"No, Queenie, he prefers 'suggestions desirable to be
entertained!'"—EXTRACT FROM AN OLD DIARY.
Parnell, in accordance with his "parole," returned to Kilmainham at the end of the term of leave and immediately formulated3 the conditions of the arrangement it was proposed to make with the Government. The draft of this historic document was as follows:—
"KILMAINHAM, April 25th, 1882.
"We think in the first place that no time should be lost in endeavouring to obtain a satisfactory settlement of the arrears4 question, and that the solution proposed in the Bill standing5 for second reading to-morrow—Wednesday—would provide a satisfactory solution, though the Church Fund would have to be supplemented by a grant from Imperial resources of probably a million or so.
"Next as regards the permanent amendment6 of the Land Act, we consider that the rent-fixing clauses should be amended8 to as great an extent as is possible, having in view the necessity of passing an Amending9 Bill through the House of Lords; that leaseholders who have taken leases either before or since the Act of 1870 should be permitted to apply to have a fair rent fixed10, and that the purchase clauses should be amended as suggested by the Bill, the second reading of which will be moved by Mr. Redmond to-morrow.
{158}
"If the Government were to announce their intention of proposing a satisfactory settlement of the arrears difficulty as indicated above, we on our part would make it known that the No Rent manifesto11 was withdrawn12, and we should advise the tenants13 to settle with their landlords; we should also then be in a better position than we ever occupied before to make our exertions14 effective in putting a stop to the outrages16 which are unhappily of late so prevalent.
"If the result of the arrears settlement and the further ameliorative measures suggested above were the material diminution17 of outrages before the end of the session, and the prospect18 of the return of the country after a time to something like a normal condition, we should hope that the Government would allow the Coercion19 Act to lapse20, and govern the country by the same laws as in England."
Willie wrote to Gladstone on April 13th, and two days after Gladstone replied promising21 to communicate with Forster. The rest of the letter was taken up with compliments to Willie, and some carefully-worded phrases which really meant that Gladstone was prepared to go to very great lengths indeed to quiet Ireland and to keep her quiet.
Willie sent to Chamberlain a copy of his letter to Gladstone. Chamberlain was impressed and guarded. He welcomed negotiations23, but pointed25 out that if the Government were going to smile on the Irish Party the Irish Party must smile on the Government. With some amount of exaggerated fervour he mooted26 the possibility of an anti-Irish movement comparable with the anti-Semitic movement abroad. That, he pointed out, would be bad for everybody, and accordingly he welcomed the {159} olive branch. In the sequel, of course, Chamberlain took a very active part in pressing for the release of Parnell. While on "parole," and after his return from Paris, Parnell entered into communication with Mr. Justin McCarthy with regard to the proposed "Treaty," and the following letter was written from Eltham:—
Saturday, April 22, 1882.
MY DEAR MCCARTHY,—I have arrived in England, and will call to see you to-morrow afternoon some time. I cannot at present give you the exact hour, but would it be too much to ask you to remain at home after three o'clock? I trust you will have some news of result of Cabinet to-day.—Yours very truly, C. S. P.
This letter was followed up by one from Kilmainham.
(Confidential.)
KILMAINHAM,
April 25, 1882.
MY DEAR MCCARTHY,—I send you a letter embodying27 our conversation, and which, if you think it desirable, you might take the earliest opportunity of showing to Chamberlain.
Do not let it out of your hands, but if he wishes you might give him a copy of the body of it.—Yours very truly,
CHARLES S. PARNELL.
(Enclosure.)
The enclosure was identical with the draft treaty—apart from a few verbal alterations28 of which the chief was the substitution of "an Amendment Bill" for an "Amending Bill" in the second paragraph.
* * * * * *
Tuesday, April 25, 1882.
MY OWN QUEENIE,—I enclose you a letter. What do you think I had best say to it?[1]
{160}
I told my friend in Jermyn Street what steps to take, so that the matter referred to in enclosed will probably go on all right without, or with, the further participation29 of the writer. I thought of writing him that I had received his note too late to reply for Wednesday, but that in any case my letter from Paris ought to be sufficient indication of confidence.
I missed nine train on Sunday and came on by twelve, sleeping at Crewe and getting on board mail boat before mail train arrived. Everything went off very nicely and quietly, and I have not caught any cold this time. O. K. had aired my bed very carefully, etc., and they were all very glad to see me again, with the exception of the authorities.
I have been thinking all day of how desolate30 and lonely my Queenie must be in her great sorrow. I wish so much that I might have stayed to comfort her, but I have indeed every hope and confidence that our separation will not now last very long. It is too terrible to think that on this the saddest day[2] of all others—and, let us hope, the saddest that we both shall ever see again—my Wifie should have nobody with her.
Good-bye, my own darling, YOUR LOVING KING.
Mr. Parnell wrote as follows to Captain O'Shea:—
KILMAINHAM,
April 28.
I was very sorry that you had left Albert Mansions31 before I reached London from Eltham, as I had wished to tell you that after our conversation I had made up my mind that it would be proper for me to put Mr. McCarthy in possession of the views which I had previously32 communicated to you. I desire to impress upon you the absolute necessity of a settlement of the arrears question which will leave no recurring33 sore connected with it behind, and which will enable us to show the smaller tenantry that they have been treated with justice and some generosity34.
The proposal you have described to me as suggested in some quarters, of making a loan, over however many years the payment might be spread, should be absolutely rejected, {161} for reasons which I have already fully22 explained to you. If the arrears question be settled upon the lines indicated by us, I have every confidence—a confidence shared by my colleagues—that the exertions which we should be able to make strenuously35 and unremittingly would be effective in stopping outrages and intimidation36 of all kinds.
As regards permanent legislation of an ameliorative character, I may say that the views which you always shared with me as to the admission of leaseholders to the fair rent clauses of the Act are more confirmed than ever. So long as the flower of the Irish peasantry are kept outside the Act there cannot be any permanent settlement of the land question, which we all so much desire.
I should also strongly hope that some compromise might be arrived at this season with regard to the amendment of the tenure37 clauses. It is unnecessary for me to dwell upon the enormous advantages to be derived38 from the full extension of the purchase clauses, which now seem practically to have been adopted by all parties.
The accomplishment39 of the programme I have sketched40 would, in my judgment41, be regarded by the country as a practical settlement of the land question, and would, I feel sure, enable us to co-operate cordially for the future with the Liberal Party in forwarding Liberal principles; so that the Government, at the end of the session, would, from the state of the country, feel themselves thoroughly42 justified43 in dispensing44 with further coercive measures.—Yours very truly,
C. S. PARNELL.
Saturday, April 30, 1882.
MY OWN QUEENIE,—He[3] came over to see me, so I thought it best to give him a letter, as he would have been dreadfully mortified45 if he had had nothing to show.
Everything is going very well, and I hope will continue straight.
Received two letters from my own lovie yesterday. Do, my own, keep up as much as you can.
YOUR OWN KING.
{162}
I had reason to know, from various sources of information kept open by me on Parnell's behalf during his imprisonment46, that the Government would liberate47 him with considerable relief if given any surety of conciliatory policy on his part. Parnell at liberty was a disturbing force, and the culminating embarrassment48 of English government in Ireland, but Parnell in prison had become merely a concentrated embarrassment in that there was now no governmental possibility of dealing49 with the reactionary50 spirit he had let loose in Ireland—a spirit that was at least better controllable as a weapon in Parnell's hand than as the scattered51 and absolutely irresponsible fulminations, unreasoning and motiveless52, of lawless desperadoes.
With Parnell as her chief the Ireland he had roused might indeed be a scourge53 of whips to the British Government, but without him this Ireland was undoubtedly54 a scourge of scorpions55.
So Parnell came out of Kilmainham on the treaty arranged at Eltham, and as Willie was to be the official bearer of the olive branch to the Government, he went over to see Parnell on his return to Kilmainham and to get from him a letter for his own satisfaction, as he said Parnell was "so shifty" he could not be trusted to carry out any agreement that was not in writing, and the letter was to set forth56 the various modifications57 of his policy of obstruction58 that he would undertake to observe on his (immediate2) liberation and assurance of future concessions59 to Ireland. This letter had in substance been written at Eltham, but Parnell had stipulated60 for a few days to consider the matter further and would not give Willie his final decision then. On the other side he had to consider that any treaty with the Government would place him in {163} a very awkward position with the Land League and would certainly affect the financial aid to the Irish cause so generously contributed by America. It was also certain, he knew, that the Government would be obliged, in either case, to liberate him with the other Irish political prisoners at no distant period, and this without his placing himself under any obligation at all to the Government. This would please the extreme party of his followers61 far better, even though it would keep open the way to further outrage15 and crime in Ireland.
I had never before ventured to influence Parnell in any way politically; but now I greatly dreaded62 for him this latter policy of the extremists and the perpetual strain of watchfulness63 and control it engendered—with the Coercion Laws such a policy must, in the long run, inevitably64 produce, unless, indeed, England was prepared to yield to force; an unthinkable proposition.
So now I threw the whole strength of my influence on the side of the treaty of conciliation65 and urged upon him the greater good for Ireland likely to accrue66 in the making by him of immediate peace. I was very anxious that he should "reign67" by constitutional means, and had every hope of establishing such amicable68 communications between him and the Government as would lead to that end. But he had this great force now to reckon with—the force of centuries of cruelty, wrong, and oppression that had bred an irresponsibility and callous69 disregard of suffering, nay70, rather a vindictive71 madness and lust72 of destruction in Ireland. In his seeking for a weapon to use for the betterment of England's government of Ireland Parnell had discovered this underlying73 force of hate, and, using the influence of his personality, he strove to direct it into the service of the Ireland that he loved. But he afterwards {164} stood appalled74 at the intensity75 of the passion of hate that he had loosed, and no one but he—and I with him—knew the awful strength of that force of destruction that was only held in subservience76 by the sheer dominance of his will. He replied to my pleadings: "Yes, I hold them now with my back to the wall, but if I turn to the Government I turn my back to them—and then——?"
But my great fear for him won his decision for peace, and he wrote and signed the "letter" that Willie wanted to take to the Government.
The Prime Minister had been prepared for its coming, and made known that such a treaty of peace would be acceptable. Willie took this letter to Forster, who knew of no understanding with the Prime Minister, and was absolutely against any such negotiations. He scoffed77 at the letter, at its terms, and at Willie for bringing it, but the latter pointed out that the matter was one for the Prime Minister's consideration alone, and Mr. Forster was bound to submit it to him without delay. He of course did so, but with confidence as to its rejection78 and, on its immediate acceptance and the liberation of Parnell, resigned his office as Chief Secretary for Ireland.
Lord Cowper resigned with him. This was on the 2nd of May. On the 26th of April discussion on Mr. Redmond's Land Bill was started in the House of Commons. This Bill, which had been drafted by Parnell in Kilmainham, proposed to amend7 the Land Act of 1881 in four main particulars: (1) Arrears of excessive rent; (2) admission of leaseholders to the benefit of the Land Court; (3) amendment of tenure clauses; (4) extension of purchase clauses by the advance from the State of the whole of the purchase money. Mr. Gladstone applauded the Irish Party and opposed the Bill. He practically {165} admitted that recent decisions of the Irish judges were nullifying the effect of the tenure clauses, but he did not want yet to reopen the question. He recognized, however, the necessity of dealing with "Arrears."
When, on May 2nd, he announced to the House the resignation of Lord Cowper and Mr. Forster and the decision of the Cabinet to release the three Irish M.P.'s who had been in Kilmainham since October, he definitely promised an Arrears Bill, and stated that there was no present intention to renew the Coercion Act. So, with this public promise of Mr. Gladstone, and with the tacit understanding that Parnell would "slow down the agitation79" Parnell came out of gaol80. "It is an act," averred81 Mr. Gladstone, "done without any negotiation24, promise, or engagement whatever."
Two days later Forster denounced the action of the Cabinet. He believed that the unconditioned release of the Irish leaders would tend to the encouragement of crime. As he went on to justify82 the arrests Parnell entered the House and took his seat. The Irish cheered wildly. Then Forster continued: "The real reason why these gentlemen were arrested ... was because they were trying to carry out their will—'their unwritten law' ... by working the ruin and the injury of the Queen's subjects by intimidation of one kind or another. If Mr. Parnell had not been placed in Kilmainham he would very quickly have become in reality what he was called by many of his friends—the King of Ireland." He did not say Parnell and his friends had directly incited83, what they had done was far more dangerous. They had established a system of intimidation.... They should have been released after a public promise had been given, or when Ireland was quiet, or fresh powers had been granted {166} to the Government. "A surrender is bad, a compromise or arrangement is worse.... If all England cannot govern the Member for Cork84 then let us acknowledge he is the greatest power in Ireland to-day."
Mr. Gladstone, in reply, said he had no right to humiliate85 Parnell by demanding a penitential confession86 of guilt87, and once more he disclaimed88 that the release was the result of a bargain. Parnell, following him, asserted—what was the truth—that no mention of his release was made by him in any written or oral communication with his friends.
The same night, May 4th, was announced the appointment of Lord Spencer as Lord-Lieutenant and Lord Frederick Cavendish as Chief Secretary. The post had first been offered to Sir Charles Dilke, but he had refused the offer. It is stated that in certain quarters the name of Mr. Chamberlain had been mentioned, and that he had signified his willingness to accept the offer if it were made. Apparently89 it was not made. We cannot avoid speculating what would have happened had he gone to Ireland. He had taken a leading part in the release of Parnell; would that have saved him—since the Phoenix90 Park murderers did not intend to kill Lord Frederick? And if Mr. Chamberlain had been killed in May, 1882, what other course might British politics have taken? Would Tariff91 Reform ever have been a Tory election cry? Would there have been no Boer War? Would the Tories not have enjoyed that long term of office which for years kept the question of Home Rule in abeyance92? It were foolish to say yes or no to any of these questions, but at least we may say that the fact Mr. Chamberlain was not asked to become Irish Secretary in 1882 is one of the most momentous93 in British politics.
{167}
While in Kilmainham Parnell had found it absolutely impossible to control in any way the incitements to crime and the wild expenditure94 of the Ladies' Land League. His sister, Anna Parnell, was at the head of this marvellous organization which she spread in well-ordered ramifications95 throughout the country. Her generalship was magnificent and complete, and there appeared to be no detail of this revolutionary army with which she was not completely familiar and completely determined96 to control. Parnell wrote to her again and again from prison, pointing out the crass97 folly98 of the criminality for which the Ladies' League, now, solely99 existed. He even urged the Governmental representations made to him for the suppression of this league of anarchy100, and the hopeless financial position it was creating—the estimated weekly expenditure of these ladies running into thousands of pounds; money contributed chiefly by America for the fighting policy of the Irish Party—but to no purpose.
The fanatic101 spirit in these ladies was extreme; in Anna Parnell it was abnormal, and Parnell saw no way of saving her, or the country, from her folly but by fulfilling his threat of vetoing the payment of another penny to the Ladies' Land League. This he then did, and thus automatically broke up this wild army of mercenaries. Anna Parnell never forgave her brother for this act, and to the last day of his life refused to hold any communication with him again. Parnell had much family affection, and many times made overtures102 of peace to his sister, of whom he was really fond, and for whose strength of mind and will he had much respect. On two occasions he met her accidentally and tried to speak to her, but she resolutely103 turned from him and refused any reply to the letters he wrote her.
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1
stipulation
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| n.契约，规定，条文；条款说明 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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formulated
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| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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amend
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| vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿 | |
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Amended
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| adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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amending
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| 改良，修改，修订( amend的现在分词 )； 改良，修改，修订( amend的第三人称单数 )( amends的现在分词 ) | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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fully
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negotiations
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negotiation
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pointed
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mooted
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| adj.未决定的，有争议的，有疑问的v.提出…供讨论( moot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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embodying
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alterations
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participation
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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mansions
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previously
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recurring
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generosity
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strenuously
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intimidation
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tenure
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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accomplishment
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sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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thoroughly
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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dispensing
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| v.分配( dispense的现在分词 )；施与；配（药） | |
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mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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liberate
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| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
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embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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motiveless
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| adj.无动机的，无目的的 | |
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scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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scorpions
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| n.蝎子( scorpion的名词复数 ) | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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60
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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watchfulness
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| 警惕，留心； 警觉（性） | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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accrue
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| v.(利息等)增大，增多 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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appalled
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| v.使惊骇，使充满恐惧( appall的过去式和过去分词)adj.惊骇的；丧胆的 | |
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intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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subservience
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| n.有利，有益；从属（地位），附属性；屈从，恭顺；媚态 | |
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scoffed
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| 嘲笑，嘲弄( scoff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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gaol
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| n.(jail)监狱；(不加冠词)监禁；vt.使…坐牢 | |
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averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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humiliate
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| v.使羞辱，使丢脸[同]disgrace | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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disclaimed
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| v.否认( disclaim的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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phoenix
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| n.凤凰，长生(不死)鸟；引申为重生 | |
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tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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abeyance
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| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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ramifications
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| n.结果，后果( ramification的名词复数 ) | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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crass
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| adj.愚钝的，粗糙的；彻底的 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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100
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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101
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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102
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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