connected with him,—the friend of his counsels, or the wife of his bosom191,—providing he had reason to suspect the devoted192 individual of the crime of incivism,—a crime the more mysteriously dreadful, as no one knew exactly its nature."
In this place we shall give an account of some of the scenes to which France was subject during this awful period. In order to render the triumph complete, the leaders of the Jacobins determined193 upon a general massacre194 of all the friends of the unfortunate Louis and the constitution in the kingdom. For this purpose, suspected persons of all ranks were collected in the prisons and jails, and on the 2d of September, 1792, the work of death commenced.[496]
Massacre of Prisoners.
The number of individuals accumulated in the various prisons of Paris had increased by the arrests and domiciliary visits subsequent to the 10th of August, to about eight thousand persons. It was the object of this infernal scheme to destroy the greater part of these under one general system of murder, not to be executed by the sudden and furious impulse of an armed multitude, but with a certain degree of cold blood and deliberate investigation196. A force of armed banditti, Marsellois partly, and partly chosen ruffians of the Fauxbourgs, proceeded to the several prisons, into which they either forced their passage, or were admitted by the jailers, most of whom had been apprised197 of what was to take place, though some even of these steeled officials exerted themselves to save those under their charge. A revolutionary tribunal was formed from among the armed ruffians themselves, who examined the registers of the prison, and summoned the captives individually to undergo the form of a trial. If the judges, as was almost always the case, declared for death, their doom198, to prevent the efforts of men in despair, was expressed in the words "Give the prisoner freedom." The victim was then thrust out into the street, or yard; he was despatched by men and women, who, with sleeves tucked up, arms dyed elbow-deep in blood, hands holding axes, pikes, and sabres, were executioners of the sentence; and, by the manner in which they did their office on the living, and mangled200 the bodies of the dead, showed that they occupied the post as much from pleasure as from love of hire. They often exchanged places; the judges going out to take the executioners' duty, the executioners, with reeking201 hands, sitting as judges in their turn. Mailard, a ruffian alleged202 to have distinguished himself at the siege of the Bastile, but better known by his exploits on the march to Versailles, presided during these brief and sanguinary investigations203. His companions on the bench were persons of the same stamp. Yet there were occasions when they showed some transient gleams of humanity, and it is not unimportant to remark, that boldness had more influence on them than any appeal to mercy or compassion204. An avowed205 royalist was occasionally dismissed uninjured, while the constitutionalists were sure to be massacred. Another trait of a singular nature is, that two of the ruffians who were appointed to guard one of these intended victims home in safety, as if they were acquitted206, insisted on seeing his meeting with his family, seemed to share in the transports of the moment, and on taking leave, shook the hand of their late prisoner, while their own were clotted207 with the gore208 of his friends, and had been just raised to shed his own. Few, indeed, and brief, were these symptoms of relenting. In general, the doom of the prisoner was death, and that doom was instantly accomplished209.
In the meanwhile, the captives were penned up in their dungeons210 like cattle in a shambles211, and in many instances might, from windows which looked outwards212, mark the fate of their comrades, hear[497] their cries, and behold213 their struggles, and learn from the horrible scene, how they might best meet their own approaching fate. They observed, according to St. Meard, who, in his well-named Agony of Thirty-Six Hours, has given the account of this fearful scene, that those who intercepted214 the blows of the executioners, by holding up their hands, suffered protracted215 torment216, while those who offered no show of struggle were more easily despatched; and they encouraged each other to submit to their fate, in the manner least likely to prolong their sufferings.
Many ladies, especially those belonging to the court, were thus murdered. The Princess de Lamballe, whose only crime seems to have been her friendship for Marie Antoinette, was literally218 hewn to pieces, and her head, and that of others, paraded on pikes through the metropolis219. It was carried to the temple on that accursed weapon, the features yet beautiful in death, and the long fair curls of the hair floating around the spear. The murderers insisted that the King and Queen should be compelled to come to the window to view this dreadful trophy220. The municipal officers who were upon duty over the royal prisoners, had difficulty, not merely in saving them from this horrible inhumanity, but also in preventing their prison from being forced. Three-coloured ribbons were extended across the street, and this frail221 barrier was found sufficient to intimate that the Temple was under the safeguard of the nation. We do not read that the efficiency of the three-coloured ribbons was tried for the protection of any of the other prisoners. No doubt the executioners had their instructions where and when they should be respected.
The clergy222, who had declined the constitutional oath from pious223 scruples224, were, during the massacre, the peculiar225 objects of insult and cruelty, and their conduct was such as corresponded with their religious and conscientious226 professions. They were seen confessing themselves to each other, or receiving the confessions227 of their lay companions in misfortune, and encouraging them to undergo the evil hour, with as much calmness as if they had not been to share its bitterness. As protestants, we cannot abstractedly approve of the doctrines which render the established clergy of one country dependant228 upon the sovereign pontiff, the prince of an alien state. But these priests did not make the laws for which they suffered; they only obeyed them; and as men and christians229 we must regard them as martyrs230, who preferred death to what they considered as apostacy.
In the brief intervals232 of this dreadful butchery, which lasted four days, the judges and executioners ate, drank, and slept: and awoke from slumber233, or arose from their meal, with fresh appetite for murder. There were places arranged for the male, and for the female murderers, for the work had been incomplete without the intervention234 of the latter. Prison after prison was invested, entered, and under the same form of proceeding235 made the scene of the same inhuman butchery. The Jacobins had reckoned on making the massacre universal over France. But the example was not generally followed.[498] It required, as in the case of St. Bartholomew, the only massacre which can be compared to this in atrocity236, the excitation of a large capital, in a violent crisis, to render such horrors possible.
The community of Paris were not in fault for this. They did all they could to extend the sphere of murder. Their warrant brought from Orleans near sixty persons, including the Duke de Cosse-Brissac, De Lesart the late minister, and other royalists of distinction, who were to have been tried before the high court of that department. A band of assassins met them, by appointment of the community, at Versailles, who, uniting with their escort, murdered almost the whole of the unhappy men.
From the 2d to the 6th of September, these infernal crimes proceeded uninterrupted, protracted by the actors for the sake of the daily pay of a louis to each, openly distributed amongst them, by order of the Commune. It was either from a desire to continue as long as possible a labour so well requited237, or because these beings had acquired an insatiable lust238 of murder, that, when the jails were emptied of state criminals, the assassins attacked the Bicetre, a prison where ordinary delinquents239 were confined. These unhappy wretches240 offered a degree of resistance which cost the assailants more dear than any they had experienced from their proper victims. They were obliged to fire on them with cannon241, and many hundreds of the miserable creatures were in thus way exterminated242, by wretches worse than themselves.
No exact account was ever made of the number of persons murdered during this dreadful period; but not above two or three hundred of the prisoners arrested for state offences were known to escape, or be discharged, and the most moderate computation raises the number of those who fell to two or three thousand, though some carry it to twice the extent. Truchod announced to the Legislative243 Assembly, that four thousand had perished. Some exertion244 was made to save the lives of those imprisoned for debt, whose numbers, with those of common felons245, may make up the balance betwixt the number slain246 and eight thousand who were prisoners when the massacre began. The bodies were interred247 in heaps, in immense trenches248, prepared beforehand by order of the community of Paris; but their bones have since been transferred to the subterranean249 catacombs, which form the general charnel-house of the city. In those melancholy250 regions, while other relics251 of mortality lie exposed all around, the remains253 of those who perished in the massacres254 of September, are alone secluded255 from the eye. The vault256 in which they repose257 is closed with a screen of freestone, as if relating to crimes unfit to be thought of even in the proper abode258 of death; and which France would willingly hide in oblivion.
After this dreadful massacre, the Jacobins eagerly demanded the life of Louis XVI. He was accordingly tried by the convention and condemned260 to be beheaded.[499]
Death of Louis XVI. and other Members of the Royal Family.
On the 21st of January, 1793, Louis XVI. was publicly beheaded in the midst of his own metropolis, in the Place Louis Quinze, erected261 to the memory of his grandfather. It is possible, for the critical eye of the historian, to discover much weakness in the conduct of this unhappy monarch; for he had neither the determination to fight for his rights, nor the power of submitting with apparent indifference to circumstances where resistance inferred danger. He submitted, indeed, but with so bad a grace, that he only made himself suspected of cowardice262, without getting credit for voluntary concession263. But yet his behaviour on many trying occasions effectually vindicate him from the charge of timidity, and showed that the unwillingness264 to shed blood, by which he was peculiarly distinguished, arose from benevolence265, not from pusillanimity266.
Upon the scaffold, he behaved with the firmness which became a noble spirit, and the patience beseeming one who was reconciled to heaven. As one of the few marks of sympathy with which his sufferings were softened267, the attendance of a confessor, who had not taken the constitutional oath, was permitted to the dethroned monarch. He who undertook the honourable268 but dangerous office, was a gentleman of gifted family of Edgeworth of Edgeworthstown; and the devoted zeal with which he rendered the last duties to Louis, had like in the issue to have proved fatal to himself. As the instrument of death descended269, the confessor pronounced the impressive words,—"Son of Saint Louis, ascend270 to heaven!"
There was a last will of Louis XVI. circulated upon good authority, bearing this remarkable271 passage:—"I recommend to my son, should you have the misfortune to become king, to recollect272 that his whole faculties273 are due to the service of the public; that he ought to consult the happiness of his people, by governing according to the laws, forgetting all injuries and misfortunes, and in particular those which I may have sustained. But while I exhort162 him to govern under the authority of the laws, I cannot but add, that this will be only in his power, in so far as he shall be endowed with authority to cause right to be respected, and wrong punished; and that without such authority, his situation in the government must be more hurtful than advantageous274 to the state."
Not to mingle275 the fate of the illustrious victim of the royal family with the general tale of the sufferers under the reign of terror, we must here mention the deaths of the rest of that illustrious house, which closed for a time a monarchy276, that existing through three dynasties, had given sixty-six kings to France.
It was not to be supposed, that the queen was to be long permitted to survive her husband. She had been even more than he the object of revolutionary detestation; nay277, many were disposed to throw on Marie Antoinette, almost exclusively, the blame of those measures which they considered as counter-revolutionary.[500]
The terms of her accusation278 were too basely depraved to be even hinted at here. She scorned to reply to it, but appealed to all who had been mothers, against the very possibility of the horrors which were stated against her. The widow of a king, the sister of an emperor, was condemned to death, dragged in an open tumbril to the place of execution, and beheaded on the 16th October, 1793. She suffered death in her 39th year.
The princess Elizabeth, sister of Louis, of whom it might he said, in the words of lord Clarendon, that she resembled a chapel279 in a king's palace, into which nothing but piety280 and morality enter, while all around is filled with sin, idleness, and folly, did not, by the most harmless demeanour and inoffensive character, escape the miserable fate in which the Jacobins had determined to involve the whole family of Louis XVI. Part of the accusation redounded281 to the honour of her character. She was accused of having admitted to the apartments of the Tuilleries some of the national guards, of the section of Filles de Saint Thomas, and causing the wounds to be looked to which they had received in a skirmish with the Marsellois, immediately before the 10th of August. The princess admitted her having done so, and it was exactly in consistence with her whole conduct. Another charge stated the ridiculous accusation, that she had distributed bullets chewed by herself and her attendants, to render then more fatal, to the defenders283 of the castle of the Tuilleries; a ridiculous fable284, of which there was no proof whatever. She was beheaded in May, 1794, and met her death as became the manner in which her life had been spent.
We are weary of recounting these atrocities, as others must be of reading them. Yet it is not useless that men should see how far human nature can be carried, in contradiction to every feeling the most sacred, to every pleading, whether of justice or of humanity. The Dauphin we have already described as a promising285 child of seven years old, an age at which no offence could have been given, and from which no danger could have been apprehended286. Nevertheless, it was resolved to destroy the innocent child, and by means to which ordinary murders seem deeds of mercy.
The unhappy boy was put in charge of the most hard-hearted villain287 whom the community of Paris, well acquainted where such agents were to be found, were able to select from their band of Jacobins. This wretch, a shoemaker called Simon, asked his employers, "what was to be done with the young wolf-whelp; Was he to be slain?"—"No?"—"Poisoned?"—"No."—"Starved to death?"—"No." "What then?"—"He was to be got rid of." Accordingly, by a continuance of the most severe treatment—by beating, cold, vigils, fasts, and ill usage of every kind, so frail a blossom was soon blighted288. He died on the 8th June, 1795.
After this last horrible crime, there was a relaxation289 in favour of the daughter, and now the sole child of this unhappy house. The princess royal, whose qualities have honoured even her birth and blood, experienced[501] from this period a mitigated290 captivity291. Finally, on the 19th December, 1795, this last remaining relic252 of the family of Louis, was permitted to leave her prison and her country, in exchange for La Fayette and others, whom, on that condition, Austria delivered from captivity. She became afterwards the wife of her cousin, the duke d'Angouleme, eldest292 son of the reigning293 monarch of France, and obtained, by the manner in which she conducted herself at Bourdeaux in 1815, the highest praise for gallantry and spirit.
Dreadful scenes in La Vendée.
In La Vendée, one of the departments of France, an insurrection broke out against the Jacobinical government, in 1793.
Upwards294 of two hundred battles and skirmishes were fought in this devoted country. The revolutionary fever was in its access; the shedding of blood seemed to have become positive pleasure to the perpetrators of slaughter, and was varied295 by each invention which cruelty could invent to give it new zest296. The habitations of the Vendeans were destroyed, their families subjected to violation297 and massacre, their cattle houghed and slaughtered298, and their crops burnt and wasted. One republican column assumed and merited the name of the Infernal, by the horrid299 atrocities which they committed. At Pilau, they roasted the women and children in a heated oven. Many similar horrors could be added, did not the heart and hand recoil300 from the task. Without quoting any more special instances of horror, we use the words of a republican eye witness, to express the general spectacle presented by the theatre of public conflict.
"I did not see a single male being at the towns of St. Hermand, Chantonnay, or Herbiers. A few women alone had escaped the sword. Country-seats, cottages, habitations of whichever kind, were burnt. The herds301 and flocks were wandering in terror around their usual places of shelter, now smoking in ruins. I was surprised by night, but the wavering and dismal303 blaze of conflagration304 afforded light over the country. To the bleating305 of the terrified flocks, and bellowing306 of the terrified cattle, was joined the deep hoarse307 notes of carrion308 crows, and the yells of wild animals coming from the recesses309 of the woods to prey310 upon the carcasses of the slain. At length a distant colume of fire, widening and increasing as I approached, served me as a beacon311. It was the town of Mortagne in flames. When I arrived there, no living creatures were to be seen, save a few wretched women who were striving to save some remnants of their property from the general conflagration."—Les Memoires d'un Ancien Administrateur des Armees Republicaines.
Scenes at Marseilles and Lyons.
Marseilles, Toulon, and Lyons, had declared themselves against the Jacobin supremacy312. Rich from commerce and their maratime situation,[502] and, in the case of Lyons, from their command of internal navigation, the wealthy merchants and manufacturers of those cities foresaw the total insecurity of property, and in consequence of their own ruin, in the system of arbitrary spoliation and murder upon which the government of the Jacobins was founded. But property, for which they were solicitous313, though, if its natural force is used in time, the most powerful barrier to withstand revolution, becomes, after a certain period of delay, its helpless victim. If the rich are in due season liberal of their means, they have the power of enlisting314 in their cause, and as adherents315, those among the lower orders, who, if they see their superiors dejected and despairing, will be tempted to consider them as objects of plunder316. But this must be done early, or those who might be made the most active defenders of property, will join with such as are prepared to make a prey of it.
Marseilles showed at once her good will and her impotency of means. The utmost exertions317 of that wealthy city, whose revolutionary band had contributed so much to the downfall of the monarchy in the attack on the Tuilleries, were able to equip only a small and doubtful army of about 3000 men, who were despatched to the relief of Lyons. This inconsiderable army threw themselves into Avignon, and were defeated with the utmost ease, by the republican general Cartaux, despicable as a military officer, and whose forces would not have stood a single engaillement of Vendean sharp-shooters. Marseilles received the victors, and bowed her head to the subsequent horrors which it pleased Cartaux, with two formidable Jacobins, Barras and Ferron, to inflict318 on that flourishing city. The place underwent the usual terrors of Jacobin purifaction, and was for a time affectedly319 called "nameless commune."
Lyons made a more honourable stand. That noble city had been subjected for some time to the domination of Chalier, one of the most ferocious, and at the same time one of the most extravagantly321 absurd, of the Jacobins. He was at the head of a formidable club, which was worthy of being affiliated322 with the mother society, and ambitious of treading in its footsteps; and he was supported by a garrison323 of two revolutionary regiments324, besides a numerous artillery325, and a large addition of volunteers, amounting in all to about ten thousand men, forming what was called a revolutionary army. This Chalier, was an apostate326 priest, an atheist25, and a thorough-paced pupil in the school of terror. He had been procureur of the community, and had imposed on the wealthy citizens a tax, which was raised from six to thirty millions of livres. But blood as well as gold was his object. The massacre of a few priests and aristocrats327 confined in the fortress328 of Pierre-Scixe, was a pitiful sacrifice; and Chalier, ambitious of deeds more decisive, caused a general arrest of an hundred principal citizens, whom he destined329 as a hecatomb more worthy of the demon330 whom he served.
This sacrifice was prevented by the courage of the Lyonnois; a courage which, if assumed by the Parisians, might have prevented[503] most of the horrors which disgraced the revolution. The meditated331 slaughter was already announced by Chalier to the Jacobin club. "Three hundred heads," he said, "are marked for slaughter. Let us lose no time in seizing the members of the departmental office-bearers, the presidents and secretaries of the sections, all the local authorities who obstruct332 our revolutionary measures. Let us make one fagot of the whole, and deliver them at once to the guillotine."
But ere he could execute his threat, terror was awakened334 into the courage of despair. The citizens rose in arms and besieged335 the Hotel de Ville, in which Chalier, with his revolutionary troops, made a desperate, and for some time a successful, yet ultimately a vain defence. But the Lyonnois unhappily knew not how to avail themselves of their triumph. They were not sufficiently aware of the nature of the vengeance which they had provoked, or of the necessity of supporting the bold step which they had taken, by measures which precluded336 a compromise. Their resistance to the violence and atrocity of the Jacobins had no political character, any more than that offered by the traveller against robbers who threaten him with plunder and murder. They were not sufficiently aware, that, having done so much, they must necessarily do more. They ought, by declaring themselves royalists, to have endeavoured to prevail on the troops of Savoy, if not on the Swiss, (who had embraced a species of neutrality, which, after the 10th of August, was dishonourable to their ancient reputation,) to send in all haste, soldiery to the assistance of a city which had no fortifications or regular troops to defend it; but which possessed, nevertheless, treasures to pay their auxiliaries337, and strong hands and able officers to avail themselves of the localities of their situation, which, when well defended, are sometimes as formidable as the regular protection erected by scientific engineers.
The people of Lyons vainly endeavoured to establish a revolutionary character for themselves upon the system of Gironde; two of whose proscribed338 deputies tried to draw them over to their unpopular and hopeless cause: and they inconsistently sought protection by affecting a republican zeal, even while resisting the decrees, and defeating the troops of the Jacobins. There were undoubtedly339 many of royalist principles among the insurgents340, and some of their leaders were decidedly such; but these were not numerous or influential342 enough to establish the true principle of open resistance, and the ultimate chance of rescue, by a bold proclamation of the king's interest. They still appealed to the convention as their legitimate343 sovereign, in whose eyes they endeavoured to vindicate themselves, and at the same time tried to secure the interest of two Jacobin deputies, who had countenanced344 every violation attempted by Chalier, that they might prevail upon them to represent their conduct favourably345. Of course they had enough of promises to this effect, while Messrs. Guathier and Nioche, the deputies in question, remained in their power; promises, doubtless the more readily given, that the Lyonnois, though desirous to conciliate the favour of the convention, did not hesitate in proceeding to the punishment of the Jacobin[504] Chalier. He was condemned and executed, along with one of his principal associates, termed Reard.
To defend these vigourous proceedings346, the unhappy insurgents placed themselves under the interim347 government of a council, who, still desirous to temporize348 and maintain the revolutionary character, termed themselves "the popular and republican commission of public safety of the department of the Rhine and Loire;" a title which, while it excited no popular enthusiasm, and attracted no foreign aid, no ways soothed349, but rather exasperated350, the resentment351 of the convention, now under the absolute domination of the Jacobins, by whom every thing short of complete fraternization was accounted presumptuous352 defiance353. Those who were not with them, it was their policy to hold as their most decided341 enemies.
The Lyonnois had indeed letters of encouragement, and promised concurrence354, from several departments; but no effectual support was ever directed to their city, excepting the petty reinforcement from Marseilles, which we have seen was intercepted and dispersed355 with little trouble by the Jacobin general, Cartaux.
Lyons had expected to become the patroness and focus of an Anti-Jacobin league, formed by the great commercial towns, against Paris and the predominant part of the convention. She found herself isolated357 and unsupported, and left to oppose her own proper forces and means of defence, to an army of sixty thousand men, and to the numerous Jacobins contained within her own walls. About the end of July, after a lapse358 of an interval231 of two months, a regular blockade was formed around the city, and in the first week of August, hostilities359 took place. The besieging360 army was directed in its military character by general Kellerman, who, with other distinguished soldiers, had now began to hold an eminent rank in the republican armies. But for the purpose of executing the vengeance for which they thirsted, the Jacobins relied chiefly on the exertions of the deputies they had sent along with the commander, and especially of the representative, Dubois Crance, a man whose sole merit appears to have been his frantic Jacobinism. General Percy, formerly361 an officer in the royal service, undertook the almost hopeless task of defence, and by forming redoubts on the most commanding situations around the town, commenced a resistance against the immensely superior force of the besiegers, which was honourable if it could have been useful. The Lyonnois, at the same time, still endeavoured to make fair weather with the besieging army, by representing themselves as firm republicans. They celebrated362 as a public festival the anniversary of the 10th of August, while Dubois Crance, to show the credit he gave them for their republican zeal, fixed the same day for commencing his fire on the place, and caused the first gun to be discharged by his own concubine, a female born in Lyons. Bombs and red-hot bullets were next resorted to, against the second city of the French empire; while the besieged sustained the attack with a constancy, and on many parts repelled363 it with a courage highly honourable to their character.[505] But their fate was determined. The deputies announced to the convention their purpose of pouring their instruments of havoc364 on every quarter of the town at once, and when it was on fire in several places, to attempt a general storm. "The city," they said, "must surrender, or there shall not remain one stone upon another, and this we hope to accomplish in spite of the suggestions of false compassion. Do not then be surprised when you hear that Lyons exists no longer." The fury of the attack threatened to make good these promises.
The sufferings of the citizens became intolerable. Several quarters of the city were on fire at the same time, immense magazines were burnt to the ground, and a loss incurred365, during two night's bombardment, which was calculated at two hundred millions of livres. A black flag was hoisted366 by the besieged on the Great Hospital, as a sign that the fire of the assailants should not be directed on that asylum367 of hopeless misery368. The signal seemed only to draw the republican bombs to the spot where they could create the most frightful369 distresses370, and outrage185 in the highest degree the feelings of humanity. The devastations of famine were soon added to those of slaughter; and after two months of such horrors had been sustained, it became obvious that farther resistance was impossible.
The parylitic Couthon, with Collot D'Herbois, and other deputies were sent to Lyons by the committee of public safety, to execute the vengeance which the Jacobins demanded; while Dubois Crance was recalled, for having put, it was thought, less energy to his proceedings than the prosecution371 of the siege required. Collot D'Herbois had a personal motive372 of a singular nature for delighting in the task intrusted to him and his colleagues. In his capacity of a play-actor, he had been hissed373 from the stage at Lyons, and the door to revenge was now open. The instructions of this committee enjoined374 them to take the most satisfactory revenge for the death of Chalier and the insurrection of Lyons, not merely on the citizens, but on the town itself. The principal streets and buildings were to be levelled with the ground, and a monument erected where they stood, was to record the cause:—"Lyons rebelled against the Republic—Lyons is no more." Such fragments of the town as might be permitted to remain, were to bear the name of Ville Affranchie. It will scarce be believed that a doom like that which might have passed the lips of some eastern despot, in all the frantic madness of arbitrary power and utter ignorance, could have been seriously pronounced, and as seriously enforced, in one of the most civilized375 nations in Europe; and that to the present enlightened age, men who pretended to wisdom and philosophy, should have considered the labours of the architect as a proper subject of punishment. So it was, however; and to give the demolition376 more effect, the impotent Couthon was carried from house to house, devoting each to ruin, by striking the door with a silver hammer, and pronouncing these words—"House of a rebel. I condemn259 thee in the name of the law." Workmen followed in[506] great multitudes, who executed the sentence by pulling the house down to the foundations. This wanton demolition continued for six months, and is said to have been carried on at an expense equal to that which the superb military hospital, the Hotel des Invalides, cost its founder377, Louis XIV. But republican vengeance did not waste itself exclusively upon senseless lime and stone—it sought out sentient378 victims.
The deserved death of Chalier had been atoned379 by an apotheosis380 executed after Lyons had surrendered; but Collot D'Herbois declared that every drop of that patriotic381 blood fell as if scalding his own heart, and that the murder demanded atonement. All ordinary process, and every usual mode of execution, was thought too tardy382 to avenge the death of a Jacobin proconsul. The judges of the revolutionary commission were worn out with fatigue—the arm of the executioner was weary—the very steel of the guillotine was blunted. Collot D'Herbois devised a more summary mode of slaughter. A number of from two to three hundred victims at once were dragged from prison to the place de Baotteaux, one of the largest squares in Lyons, and there subjected to a fire of grape-shot. Efficacious as this mode of execution may seem, it was neither speedy nor merciful. The sufferers fell to the ground like singed383 flies, mutilated but not slain, and imploring384 their executioners to despatch199 them speedily. This was done with sabres and bayonets, and with such haste and zeal, that some of the jailers and assistants were slain along with those whom they had assisted in dragging to death; and the mistake was not discerned, until, upon counting the dead bodies, the military murderers found them to amount to more than the destined tale. The bodies of the dead were thrown into the Rhone, to carry news of the republican vengeance, as Collot D'Herbois expressed himself, to Toulon, then also in a state of revolt. But the sullen385 stream rejected the office imposed on it, and headed back the dead in heaps upon the banks; and the committee of Representatives was compelled at length to allow the relics of their cruelty to be interred, to prevent the risk of contagion386.
The Installation of the Goddess of Reason.
At length the zeal of the infuriated Atheists in France hurried them to the perpetration of one of the most ridiculous, and at the same time impious transactions which ever disgraced the annals of any nation. It was no less than a formal renunciation of the existence of a Supreme Being, and the installation of the Goddess of Reason, in 1793.
"There is," says Scott, "a fanaticism387 of atheism388, as well as of superstitious389 belief; and a philosopher can harbour and express as much malice390 against those who persevere391 in believing what he is pleased to denounce as unworthy of credence392, as an ignorant and bigoted393 priest can bear against a man who cannot yield faith to dogmata which he thinks insufficiently394 proved." Accordingly, the throne being[507] totally annihilated395, it appeared to the philosophers of the school of Hebert, (who was author of the most gross and beastly periodical paper of the time, called the Pere du Chene) that in totally destroying such vestiges396 of religion and public worship as were still retained by the people of France, there was room for a splendid triumph of liberal opinions. It was not enough, they said, for a regenerate397 nation to have dethroned earthly kings, unless she stretched out the arm of defiance towards those powers which superstition398 had represented as reigning over boundless399 space.
An unhappy man, named Gobet, constitutional bishop400 of Paris, was brought forward to play the principal part in the most impudent401 and scandalous farce402 ever acted in the face of a national representation.
It is said that the leaders of the scene had some difficulty in inducing the bishop to comply with the task assigned him, which, after all, he executed, not without present tears and subsequent remorse403. But he did play the part prescribed. He was brought forward in full procession, to declare to the convention, that the religion which he had taught so many years, was, in every respect, a piece of priestcraft, which had no foundation either in history or sacred truth. He disowned, in solemn and explicit404 terms, the existence of the Deity405 to whose worship he had been consecrated406, and devoted himself in future to the homage of liberty, equality, virtue, and morality. He then laid on the table his episcopal decorations, and received a fraternal embrace from the president of the convention. Several apostate priests followed the example of this prelate.
The gold and silver plate of the churches was seized upon and desecrated407, processions entered the convention, travestied in priestly garments, and singing the most profane408 hymns410; while many of the chalices411 and sacred vessels412 were applied413 by Chaumette and Hebert to the celebration of their own impious orgies. The world for the first time, heard an assembly of men, born and educated in civilization, and assuming the right to govern one of the finest of the European nations, uplift their united voice to deny the most solemn truth which man's soul receives, and renounce414 unanimously the belief and worship of a Deity. For a short time the same mad profanity continued to be acted upon.
One of the ceremonies of this insane time stands unrivalled for absurdity, combined with impiety415. The doors of the convention were thrown open to a band of musicians; preceded by whom, the members of the municipal body entered in solemn procession, singing a hymn409 in praise of liberty, and escorting, as the object of their future worship, a veiled female, whom they termed the Goddess of Reason. Being brought within the bar, she was unveiled with great form, and placed on the right hand of the president; when she was generally recognized as a dancing-girl of the opera, with whose charms most of the persons present were acquainted from her appearance on the stage, while the experience of individuals was farther extended. To this person, as the[508] fittest representative of that reason whom they worshipped the national convention of France rendered public homage.
This impious and ridiculous mummery had a certain fashion; and the installation of the Goddess of reason was renewed and imitated throughout the nation, in such places where the inhabitants desired to show themselves equal to all the heights of the revolution. The churches were, in most districts of France, closed against priests and worshippers—the bells were broken and cast into cannon—the whole ecclesiastical establishment destroyed—and the republican inscription over the cemeteries416, declaring death to be perpetual sleep, announced to those who lived under that dominion417, that they were to hope no redress418 even in the next world.
Intimately connected with these laws affecting religion, was that which reduced the union of marriage, the most sacred engagement which human beings can form, and the permanence of which leads most strongly to the consolidation419 of society, to the state of a mere28 civil contract of a transitory character, which any two persons might engage in, and cast loose at pleasure, when their taste was changed, or their appetite gratified. If fiends had set themselves to work, to discover a mode of most effectually destroying whatever is venerable, graceful420, or permanent in domestic life, and of obtaining at the same time an assurance that the mischief421 which it was their object to create should be perpetuated422 from one generation to another, they could not have invented a more effectual plan than the degradation423 of marriage into a state of mere occasional co-habitation, or licensed424 concubinage. Sophie Arnoult, an actress famous for the witty425 things she said, described the republican marriage as the sacrament of adultery.
Fall of Danton, Robespierre, Marat and other Jacobins.
These monsters fell victims by the same means they had used for the destruction of others. Marat was poignarded in 1793, by Charlotte Corday, a young female, who had cherished in a feeling between lunacy and heroism426, the ambition of ridding the world of a tyrant427. Danton was guillotined in 1794. Robespierre followed soon after. His fall is thus described by Scott in his life of Napoleon.
At length his fate urged him on to the encounter. Robespierre descended to the convention, where he had of late but rarely appeared, like the far nobler dictator of Rome; and in his case also, a band of senators was ready to poignard the tyrant on the spot, had they not been afraid of the popularity he was supposed to enjoy, and which they feared might render them instant victims to the revenge of the Jacobins. The speech which Robespierre addressed to the convention was as menacing as the first distant rustle428 of the hurricane, and dark and lurid429 as the eclipse which announces its approach. Anxious murmurs430 had been heard among the populace who filled the tribunes, or crowded the entrances of the hall of the convention, indicating that a second 31st of May (being the day on which the Jacobins[509] proscribed the Girondists) was about to witness a similar operation.
The first theme of the gloomy orator39 was the display of his own virtues431 and his services as a patriot179, distinguishing as enemies to their country all whose opinions were contrary to his own. He then reviewed successively the various departments of the government, and loaded them in turn with censure432 and contempt. He declaimed against the supineness of the committees of public safety and public security, as if the guillotine had never been in exercise; and he accused the committee of finance of having counter-revolutionized the revenues of the republic. He enlarged with no less bitterness on withdrawing the artillery-men (always violent Jacobins) from Paris, and on the mode of management adopted in the conquered countries of Belgium. It seemed as if he wished to collect within the same lists all the functionaries433 of the state, and in the same breath to utter defiance to them all.
The usual honorary motion was made to print the discourse434; but then the storm of opposition broke forth435, and many speakers vociferously436 demanded, that before so far adopting the grave inculpations which it contained, the discourse should be referred to the two committees. Robespierre in his turn, exclaimed, that this was subjecting his speech to the partial criticism and revision of the very parties whom he had accused. Exculpations and defences were heard on all sides against the charges which had been thus sweepingly437 brought forward; and there were many deputies who complained in no obscure terms of individual tyranny, and of a conspiracy438 on foot to outlaw439 and murder such part of the convention as might be disposed to offer resistance. Robespierre was but feebly supported, save by Saint Just, Couthon, and by his own brother. After a stormy debate, in which the convention were alternately swayed by their fear and their hatred440 of Robespierre, the discourse was finally referred to the committees, instead of being printed; and the haughty441 and sullen dictator saw in the open slight, thus put on his measures and opinions, the sure mark of his approaching fall.
He carried his complaints to the Jacobin Club, to repose, as he expressed it, his patriotic sorrows in their virtuous442 bosoms443, where alone he hoped to find succour and sympathy. To this partial audience he renewed, in a tone of yet greater audacity, the complaints with which he had loaded every branch of the government, and the representative body itself. He reminded those around him of various heroic eras, when their presence and their pikes had decided the votes of the trembling deputies. He reminded them of their pristine444 actions of revolutionary vigour—asked them if they had forgot the road to the convention, and concluded by pathetically assuring them, that if they forsook445 him, "he stood resigned to his fate; and they should behold with what courage he would drink the fatal hemlock446." The artist David, caught him by the hand as he closed, exclaiming, in rapture447 at his elocution, "I will drink it with thee."
The distinguished painter has been reproached, as having, on the subsequent day, declined the pledge which he seemed so eagerly to embrace.[510] But there were many of his original opinion, at the time he expressed it so boldly; and had Robespierre possessed either military talents, or even decided courage, there was nothing to have prevented him from placing himself that very night at the head of a desperate insurrection of the Jacobins and their followers448.
Payan, the successor of Hebert, actually proposed that the Jacobins should instantly march against the two committees, which Robespierre charged with being the focus of the anti-revolutionary machinations, surprise their handful of guards, and stifle449 the evil with which the state was menaced, even in the very cradle. This plan was deemed too hazardous to be adopted, although it was one of those sudden and master strokes of policy which Machiavel would have recommended. The fire of the Jacobins spent itself in tumult450, and threatening, and in expelling from the bosom of their society Collot d'Herbois, Tallien, and about thirty other deputies of the mountain party, whom they considered as specially217 leagued to effect the downfall of Robespierre, and whom they drove from their society with execration451 and even blows.
Collot d'Herbois, thus outraged452, went straight from the meeting of the Jacobins to the place where the committee of public safety was still sitting, in consultation453 on the report which they had to make to the convention the next day upon the speech of Robespierre. Saint Just, one of their number, though warmly attached to the dictator, had been intrusted by the committee with the delicate task of drawing up that report. It was a step towards reconciliation454; but the entrance of Collot d'Herbois, frantic with the insults he had received, broke off all hope of accommodation betwixt the friends of Danton and those of Robespierre. D'Herbois exhausted himself in threats against Saint Just, Couthon, and their master, Robespierre, and they parted on terms of mortal and avowed enmity. Every exertion now was used by the associated conspirators455 against the power of Robespierre, to collect and combine against him the whole forces of the convention, to alarm the deputies of the plain with fears for themselves, and to awaken333 the rage of the mountaineers, against whose throat the dictator now waved the sword, which their short sighted policy had placed in his hands. Lists of proscribed deputies were handed around, said to have been copied from the tablets of the dictator; genuine or false, they obtained universal credit and currency; and these whose names stood on the fatal scrolls456, engaged themselves for protection in the league against their enemy. The opinion that his fall could not be delayed now became general.
This sentiment was so commonly entertained in Paris on the 9th Thermidor, or 27th July, that a herd302 of about eighty victims, who were in the act of being dragged to the guillotine, were nearly saved by means of it. The people, in a generous burst of compassion, began to gather in crowds, and interrupted the melancholy procession, as if the power which presided over these hideous457 exhibitions had already been deprived of energy. But the hour was not come. The vile90 Henriot, commandant of the national guards, came up with fresh forces[511] also on the day destined to be the last of his own life, proved the means of carrying to execution this crowd of unhappy and doubtless innocent persons.
On this eventful day, Robespierre arrived in the convention, and beheld458 the mountain in close array and completely manned, while, as in the case of Catiline, the bench on which he himself was accustomed to sit, seemed purposely deserted459. Saint Just, Couthon, Le Bas (his brother-in-law,) and the younger Robespierre, were the only deputies of name who stood prepared to support him. But could he make an effectual struggle, he might depend upon the aid of the servile Barrere, a sort of Belial in the convention, the meanest, yet not the least able, amongst those fallen spirits, who, with great adroitness460 and ingenuity461, as well as wit and eloquence, caught opportunities as they arose, and was eminently462 dexterous463 in being always strong upon the strongest, and safe upon the safest side. There was a tolerably numerous party ready, in times so dangerous, to attach themselves to Barrere, as a leader who professed464 to guide them to safety if not to honour; and it was the existence of this vacillating and uncertain body, whose ultimate motions could never be calculated upon, which rendered it impossible to presage465 with assurance the event of any debate in the convention during this dangerous period.
Saint Just arose, in the name of the committee of public safety, to make, after his own manner, not theirs, a report on the discourse of Robespierre on the previous evening. He had begun a harangue97 in the tone of his patron, declaring that, were the tribune which he occupied the Tarpeian rock itself, he would not the less, placed as he stood there, discharge the duties of a patriot. "I am about," he said, "to lift the veil."—"I tear it asunder," said Tallien, interrupting him. "The public interest is sacrificed by individuals, who come hither exclusively in their own name, and conduct themselves as superior to the whole convention." He forced Saint Just from the tribune, and a violent debate ensued.
Billaud Varennes called the attention of the assembly to the sitting of the Jacobin club on the preceding evening. He declared the military force of Paris was placed under the command of Henriot, a traitor466 and a parricide467, who was ready to march the soldiers whom he commanded, against the convention. He denounced Robespierre himself as a second Catiline, artful as well as ambitious, whose system it had been to nurse jealousies468 and inflame103 dissentions in the convention, so as to disunite parties, and even individuals from each other, attack them in detail, and thus destroy those antagonists469 separately, upon whose combined and united strength he dared not have looked.
The convention echoed with applause every violent expression of the orator, and when Robespierre sprung to the tribune, his voice was drowned by a general shout of "down with the tyrant!" Tallien moved the denunciation of Robespierre, with the arrest of Henriot, his staff-officers, and of others connected with the meditated violence on the convention. He had undertaken to lead the attack upon the tyrant[512] he said, and to poignard him in the convention itself, if the members did not show courage enough to enforce the law against him. With these words he brandished470 an unsheathed poignard, as if about to make his purpose good. Robespierre still struggled hard to obtain audience, but the tribune was adjudged to Barrere; and the part taken against the fallen dictator by that versatile471 and self-interested statesman, was the most absolute sign that his overthrow472 was irrecoverable. Torrents of invective473 were now uttered from every quarter of the hall, against him whose single word was wont474 to hush475 it into silence.
This scene was dreadful; yet not without its use to those who may be disposed to look at it as an extraordinary crisis, in which human passions were brought so singularly into collision. While the vaults476 of the hall echoed with exclamations from those who had hitherto been the accomplices477, the flatterers, the followers, at least the timid and overawed assentors to the dethroned demagogue—he himself, breathless, foaming478, exhausted, like the hunter of classical antiquity479 when on the point of being overpowered and torn to pieces by his own hounds, tried in vain to raise those screech-owl notes, by which the convention had formerly been terrified and put to silence. He appealed for a hearing from the president of the assembly, to the various parties of which it was composed. Rejected by the mountaineers, his former associates, who now headed the clamour against him, he applied to the Girondists, few and feeble as they were, and to the more numerous but equally helpless deputies of the plain, with whom they sheltered. The former shook him from them with disgust, the last with horror. It was in vain he reminded individuals that he had spared their lives, while at his mercy. This might have been applied to every member in the house; to every man in France; for who was it during two years that had lived on other terms than under Robespierre's permission? and deeply must he internally have regretted the clemency480, as he might term it, which had left so many with ungashed throats to bay at him. But his agitated481 and repeated appeals were repulsed482 by some with indignation, by others with sullen, or embarrassed and timid silence.
A British historian might say, that even Robespierre ought to have been heard in his defence; and that such calmness would have done honour to the convention, and dignified483 their final sentence of condemnation484. As it was, they no doubt treated the guilty individual according to his deserts: but they fell short of that regularity486 and manly487 staidness of conduct which was due to themselves and to the law, and which would have given to the punishment of the demagogue the effect and weight of a solemn and deliberate sentence, in place of its seeming the result of the hasty and precipitate488 seizure489 of a temporary advantage.
Haste was, however, necessary, and must have appeared more so at such a crisis, than perhaps it really was. Much must be pardoned to the terrors of the moment, the horrid character of the culprit, and the necessity of hurrying to a decisive conclusion. We have been told that his last audible words, contending against the exclamations of hundreds, and the bell which the president was ringing incessantly,[513] had uttered in the highest tones which despair could give to a voice naturally shrill490 and discordant491, dwelt long on the memory, and haunted the dreams of many who heard him:—"President of assassins," he screamed, "for the last time I demand privilege of speech!" After this exertion, his breath became short and faint; and while he still uttered broken murmurs and hoarse ejaculations, the members of the mountain called out, that the blood of Danton choked his voice.
The tumult was closed by a decree of arrest against Robespierre, his brother, Couthon, and Saint Just; Le Bas was included on his own motion, and indeed could scarce have escaped the fate of his brother-in-law, though his conduct then, and subsequently, showed more energy than that of the others. Couthon hugging in his bosom the spaniel upon which he was wont to exhaust the overflowing492 of his affected320 sensibility, appealed to his decrepitude493, and asked whether, maimed of proportion and activity as he was, he could be suspected of nourishing plans of violence or ambition. "Wretch," said Legendre, "thou hast the strength of Hercules for the perpetration of crime." Dumas, president of the revolutionary tribunal, with Henriot, commandant of the national guards, and other satellites of Robespierre, were included in the doom of arrest.
The convention had declared their sitting permanent, and had taken all precautions for appealing for protection to the large mass of citizens, who, wearied out by the reign of terror, were desirous to close it at all hazards. They quickly had deputations from several of the neighbouring sections, declaring their adherence494 to the national representatives, in whose defence they were arming, and (many undoubtedly prepared beforehand) were marching in all haste to the protection of the convention. But they heard also the less pleasing tidings, that Henriot, having effected the dispersion of those citizens who had obstructed495, as elsewhere mentioned, the execution of the eighty condemned persons, and consummated496 that final act of murder, was approaching the Tuilleries, where they had held their sitting, with a numerous staff, and such of the Jacobinical forces as could hastily be collected.
Happily for the convention, this commandant of the national guards, on whose presence of mind and courage the fate of France perhaps for the moment depended, was as stupid and cowardly as he was brutally497 ferocious. He suffered himself without resistance, to be arrested by a few gens d'armes, the immediate guards of the convention, headed by two of its members, who behaved in the emergency with equal prudence498 and spirit.
But fortune, or the demon whom he had served, afforded Robespierre another chance for safety, perhaps even for empire; for moments which a man of self-possession might have employed for escape, one of desperate courage might have used for victory, which, considering the divided and extremely unsettled state of the capital, was likely to be gained by the boldest competitor.
The arrested deputies had been carried from one prison to another, all the jailers refusing to receive under their official charge Robespierre,[514] and those who had aided him in supplying their dark habitations with such a tide of successive inhabitants. At length the prisoners were secured in the office of the committee of public safety. But by this time all was in alarm amongst the commune of Paris, where Fleuriot the mayor, and Payan the successor of Hebert, convoked499 the civic500 body, despatched municipal officers to raise the city and the Fauxbourgs in their name, and caused the tocsin to be rung. Payan speedily assembled a force sufficient to liberate195 Henriot, Robespierre, and the other arrested deputies, and to carry them to the Hotel de Ville, where about two thousand men were congregated501, consisting chiefly of artillerymen, and of insurgents from the suburb of Saint Antoine, who already expressed their resolution of marching against the convention. But the selfish and cowardly character of Robespierre was unfit for such a crisis. He appeared altogether confounded and overwhelmed with what had passed and was passing around him; and not one of all the victims of the reign of terror felt its disabling influence so completely as he, the despot who had so long directed its sway. He had not, even though the means must have been in his power, the presence of mind to disperse356 money in considerable sums, which of itself would not have failed to insure the support of the revolutionary rabble502.
Meantime the convention continued to maintain the bold and commanding front which they had so suddenly and critically assumed. Upon learning the escape of the arrested deputies, and hearing of the insurrection at the Hotel de Ville, they instantly passed a decree outlawing503 Robespierre and his associates, inflicting504 a similar doom upon the mayor of Paris, the procureur, and other members of the commune, and charging twelve of their members, the boldest that could be selected, to proceed with the armed force to the execution of the sentence. The drums of the national guards now beat to arms in all the sections under authority of the convention, while the tocsin continued to summon assistance with its iron voice to Robespierre and the civic magistrates505. Every thing appeared to threaten a violent catastrophe506, until it was seen clearly that the public voice, and especially amongst the national guards, was declaring itself generally against the terrorists.
The Hotel de Ville was surrounded by about fifteen hundred men, and cannon turned upon the doors. The force of the assailants was weakest in point of number, but their leaders were men of spirit, and night concealed their inferiority of force.
The deputies commissioned for the purpose read the decree of the assembly to those whom they found assembled in front of the city hall, and they shrunk from the attempt of defending it, some joining the assailants, others laying down their arms and dispersing507. Meantime the deserted group of terrorists within conducted themselves like scorpions508, which, when surrounded by a circle of fire, are said to turn their stings on each other, and on themselves. Mutual and ferocious upbraiding509 took place among these miserable men. "Wretch, were these the means you promised to furnish?" said Payan to Henriot, whom he found[515] intoxicated510 and incapable511 of resolution or exertion; and seizing on him as he spoke512, he precipitated513 the revolutionary general from a window. Henriot survived the fall only to drag himself into a drain, in which he was afterwards discovered and brought out to execution. The younger Robespierre threw himself from the window, but had not the good fortune to perish on the spot. It seemed as if even the melancholy fate of suicide, the last refuge of guilt485 and despair, was denied to men who had so long refused every species of mercy to their fellow-creatures. Le Bas alone had calmness enough to despatch himself with a pistol shot. Saint Just, after imploring his comrades to kill him, attempted his own life with an irresolute514 hand, and failed. Couthon lay beneath the table brandishing515 a knife, with which he repeatedly wounded his bosom, without daring to add force enough to reach his heart. Their chief, Robespierre, in an unsuccessful attempt to shoot himself, had only inflicted516 a horrible fracture on his under-jaw517.
In this situation they were found like wolves in their lair518, foul519 with blood, mutilated, despairing, and yet not able to die. Robespierre lay on a table in an anti-room, his head supported by a deal box, and his hideous countenance half hidden by a bloody and dirty cloth bound round the shattered chin.
The captives were carried in triumph to the convention, who, without admitting them to the bar, ordered them, as outlaws520, for instant execution. As the fatal cars passed to the guillotine, those who filled them, but especially Robespierre, were overwhelmed with execrations from the friends and relatives of victims whom he had sent on the same melancholy road. The nature of his previous wound, from which the cloth had never been removed till the executioner tore it off, added to the torture of the sufferer. The shattered jaw dropped, and the wretch yelled aloud to the horror of the spectators. A masque taken from that dreadful head was long exhibited in different nations of Europe, and appalled521 the spectator by its ugliness, and the mixture of fiendish expression with that of bodily agony.
Thus fell Maximilian Robespierre, after having been the first person in the French republic for nearly two years, during which time he governed it upon the principles of Nero or Caligula. His elevation522 to the situation which he held, involved more contradictions than perhaps attach to any similar event in history. A low-born and low-minded tyrant was permitted to rule with the rod of the most frightful despotism a people, whose anxiety for liberty had shortly before rendered them unable to endure the rule of a humane523 and lawful524 sovereign. A dastardly coward arose to the command of one of the bravest nations in the world; and it was under the auspices525 of a man who dared scarce fire a pistol, that the greatest generals in France began their careers of conquest. He had neither eloquence nor imagination; but substituted in their stead a miserable, affected, bombastic526 style, which, until other circumstances gave him consequence, drew on him general ridicule. Yet against so poor an orator, all the eloquence of the philosophical527 Girondists, all the terrible powers of his associate Danton, employed[516] in a popular assembly, could not enable them to make an effectual resistance. It may seem trifling528 to mention, that in a nation where a good deal of prepossession is excited by amiable529 manners and beauty of external appearance, the person who ascended530 to the highest power was not only ill-looking, but singularly mean in person, awkward and constrained531 in his address, ignorant how to set about pleasing even when he most desired to give pleasure, and as tiresome532 nearly as he was odious and heartless.
To compensate533 all these deficiencies, Robespierre had but an insatiable ambition, founded on a vanity which made him think himself capable of filling the highest situation; and therefore gave him daring, when to dare is frequently to achieve. He mixed a false and overstrained, but rather fluent species of bombastic composition, with the grossest flattery to the lowest classes of the people; in consideration of which, they could not but receive as genuine the praises which he always bestowed534 on himself. His prudent535 resolution to be satisfied with possessing the essence of power, without seeming to desire its rank and trappings, formed another art of cajoling the multitude. His watchful536 envy, his long-protracted but sure revenge, his craft, which to vulgar minds supplies the place of wisdom, were his only means of competing with his distinguished antagonists. And it seems to have been a merited punishment of the extravagances and abuses of the French revolution, that it engaged the country in a state of anarchy which permitted a wretch such as we have described, to be for a long period master of her destiny. Blood was his element, like that of the other terrorists and he never fastened with so much pleasure on a new victim; as when he was at the same time an ancient associate. In an epitaph, of which the following couplet may serve as a translation, his life was represented as incompatible537 with the existence of the human race:—
"Here lies Robespierre—let no tear be shed:
Reader, if he had lived, thou hadst been dead."
The fall of Robespierre ended the "Reign of Terror." Most of the leaders who had acted a conspicuous538 part in these horrid scenes, met a doom similar to that of their leaders. It is impossible to convey to the reader any adequate conception of the atrocities committed in France during this gloomy period, in the name of liberty. Men, women, and children were involved in the massacres which took place at the instigation of the Jacobin chiefs. Hundreds of both sexes were thrown into the Loire, and this was called republican marriage and republican baptism. And it should never be forgotten, that it was not till France as a nation, had denied the existence of a Deity, and the validity of his institutions, that she was visited by such terrible calamities539. Let it be "burnt in on the memory" of every generation, that such is the legitimate tendency of infidel opinions. They first destroy the conscience—blunt the moral sense—harden the heart, and wither540 up all the social and kindly541 affections, and then their votaries542 are ripe for any deed of wickedness within the possibility of accomplishment543 by human agency.[517]
Says an eloquent writer—"When the Sabbath was abolished in France, the Mighty God whose being they had denied, and whose worship they abolished, stood aloof544 and gave them up,—and a scene of proscription, and assassination545, and desolation, ensued, unparalleled in the annals of the civilized world. In the city of Paris, there were in 1803, eight hundred and seven suicides and murders. Among the criminals executed, there were seven fathers who had poisoned their children, ten husbands who had murdered their wives, six wives who had poisoned their husbands, and fifteen children who had destroyed their parents."
It may be profitable here to record the end of several other Jacobin leaders who had been conspicuous during these scenes of atrocity and bloodshed. Public opinion demanded that some of the most obnoxious546 members should be condemned. After hesitating for some time, at length the convention, pressed by shame on the one side and fear on the other, saw the necessity of some active measure, and appointed a commission to consider and report upon the conduct of the four most obnoxious Jacobin chiefs, Collot d'Herbois, Billaud Varennes, Vadier, and Barrere. The report was of course unfavourable; yet upon the case being considered, the convention were satisfied to condemn them to transportation to Cayenne. Some resistance was offered to this sentence, so mild in proportion to what those who underwent it had been in the habit of inflicting; but it was borne down, and the sentence was carried into execution. Collot d'Herbois, the demolisher547 and depopulator of Lyons, is said to have died in the common hospital, in consequence of drinking off at once a whole bottle of ardent548 spirits. Billaud Varennes spent his time in teaching the innocent parrots of Guiana the frightful jargon549 of the revolutionary committee; and finally perished in misery.
These men both belonged to that class of atheists, who, looking up towards heaven, loudly and literally defied the Deity to make his existence known by launching his thunderbolts. Miracles are not wrought550 on the challenge of a blasphemer more than on the demand of a sceptic; but both these unhappy men had probably before their death reason to confess, that in abandoning the wicked to their own free will, a greater penalty results even in this life, than if Providence551 had been pleased to inflict the immediate doom which they had impiously defied.
Encouraged by the success of this decisive measure, the government proceeded against some of the terrorists whom they had hitherto spared, but whose fate was now determined, in order to strike dismay into their party. Six Jacobins, accounted among the most ferocious of the class, were arrested and delivered up to be tried by a military commission. They were all deputies of the mountain gang. Certain of their doom, they adopted a desperate resolution. Among the whole party, they possessed but one knife, but they resolved it should serve them all for the purpose of suicide. The instant their sentence was pronounced, one stabbed himself with this weapon; another snatched the knife from his companion's dying hand, plunged552 it in his own bosom,[518] and handed it to the third, who imitated the dreadful example. Such was the consternation553 of the attendants, that no one arrested the fatal progress of the weapon—all fell either dead or desperately554 wounded—the last were despatched by the guillotine.
After this decisive victory, and last dreadful catastrophe, Jacobinism, considered as a pure and unmixed party, can scarce be said to have again raised its head in France, although its leaven555 has gone to qualify and characterize, in some degree, more than one of the different parties which have succeeded them. As a political sect282, the Jacobins can be compared to none that ever existed, for none but themselves ever thought of an organized, regular, and continued system of murdering and plundering556 the rich, that they might debauch129 the poor by the distribution of their spoils. They bear, however, some resemblance to the frantic followers of John of Leyden and Knipperdoling, who occupied Munster in the seventeenth century, and committed, in the name of religion, the same frantic horrors which the French Jacobins did in that of freedom. In both cases, the courses adopted by these parties were most foreign to, and inconsistent with, the alleged motives557 of their conduct. The Anabaptists practised every species of vice and cruelty, by the dictates558, they said, of inspiration—the Jacobins imprisoned three hundred thousand of their countrymen in the name of liberty, and put to death more than half the number, under the sanction of fraternity.
The End
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1 sketch | |
n.草图;梗概;素描;v.素描;概述 | |
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2 persecution | |
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3 subversion | |
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4 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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5 wretch | |
n.可怜的人,不幸的人;卑鄙的人 | |
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6 promulgated | |
v.宣扬(某事物)( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 );传播;公布;颁布(法令、新法律等) | |
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8 licentious | |
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9 blasphemous | |
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10 gratuitously | |
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11 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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12 subversive | |
adj.颠覆性的,破坏性的;n.破坏份子,危险份子 | |
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13 everlasting | |
adj.永恒的,持久的,无止境的 | |
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14 virtue | |
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15 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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16 ridicule | |
v.讥讽,挖苦;n.嘲弄 | |
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17 abject | |
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18 odious | |
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19 folly | |
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20 absurdity | |
n.荒谬,愚蠢;谬论 | |
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21 tinged | |
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22 atrocities | |
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24 indifference | |
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25 atheist | |
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26 atheistical | |
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27 animated | |
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28 mere | |
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29 asunder | |
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30 interpretation | |
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31 decency | |
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33 ecclesiastic | |
n.教士,基督教会;adj.神职者的,牧师的,教会的 | |
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n.经文,圣书,手稿;Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》,《圣经》中的一段 | |
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35 immediate | |
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38 oratory | |
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39 orator | |
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40 elegance | |
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43 cardinal | |
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44 mutual | |
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45 stimulating | |
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46 sneering | |
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47 zeal | |
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48 miserable | |
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49 schism | |
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50 blot | |
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51 burlesque | |
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52 virulence | |
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53 extravagant | |
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54 pretensions | |
自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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55 nuns | |
n.(通常指基督教的)修女, (佛教的)尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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56 trespasses | |
罪过( trespass的名词复数 ); 非法进入 | |
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57 frantic | |
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58 solicited | |
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59 sufficiently | |
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60 undoing | |
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61 manlier | |
manly(有男子气概的)的比较级形式 | |
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62 stimulates | |
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64 fathomless | |
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65 malignity | |
n.极度的恶意,恶毒;(病的)恶性 | |
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66 exclamations | |
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67 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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68 malignant | |
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n.燃烧;氧化;骚动 | |
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70 bust | |
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72 corrupter | |
堕落的,道德败坏的; 贪污的,腐败的; 腐烂的; (文献等)错误百出的 | |
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n.[哲]唯物主义,唯物论;物质至上 | |
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76 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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77 mathematician | |
n.数学家 | |
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78 eloquent | |
adj.雄辩的,口才流利的;明白显示出的 | |
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79 projector | |
n.投影机,放映机,幻灯机 | |
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80 encyclopedia | |
n.百科全书 | |
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81 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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82 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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83 condensation | |
n.压缩,浓缩;凝结的水珠 | |
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84 anarchy | |
n.无政府状态;社会秩序混乱,无秩序 | |
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85 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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86 antiquated | |
adj.陈旧的,过时的 | |
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87 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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88 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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89 virgin | |
n.处女,未婚女子;adj.未经使用的;未经开发的 | |
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90 vile | |
adj.卑鄙的,可耻的,邪恶的;坏透的 | |
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91 prohibition | |
n.禁止;禁令,禁律 | |
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92 purgatory | |
n.炼狱;苦难;adj.净化的,清洗的 | |
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93 monk | |
n.和尚,僧侣,修道士 | |
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94 imprison | |
vt.监禁,关押,限制,束缚 | |
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95 slay | |
v.杀死,宰杀,杀戮 | |
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96 cardinals | |
红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 ); 红衣凤头鸟(见于北美,雄鸟为鲜红色); 基数 | |
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97 harangue | |
n.慷慨冗长的训话,言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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98 harangues | |
n.高谈阔论的长篇演讲( harangue的名词复数 )v.高谈阔论( harangue的第三人称单数 ) | |
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99 enlist | |
vt.谋取(支持等),赢得;征募;vi.入伍 | |
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100 zealous | |
adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
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101 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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102 inflamed | |
adj.发炎的,红肿的v.(使)变红,发怒,过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103 inflame | |
v.使燃烧;使极度激动;使发炎 | |
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104 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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105 fickle | |
adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的,不坚定的 | |
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106 levied | |
征(兵)( levy的过去式和过去分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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107 anarchists | |
无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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108 recital | |
n.朗诵,独奏会,独唱会 | |
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109 loathing | |
n.厌恶,憎恨v.憎恨,厌恶( loathe的现在分词);极不喜欢 | |
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110 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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111 disorders | |
n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 );凌乱;骚乱;(身心、机能)失调 | |
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112 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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115 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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116 proscription | |
n.禁止,剥夺权利 | |
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117 torrents | |
n.倾注;奔流( torrent的名词复数 );急流;爆发;连续不断 | |
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118 vindicate | |
v.为…辩护或辩解,辩明;证明…正确 | |
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119 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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120 inscription | |
n.(尤指石块上的)刻印文字,铭文,碑文 | |
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121 dominant | |
adj.支配的,统治的;占优势的;显性的;n.主因,要素,主要的人(或物);显性基因 | |
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122 ferocious | |
adj.凶猛的,残暴的,极度的,十分强烈的 | |
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123 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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124 miscreants | |
n.恶棍,歹徒( miscreant的名词复数 ) | |
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125 miscreant | |
n.恶棍 | |
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126 audacity | |
n.大胆,卤莽,无礼 | |
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127 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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128 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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129 debauch | |
v.使堕落,放纵 | |
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130 declamation | |
n. 雄辩,高调 | |
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131 maelstrom | |
n.大乱动;大漩涡 | |
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132 profusion | |
n.挥霍;丰富 | |
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133 hazardous | |
adj.(有)危险的,冒险的;碰运气的 | |
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134 lavish | |
adj.无节制的;浪费的;vt.慷慨地给予,挥霍 | |
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135 expenditure | |
n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出;使用,消耗 | |
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136 peculation | |
n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
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137 hoarding | |
n.贮藏;积蓄;临时围墙;囤积v.积蓄并储藏(某物)( hoard的现在分词 ) | |
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138 expending | |
v.花费( expend的现在分词 );使用(钱等)做某事;用光;耗尽 | |
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139 retirement | |
n.退休,退职 | |
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140 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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141 partisans | |
游击队员( partisan的名词复数 ); 党人; 党羽; 帮伙 | |
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142 hypocrisy | |
n.伪善,虚伪 | |
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143 sophistry | |
n.诡辩 | |
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144 seething | |
沸腾的,火热的 | |
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145 miserably | |
adv.痛苦地;悲惨地;糟糕地;极度地 | |
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146 beguile | |
vt.欺骗,消遣 | |
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147 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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148 inhuman | |
adj.残忍的,不人道的,无人性的 | |
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149 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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150 niche | |
n.壁龛;合适的职务(环境、位置等) | |
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151 homage | |
n.尊敬,敬意,崇敬 | |
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152 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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153 withheld | |
withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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154 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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155 envious | |
adj.嫉妒的,羡慕的 | |
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156 vindictive | |
adj.有报仇心的,怀恨的,惩罚的 | |
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157 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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158 affront | |
n./v.侮辱,触怒 | |
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159 rivalry | |
n.竞争,竞赛,对抗 | |
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160 brutal | |
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
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161 relentless | |
adj.残酷的,不留情的,无怜悯心的 | |
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162 exhort | |
v.规劝,告诫 | |
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163 exhortations | |
n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 );极力推荐;(正式的)演讲;(宗教仪式中的)劝诫 | |
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164 famished | |
adj.饥饿的 | |
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165 slaughter | |
n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀 | |
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166 puny | |
adj.微不足道的,弱小的 | |
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167 insanity | |
n.疯狂,精神错乱;极端的愚蠢,荒唐 | |
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168 unnatural | |
adj.不自然的;反常的 | |
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169 alienation | |
n.疏远;离间;异化 | |
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170 skulked | |
v.潜伏,偷偷摸摸地走动,鬼鬼祟祟地活动( skulk的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171 omen | |
n.征兆,预兆;vt.预示 | |
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172 glut | |
n.存货过多,供过于求;v.狼吞虎咽 | |
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173 avenge | |
v.为...复仇,为...报仇 | |
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174 instinctive | |
adj.(出于)本能的;直觉的;(出于)天性的 | |
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175 ravage | |
vt.使...荒废,破坏...;n.破坏,掠夺,荒废 | |
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176 appeased | |
安抚,抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 ); 绥靖(满足另一国的要求以避免战争) | |
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177 vigilant | |
adj.警觉的,警戒的,警惕的 | |
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178 murmur | |
n.低语,低声的怨言;v.低语,低声而言 | |
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179 patriot | |
n.爱国者,爱国主义者 | |
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180 patriotism | |
n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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181 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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182 fanatics | |
狂热者,入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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183 testament | |
n.遗嘱;证明 | |
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184 tempted | |
v.怂恿(某人)干不正当的事;冒…的险(tempt的过去分词) | |
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185 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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186 outrageous | |
adj.无理的,令人不能容忍的 | |
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187 scourges | |
带来灾难的人或东西,祸害( scourge的名词复数 ); 鞭子 | |
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188 hurled | |
v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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189 lodging | |
n.寄宿,住所;(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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190 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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191 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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192 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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193 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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194 massacre | |
n.残杀,大屠杀;v.残杀,集体屠杀 | |
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195 liberate | |
v.解放,使获得自由,释出,放出;vt.解放,使获自由 | |
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196 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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197 apprised | |
v.告知,通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 );评价 | |
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198 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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199 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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200 mangled | |
vt.乱砍(mangle的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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201 reeking | |
v.发出浓烈的臭气( reek的现在分词 );散发臭气;发出难闻的气味 (of sth);明显带有(令人不快或生疑的跡象) | |
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202 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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203 investigations | |
(正式的)调查( investigation的名词复数 ); 侦查; 科学研究; 学术研究 | |
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204 compassion | |
n.同情,怜悯 | |
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205 avowed | |
adj.公开声明的,承认的v.公开声明,承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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206 acquitted | |
宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 ); 使(自己)作出某种表现 | |
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207 clotted | |
adj.凝结的v.凝固( clot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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208 gore | |
n.凝血,血污;v.(动物)用角撞伤,用牙刺破;缝以补裆;顶 | |
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209 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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210 dungeons | |
n.地牢( dungeon的名词复数 ) | |
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211 shambles | |
n.混乱之处;废墟 | |
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212 outwards | |
adj.外面的,公开的,向外的;adv.向外;n.外形 | |
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213 behold | |
v.看,注视,看到 | |
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214 intercepted | |
拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 ); 截住; 截击; 拦阻 | |
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215 protracted | |
adj.拖延的;延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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216 torment | |
n.折磨;令人痛苦的东西(人);vt.折磨;纠缠 | |
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217 specially | |
adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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218 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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219 metropolis | |
n.首府;大城市 | |
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220 trophy | |
n.优胜旗,奖品,奖杯,战胜品,纪念品 | |
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221 frail | |
adj.身体虚弱的;易损坏的 | |
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222 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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223 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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224 scruples | |
n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 );顾虑,顾忌v.感到于心不安,有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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225 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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226 conscientious | |
adj.审慎正直的,认真的,本着良心的 | |
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227 confessions | |
n.承认( confession的名词复数 );自首;声明;(向神父的)忏悔 | |
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228 dependant | |
n.依靠的,依赖的,依赖他人生活者 | |
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229 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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230 martyrs | |
n.martyr的复数形式;烈士( martyr的名词复数 );殉道者;殉教者;乞怜者(向人诉苦以博取同情) | |
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231 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
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232 intervals | |
n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
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233 slumber | |
n.睡眠,沉睡状态 | |
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234 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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235 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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236 atrocity | |
n.残暴,暴行 | |
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237 requited | |
v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 );酬谢;回报;报复 | |
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238 lust | |
n.性(淫)欲;渴(欲)望;vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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239 delinquents | |
n.(尤指青少年)有过失的人,违法的人( delinquent的名词复数 ) | |
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240 wretches | |
n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 );可怜的人;恶棍;坏蛋 | |
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241 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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242 exterminated | |
v.消灭,根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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243 legislative | |
n.立法机构,立法权;adj.立法的,有立法权的 | |
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244 exertion | |
n.尽力,努力 | |
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245 felons | |
n.重罪犯( felon的名词复数 );瘭疽;甲沟炎;指头脓炎 | |
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246 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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247 interred | |
v.埋,葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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248 trenches | |
深沟,地沟( trench的名词复数 ); 战壕 | |
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249 subterranean | |
adj.地下的,地表下的 | |
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250 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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251 relics | |
[pl.]n.遗物,遗迹,遗产;遗体,尸骸 | |
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252 relic | |
n.神圣的遗物,遗迹,纪念物 | |
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253 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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254 massacres | |
大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 ); 惨败 | |
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255 secluded | |
adj.与世隔绝的;隐退的;偏僻的v.使隔开,使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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256 vault | |
n.拱形圆顶,地窖,地下室 | |
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257 repose | |
v.(使)休息;n.安息 | |
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258 abode | |
n.住处,住所 | |
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259 condemn | |
vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
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260 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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261 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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262 cowardice | |
n.胆小,怯懦 | |
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263 concession | |
n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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264 unwillingness | |
n. 不愿意,不情愿 | |
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265 benevolence | |
n.慈悲,捐助 | |
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266 pusillanimity | |
n.无气力,胆怯 | |
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267 softened | |
(使)变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 ); 缓解打击; 缓和; 安慰 | |
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268 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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269 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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270 ascend | |
vi.渐渐上升,升高;vt.攀登,登上 | |
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271 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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272 recollect | |
v.回忆,想起,记起,忆起,记得 | |
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273 faculties | |
n.能力( faculty的名词复数 );全体教职员;技巧;院 | |
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274 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
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275 mingle | |
vt.使混合,使相混;vi.混合起来;相交往 | |
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276 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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277 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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278 accusation | |
n.控告,指责,谴责 | |
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279 chapel | |
n.小教堂,殡仪馆 | |
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280 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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281 redounded | |
v.有助益( redound的过去式和过去分词 );及于;报偿;报应 | |
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282 sect | |
n.派别,宗教,学派,派系 | |
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283 defenders | |
n.防御者( defender的名词复数 );守卫者;保护者;辩护者 | |
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284 fable | |
n.寓言;童话;神话 | |
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285 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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286 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
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287 villain | |
n.反派演员,反面人物;恶棍;问题的起因 | |
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288 blighted | |
adj.枯萎的,摧毁的 | |
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289 relaxation | |
n.松弛,放松;休息;消遣;娱乐 | |
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290 mitigated | |
v.减轻,缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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291 captivity | |
n.囚禁;被俘;束缚 | |
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292 eldest | |
adj.最年长的,最年老的 | |
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293 reigning | |
adj.统治的,起支配作用的 | |
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294 upwards | |
adv.向上,在更高处...以上 | |
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295 varied | |
adj.多样的,多变化的 | |
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296 zest | |
n.乐趣;滋味,风味;兴趣 | |
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297 violation | |
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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298 slaughtered | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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299 horrid | |
adj.可怕的;令人惊恐的;恐怖的;极讨厌的 | |
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300 recoil | |
vi.退却,退缩,畏缩 | |
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301 herds | |
兽群( herd的名词复数 ); 牧群; 人群; 群众 | |
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302 herd | |
n.兽群,牧群;vt.使集中,把…赶在一起 | |
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303 dismal | |
adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
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304 conflagration | |
n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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305 bleating | |
v.(羊,小牛)叫( bleat的现在分词 );哭诉;发出羊叫似的声音;轻声诉说 | |
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306 bellowing | |
v.发出吼叫声,咆哮(尤指因痛苦)( bellow的现在分词 );(愤怒地)说出(某事),大叫 | |
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307 hoarse | |
adj.嘶哑的,沙哑的 | |
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308 carrion | |
n.腐肉 | |
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309 recesses | |
n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 );(工作或业务活动的)中止或暂停期间;学校的课间休息;某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 );将(墙)做成凹形,在(墙)上做壁龛;休息,休会,休庭 | |
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310 prey | |
n.被掠食者,牺牲者,掠食;v.捕食,掠夺,折磨 | |
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311 beacon | |
n.烽火,(警告用的)闪火灯,灯塔 | |
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312 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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313 solicitous | |
adj.热切的,挂念的 | |
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314 enlisting | |
v.(使)入伍, (使)参军( enlist的现在分词 );获得(帮助或支持) | |
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315 adherents | |
n.支持者,拥护者( adherent的名词复数 );党羽;徒子徒孙 | |
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316 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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317 exertions | |
n.努力( exertion的名词复数 );费力;(能力、权力等的)运用;行使 | |
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318 inflict | |
vt.(on)把…强加给,使遭受,使承担 | |
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319 affectedly | |
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320 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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321 extravagantly | |
adv.挥霍无度地 | |
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322 affiliated | |
adj. 附属的, 有关连的 | |
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323 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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324 regiments | |
(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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325 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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326 apostate | |
n.背叛者,变节者 | |
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327 aristocrats | |
n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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328 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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329 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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330 demon | |
n.魔鬼,恶魔 | |
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331 meditated | |
深思,沉思,冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 ); 内心策划,考虑 | |
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332 obstruct | |
v.阻隔,阻塞(道路、通道等);n.阻碍物,障碍物 | |
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333 awaken | |
vi.醒,觉醒;vt.唤醒,使觉醒,唤起,激起 | |
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334 awakened | |
v.(使)醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 );(使)觉醒;弄醒;(使)意识到 | |
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335 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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336 precluded | |
v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 );排除;妨碍;使…行不通 | |
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337 auxiliaries | |
n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 );辅助工,辅助人员 | |
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338 proscribed | |
v.正式宣布(某事物)有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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339 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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340 insurgents | |
n.起义,暴动,造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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341 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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342 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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343 legitimate | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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344 countenanced | |
v.支持,赞同,批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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345 favourably | |
adv. 善意地,赞成地 =favorably | |
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346 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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347 interim | |
adj.暂时的,临时的;n.间歇,过渡期间 | |
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348 temporize | |
v.顺应时势;拖延 | |
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349 soothed | |
v.安慰( soothe的过去式和过去分词 );抚慰;使舒服;减轻痛苦 | |
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350 exasperated | |
adj.恼怒的 | |
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351 resentment | |
n.怨愤,忿恨 | |
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352 presumptuous | |
adj.胆大妄为的,放肆的,冒昧的,冒失的 | |
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353 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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354 concurrence | |
n.同意;并发 | |
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355 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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356 disperse | |
vi.使分散;使消失;vt.分散;驱散 | |
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357 isolated | |
adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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358 lapse | |
n.过失,流逝,失效,抛弃信仰,间隔;vi.堕落,停止,失效,流逝;vt.使失效 | |
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359 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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360 besieging | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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361 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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362 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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363 repelled | |
v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 );使厌恶;排斥;推开 | |
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364 havoc | |
n.大破坏,浩劫,大混乱,大杂乱 | |
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365 incurred | |
[医]招致的,遭受的; incur的过去式 | |
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366 hoisted | |
把…吊起,升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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367 asylum | |
n.避难所,庇护所,避难 | |
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368 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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369 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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370 distresses | |
n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 );痛苦;贫困;危险 | |
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371 prosecution | |
n.起诉,告发,检举,执行,经营 | |
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372 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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373 hissed | |
发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 ); 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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374 enjoined | |
v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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375 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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376 demolition | |
n.破坏,毁坏,毁坏之遗迹 | |
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377 Founder | |
n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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378 sentient | |
adj.有知觉的,知悉的;adv.有感觉能力地 | |
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379 atoned | |
v.补偿,赎(罪)( atone的过去式和过去分词 );补偿,弥补,赎回 | |
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380 apotheosis | |
n.神圣之理想;美化;颂扬 | |
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381 patriotic | |
adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
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382 tardy | |
adj.缓慢的,迟缓的 | |
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383 singed | |
v.浅表烧焦( singe的过去式和过去分词 );(毛发)燎,烧焦尖端[边儿] | |
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384 imploring | |
恳求的,哀求的 | |
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385 sullen | |
adj.愠怒的,闷闷不乐的,(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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386 contagion | |
n.(通过接触的疾病)传染;蔓延 | |
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387 fanaticism | |
n.狂热,盲信 | |
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388 atheism | |
n.无神论,不信神 | |
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389 superstitious | |
adj.迷信的 | |
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390 malice | |
n.恶意,怨恨,蓄意;[律]预谋 | |
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391 persevere | |
v.坚持,坚忍,不屈不挠 | |
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392 credence | |
n.信用,祭器台,供桌,凭证 | |
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393 bigoted | |
adj.固执己见的,心胸狭窄的 | |
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394 insufficiently | |
adv.不够地,不能胜任地 | |
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395 annihilated | |
v.(彻底)消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 );使无效;废止;彻底击溃 | |
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396 vestiges | |
残余部分( vestige的名词复数 ); 遗迹; 痕迹; 毫不 | |
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397 regenerate | |
vt.使恢复,使新生;vi.恢复,再生;adj.恢复的 | |
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398 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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399 boundless | |
adj.无限的;无边无际的;巨大的 | |
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400 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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401 impudent | |
adj.鲁莽的,卑鄙的,厚颜无耻的 | |
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402 farce | |
n.闹剧,笑剧,滑稽戏;胡闹 | |
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403 remorse | |
n.痛恨,悔恨,自责 | |
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404 explicit | |
adj.详述的,明确的;坦率的;显然的 | |
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405 deity | |
n.神,神性;被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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406 consecrated | |
adj.神圣的,被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣,给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 );奉献 | |
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407 desecrated | |
毁坏或亵渎( desecrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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408 profane | |
adj.亵神的,亵渎的;vt.亵渎,玷污 | |
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409 hymn | |
n.赞美诗,圣歌,颂歌 | |
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410 hymns | |
n.赞美诗,圣歌,颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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411 chalices | |
n.高脚酒杯( chalice的名词复数 );圣餐杯;金杯毒酒;看似诱人实则令人讨厌的事物 | |
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412 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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413 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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414 renounce | |
v.放弃;拒绝承认,宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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415 impiety | |
n.不敬;不孝 | |
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416 cemeteries | |
n.(非教堂的)墓地,公墓( cemetery的名词复数 ) | |
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417 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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418 redress | |
n.赔偿,救济,矫正;v.纠正,匡正,革除 | |
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419 consolidation | |
n.合并,巩固 | |
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420 graceful | |
adj.优美的,优雅的;得体的 | |
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421 mischief | |
n.损害,伤害,危害;恶作剧,捣蛋,胡闹 | |
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422 perpetuated | |
vt.使永存(perpetuate的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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423 degradation | |
n.降级;低落;退化;陵削;降解;衰变 | |
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424 licensed | |
adj.得到许可的v.许可,颁发执照(license的过去式和过去分词) | |
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425 witty | |
adj.机智的,风趣的 | |
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426 heroism | |
n.大无畏精神,英勇 | |
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427 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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428 rustle | |
v.沙沙作响;偷盗(牛、马等);n.沙沙声声 | |
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429 lurid | |
adj.可怕的;血红的;苍白的 | |
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430 murmurs | |
n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 );低语声;怨言;嘀咕 | |
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431 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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432 censure | |
v./n.责备;非难;责难 | |
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433 functionaries | |
n.公职人员,官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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434 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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435 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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436 vociferously | |
adv.喊叫地,吵闹地 | |
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437 sweepingly | |
adv.扫荡地 | |
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438 conspiracy | |
n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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439 outlaw | |
n.歹徒,亡命之徒;vt.宣布…为不合法 | |
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440 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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441 haughty | |
adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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442 virtuous | |
adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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443 bosoms | |
胸部( bosom的名词复数 ); 胸怀; 女衣胸部(或胸襟); 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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444 pristine | |
adj.原来的,古时的,原始的,纯净的,无垢的 | |
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445 forsook | |
forsake的过去式 | |
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446 hemlock | |
n.毒胡萝卜,铁杉 | |
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447 rapture | |
n.狂喜;全神贯注;着迷;v.使狂喜 | |
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448 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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449 stifle | |
vt.使窒息;闷死;扼杀;抑止,阻止 | |
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450 tumult | |
n.喧哗;激动,混乱;吵闹 | |
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451 execration | |
n.诅咒,念咒,憎恶 | |
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452 outraged | |
a.震惊的,义愤填膺的 | |
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453 consultation | |
n.咨询;商量;商议;会议 | |
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454 reconciliation | |
n.和解,和谐,一致 | |
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455 conspirators | |
n.共谋者,阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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456 scrolls | |
n.(常用于录写正式文件的)纸卷( scroll的名词复数 );卷轴;涡卷形(装饰);卷形花纹v.(电脑屏幕上)从上到下移动(资料等),卷页( scroll的第三人称单数 );(似卷轴般)卷起;(像展开卷轴般地)将文字显示于屏幕 | |
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457 hideous | |
adj.丑陋的,可憎的,可怕的,恐怖的 | |
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458 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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459 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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460 adroitness | |
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461 ingenuity | |
n.别出心裁;善于发明创造 | |
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462 eminently | |
adv.突出地;显著地;不寻常地 | |
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463 dexterous | |
adj.灵敏的;灵巧的 | |
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464 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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465 presage | |
n.预感,不祥感;v.预示 | |
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466 traitor | |
n.叛徒,卖国贼 | |
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467 parricide | |
n.杀父母;杀亲罪 | |
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468 jealousies | |
n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 );妒羡 | |
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469 antagonists | |
对立[对抗] 者,对手,敌手( antagonist的名词复数 ); 对抗肌; 对抗药 | |
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470 brandished | |
v.挥舞( brandish的过去式和过去分词 );炫耀 | |
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471 versatile | |
adj.通用的,万用的;多才多艺的,多方面的 | |
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472 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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473 invective | |
n.痛骂,恶意抨击 | |
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474 wont | |
adj.习惯于;v.习惯;n.习惯 | |
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475 hush | |
int.嘘,别出声;n.沉默,静寂;v.使安静 | |
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476 vaults | |
n.拱顶( vault的名词复数 );地下室;撑物跳高;墓穴 | |
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477 accomplices | |
从犯,帮凶,同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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478 foaming | |
adj.布满泡沫的;发泡 | |
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479 antiquity | |
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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480 clemency | |
n.温和,仁慈,宽厚 | |
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481 agitated | |
adj.被鼓动的,不安的 | |
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482 repulsed | |
v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 );驳斥;拒绝 | |
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483 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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484 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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485 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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486 regularity | |
n.规律性,规则性;匀称,整齐 | |
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487 manly | |
adj.有男子气概的;adv.男子般地,果断地 | |
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488 precipitate | |
adj.突如其来的;vt.使突然发生;n.沉淀物 | |
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489 seizure | |
n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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490 shrill | |
adj.尖声的;刺耳的;v尖叫 | |
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491 discordant | |
adj.不调和的 | |
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492 overflowing | |
n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的,充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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493 decrepitude | |
n.衰老;破旧 | |
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494 adherence | |
n.信奉,依附,坚持,固着 | |
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495 obstructed | |
阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 ); 堵塞; 阻碍; 阻止 | |
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496 consummated | |
v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 );使完美;完婚;(婚礼后的)圆房 | |
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497 brutally | |
adv.残忍地,野蛮地,冷酷无情地 | |
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498 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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499 convoked | |
v.召集,召开(会议)( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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500 civic | |
adj.城市的,都市的,市民的,公民的 | |
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501 congregated | |
(使)集合,聚集( congregate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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502 rabble | |
n.乌合之众,暴民;下等人 | |
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503 outlawing | |
宣布…为不合法(outlaw的现在分词形式) | |
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504 inflicting | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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505 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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506 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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507 dispersing | |
adj. 分散的 动词disperse的现在分词形式 | |
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508 scorpions | |
n.蝎子( scorpion的名词复数 ) | |
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509 upbraiding | |
adj.& n.谴责(的)v.责备,申斥,谴责( upbraid的现在分词 ) | |
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510 intoxicated | |
喝醉的,极其兴奋的 | |
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511 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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512 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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513 precipitated | |
v.(突如其来地)使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 );促成;猛然摔下;使沉淀 | |
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514 irresolute | |
adj.无决断的,优柔寡断的,踌躇不定的 | |
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515 brandishing | |
v.挥舞( brandish的现在分词 );炫耀 | |
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516 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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517 jaw | |
n.颚,颌,说教,流言蜚语;v.喋喋不休,教训 | |
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518 lair | |
n.野兽的巢穴;躲藏处 | |
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519 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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520 outlaws | |
歹徒,亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 ); 逃犯 | |
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521 appalled | |
v.使惊骇,使充满恐惧( appall的过去式和过去分词)adj.惊骇的;丧胆的 | |
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522 elevation | |
n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
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523 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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524 lawful | |
adj.法律许可的,守法的,合法的 | |
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525 auspices | |
n.资助,赞助 | |
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526 bombastic | |
adj.夸夸其谈的,言过其实的 | |
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527 philosophical | |
adj.哲学家的,哲学上的,达观的 | |
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528 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
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529 amiable | |
adj.和蔼可亲的,友善的,亲切的 | |
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530 ascended | |
v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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531 constrained | |
adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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532 tiresome | |
adj.令人疲劳的,令人厌倦的 | |
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533 compensate | |
vt.补偿,赔偿;酬报 vi.弥补;补偿;抵消 | |
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534 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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535 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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536 watchful | |
adj.注意的,警惕的 | |
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537 incompatible | |
adj.不相容的,不协调的,不相配的 | |
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538 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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539 calamities | |
n.灾祸,灾难( calamity的名词复数 );不幸之事 | |
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540 wither | |
vt.使凋谢,使衰退,(用眼神气势等)使畏缩;vi.枯萎,衰退,消亡 | |
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541 kindly | |
adj.和蔼的,温和的,爽快的;adv.温和地,亲切地 | |
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542 votaries | |
n.信徒( votary的名词复数 );追随者;(天主教)修士;修女 | |
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543 accomplishment | |
n.完成,成就,(pl.)造诣,技能 | |
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544 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
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545 assassination | |
n.暗杀;暗杀事件 | |
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546 obnoxious | |
adj.极恼人的,讨人厌的,可憎的 | |
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547 demolisher | |
拆除 | |
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548 ardent | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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549 jargon | |
n.术语,行话 | |
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550 wrought | |
v.引起;以…原料制作;运转;adj.制造的 | |
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551 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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552 plunged | |
v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 );暴跌;骤降;突降 | |
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553 consternation | |
n.大为吃惊,惊骇 | |
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554 desperately | |
adv.极度渴望地,绝望地,孤注一掷地 | |
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555 leaven | |
v.使发酵;n.酵母;影响 | |
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556 plundering | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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557 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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558 dictates | |
n.命令,规定,要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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