To rouse a lion than to start a hare."
—SHAKESPEARE.
On Parnell's release from Kilmainham he returned to me at Eltham, and on May 6, 1882, went to Weymouth to welcome Michael Davitt, who came out of Portland prison on that day. He returned to Eltham that Saturday evening, and the next morning, Sunday, I drove with him to Blackheath Station, as he had to go to London to see Davitt and others. At the station I asked him to get me a newspaper before he left, and waited for it in the carriage.
From where I sat in the carriage I could see Parnell's back as he stood just inside the station door. I was watching him, and he half turned and smiled at me as he opened the paper—the Sunday Observer—to glance at the news before he brought it to me. He told me afterwards that he wanted to see what was said about Michael Davitt. He had now come to the top of the steps and, as he suddenly stopped, I noticed a curious rigidity1 about his arms—raised in holding the newspaper open. He stood so absolutely still that I was suddenly frightened, horribly, sickeningly afraid—of I knew not what, and, leaning forward, called out, "King, what is it?" Then he came down the steps to me and, pointing to the headline, said, "Look!" And I read, "Murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish and Mr. Burke!"
{169}
I heard the train coming in, and tried to pull myself together, for the awful significance of the horrible thing to my lover, just released from Kilmainham on the Treaty, came home to me with a rush of pain. His face was ashen2, and he stared, frowning heavily, before him, unconsciously crushing the hand I had slipped into his until the rings I wore cut and bruised3 my fingers.
I said to him, "Quick, you must catch this train. See Davitt and the others as arranged and as many more as you can find. Go, you will know what to do, but you must meet them all at once." He turned heavily away, saying, "I shall resign," and I answered as I ran beside him to the platform, "No, you are not a coward."
Before I left Blackheath I wired to Willie to bring Parnell to dinner at Eltham if he could possibly manage it, and spent one of the most terrible days of my life considering the effect this awful crime would probably have upon my lover's career.
Willie came down that evening, Parnell with him. They were both very gloomy and depressed4, and Parnell, after his greeting of me—as though this were our first meeting since he came out of prison—sat gazing stonily5 before him, only glancing across at Willie with the stormy flare6 in his eyes when the latter—who was really sorry for Parnell, as well as shocked at the murders—said something that jarred upon him. During dinner Willie told me of what had been done during the day, of the absolute horror and consternation7 of the Irish Party, of what Mr. Chamberlain had said on hearing of the murders, and of Parnell's continuous threat, throughout that awful day, of retiring from public life altogether.
Willie said to me: "I wish you would urge Parnell not to talk so, Dick; he can't resign his seat now, the {170} thing's impossible; he must show that it simply does not touch him politically in any way."
I turned to Parnell and said: "I do absolutely agree with Willie about it, Mr. Parnell. It would be throwing the whole country over and a reflection upon all who joined in that Treaty."
Parnell at last roused himself and said: "Well, I will write to the G.O.M.[1] and offer to resign, and abide8 by his decision; the thing makes me feel hopeless of doing any good."
On the wall of the dining-room where we sat hung a large engraving9 of the "House" of 1880. All the members of that Parliament were in the picture, and among them, of course, Mr. Parnell and Captain O'Shea. As the maid turned to leave the room, after placing the coffee tray on a little side table, this picture, which hung immediately behind Parnell, fell to the floor with a crash that, in the state of nervous tension we were all in, brought us to our feet in alarm. Willie's chair overturned as he jumped up; but Parnell's was steady, held in a grip that showed his knuckles11 white as he held it slightly raised off the floor, while he stood, half turned, staring at the picture as it lay among the splintered glass.
Willie laughed, and, coming to help the parlourmaid to pick up the picture, exclaimed: "There goes Home Rule, Parnell!" But he also had in him a slight dash of the superstition12 that was so highly developed in Parnell's fatalistic nature, and his smile turned to gravity as he glanced at Parnell's tense expression and listened to my hasty explanation of the fall: "Perhaps the wire was rotten, or the maid had shaken the picture as she passed!" Parnell took the loose end of the wire in both hands and {171} tried to break it. He could not. Willie said: "Mary (the parlourmaid) was the other side of the room, so she could not have shaken it." Parnell said nothing, and we began to speak of other things.
Afterwards I said to him: "You did not really mind about that picture, did you? It was only a rotten wire!" and he answered: "It was an omen13, I think, darling, but for whom? Willie or me?" and when I told him I wished he would not talk such nonsense, and that I did not believe in omens14 or want any falling pictures to be "omens" for either of them, he smiled and said no more.
The immediate10 consequence of the Phoenix15 Park murders was the introduction of a Crimes Bill by Sir William Harcourt on May 11th. Parnell was not approached on the subject. He was given no opportunity of criticizing the proposals and of suggesting any more moderate measure which might have appealed to that great body of Irish Nationalists who viewed the murders with horror. The new Bill went roughshod over Irish opinion, and the conciliatory effect of the Arrears16 Bill, introduced a few days later, was altogether marred17.
The second reading of the latter measure was moved by Mr. Gladstone on May 22nd. In the course of his speech he said: "Eviction18 in the exercise of a legal right may be to the prejudice of your neighbours, may involve the highest reprehension19, may even imply deep moral guilt20. There may be outrages21 which—all things considered, the persons and the facts—may be less guilty in the sight of God than evictions."
The Bill was bitterly opposed by the Tory Party.
I had written to Mr. Gladstone expressing a wish that {172} he should see Mr. Parnell. He wrote in answer from Downing Street on May 25th, 1882, declining to do so in private, though in public he was more than ready to co-operate with Parnell.
I suggested in reply that we should meet and talk the matter over, and it was arranged that he should come to see me at Thomas's Hotel on June 2nd. He arrived punctually at three o'clock. We had a long talk about Parnell and about politics—chiefly, of course, as referring to Ireland. He was extremely agreeable and courteous22, and I remember very well the great charm of manner he possessed23, a charm that struck me afresh at each subsequent meeting. A natural charm and, no doubt, a natural insincerity, but one which is such an immense asset in the career of a great man: that of making others believe—or wish to believe—that they are on the same plane of intellect and diplomacy24 as himself! He was a very great old man, I thought, as his wonderful eagle's eyes showed just sufficient admiration25 in them to savour of homage26 without offence. And I may say here that, with all the perfect courtesy of which, when he chose, he was past master, he knew before the conclusion of our interview, and allowed me to know that he knew, what I desired that he should know—that my personal interest in Parnell was my only interest in Irish politics.
Mr. Gladstone having agreed that it would be of considerable convenience to the Government to be in private and amicable27 communication with Mr. Parnell, and that I, whose interests were inseparable from those of the Irish leader, would be confidently accepted as such intermediary by him, we parted satisfied, I think, on both sides with the afternoon's compact.
After this first interview with Mr. Gladstone I had {173} frequently to see him at Downing Street—taking him drafts, clauses, and various proposed amendments28 (of Bills affecting Ireland) that Parnell proposed, altered, and suggested privately30 to Gladstone before putting them before the House. Parnell, of course, always intent on the betterment of the law as affecting Ireland; Gladstone bargaining for the Irish vote, when without it he would have lost his majority.
Parnell would sometimes write the rough draft of what he wished Gladstone to know, or sometimes write what he had to say in the form of a letter (often dating it from my house!), but occasionally he would do neither, as, on more than one important occasion, he said: "I don't trust that Grand Old Spider farther than I can see him. Sweetheart, learn this by heart, and let it off at him yourself." Then I had to take down in my own handwriting what he wished proposed to Gladstone, and at the subsequent interview "let it off" at him. Very often letters were sufficient, and in this case I almost invariably wrote them, or, if the letter was in Parnell's handwriting addressed to me, under cover of my envelope, I would request its return, and this was done; letters intended for Parnell by Gladstone being invariably addressed to me.
It was by my suggestion Mr. Gladstone opened these private negotiations31 with Mr. Parnell, and I was myself much amused to find that both these great statesmen were of one mind as to the danger of such a trusting of one another as such negotiations necessitated32. When I said to Parnell, "Why not see Gladstone yourself privately, and get what you can from him, in return for the Irish vote?" he at once replied that such a proceeding33 would be fatal to the "cause," and when I said much the same thing to {174} Gladstone at our first interview—which latter was a brilliant inspiration of Parnell's own—he replied that "such a proceeding" would be fatal to his position, but, he added, "it might be advantageous34 to the Irish leader and myself if you, Mrs. O'Shea, would accept the thankless office of go-between, as you suggest. A safe and secret intermediary might well prove to be of the greatest assistance to us both in our efforts for the welfare of the country." I have wondered since which country the G.O.M. had in his mind as he spoke35.
On June 17 and 18, 1882, Gladstone wrote to me. The letter of the 17th was little more than a formal acknowledgment, but in his note of the following day he referred me to something which had passed at our last interview. He had on that occasion directed my attention to the proposal to amend29 certain severe clauses of the Crimes Act.
Meanwhile the Irish were fighting the Crimes Bill inch by inch. It had been read a second time on May 25 after three nights' debate. The most drastic clause, from the legal point of view, was the suspension of the right of trial by jury in all grave cases of agrarian36 crime, which (and the Government would decide when) would be tried by a Court of three judges, in such district as the Attorney-general might decide. Public meetings could be proclaimed and newspapers suppressed. The police were vested with power to search private houses and arrest night wanderers. Finally, and against this the Irish Party especially protested—magistrates were empowered to convict summarily on charges of incitement37, boycotting38, and membership of a secret society.
This was the iron heel with a vengeance39; it took from the Irish the last vestige40 of citizen right. Parnell opposed, {175} yet not violently; the remembrance of the Phoenix Park murders held him back. But the speeches of his followers41 were bitter in the extreme. "What profit," cried Dillon, "can you ever expect from governing a nation which nothing conciliates, and nothing can subdue42?" Of all the fifty Coercion43 Acts passed in the eighty-eight years since the union this was the worst.
The second reading was carried by 383 votes against 45.
Parnell expressed a desire that Gladstone should have his (Parnell's) views distinctly put before him by me—not in writing. This did not suit Gladstone. He had no intention of giving away his hand in regard to the Crimes Bill, and, in the then temper of his own Party and of the Conservatives, was not at all desirous of making any further private concession44 that would certainly place him in a too favourable45 light (as regards this Bill) in the eyes of the Irishmen.
He was determined46 not to see me again with reference to the Crimes Bill, and on June 23 he wrote me to that effect. It was obvious from the tone of his letter that he was annoyed by the continued opposition47 of the Irish Party, which, from his point of view, only served to impede48 the progress of the Arrears Bill.
On one of my visits to Downing Street I told Gladstone of the inner working of the Ladies' Land League, about which he was curious. I mentioned to him the enormous sum these Lady Leaguers had expended49 and the great difficulty Parnell had had in suppressing them. When he heard the sum of their estimated weekly expenditure50 a grim smile flitted over his face. "Very satisfactory," he remarked, "as the ladies have evidently put these large sums beyond the power of—of the Land League's expenditure!"
{176}
Gladstone would not sit still when he talked to me, but liked to pace up and down the long room with me. On my entry he would rise from his desk to greet me and, solemnly handing me a chair, would walk down the room to the door at the end, which was always open when I entered, close it firmly and, pacing back to the door of my entry, push it. These preparations always made me smile—a smile in which he joined as, coming up to me and offering me his arm, he said: "Do you mind walking up and down the room, I talk better so." So we paced up and down while I voiced Parnell's instructions and listened to the G.O.M.'s views, intentions, and tentative suggestions, always on my part keeping to "It is considered that, etc.," in giving Parnell's point, and always receiving "your friend should, etc.," or "I am prepared to concede to your friend, etc., in return."
He was so careful in this regard that one day I said: "What is it you shut up in that room, Mr. Gladstone, when I come to see you?"
"Persons, or a person, you do not come to see, Mrs. O'Shea. Only a secretary or so, and occasionally, in these times of foolish panic, detectives. No," in answer to my look of inquiry51, "no one can overhear a word we say when we pace up and down like this, and, as you do not mind it, it refreshes me."
Always as I stood face to face with this Grand Old Man on leaving, and looked into his slate-coloured eyes, so like those of an eagle, I experienced a sudden uneasy feeling, in spite of his gracious courtesy, of how like to a beautiful bird of prey52 this old man was: with the piercing, cruel eyes belying53 the tender, courteous smile, and how, relentless54 as an eagle, men like this had struck and torn their victims. But to me, personally, he always showed {177} the marvellous charm of manner which sent me away feeling that I was at least a compelling force in the great game of politics and worthy55 of the place I held.
The political history of this time has been written many times, and from various points of view, and in this book I do not propose to repeat it, but only to record such point or detail as at the time affected56 my King in his home life.
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1
rigidity
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| adj.钢性，坚硬 | |
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ashen
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| adj.灰的 | |
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bruised
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| [医]青肿的，瘀紫的 | |
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depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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stonily
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| 石头地，冷酷地 | |
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flare
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| v.闪耀，闪烁；n.潮红；突发 | |
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consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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knuckles
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| n.（指人）指关节( knuckle的名词复数 )；（指动物）膝关节，踝v.（指人）指关节( knuckle的第三人称单数 )；（指动物）膝关节，踝 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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phoenix
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| n.凤凰，长生(不死)鸟；引申为重生 | |
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arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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marred
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| adj. 被损毁, 污损的 | |
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eviction
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| n.租地等的收回 | |
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reprehension
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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amendments
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| （法律、文件的）改动( amendment的名词复数 )； 修正案； 修改； （美国宪法的）修正案 | |
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amend
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| vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿 | |
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privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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agrarian
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| adj.土地的，农村的，农业的 | |
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incitement
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| 激励； 刺激； 煽动； 激励物 | |
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boycotting
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| 抵制，拒绝参加( boycott的现在分词 ) | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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vestige
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| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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51
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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52
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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53
belying
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| v.掩饰，与…不符，使…失望；掩饰( belie的现在分词 )；证明（或显示）…为虚假；辜负；就…扯谎 | |
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relentless
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| adj.残酷的，不留情的，无怜悯心的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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