They talk here of our Holy Office as a disgrace to the Spanish nation, when their own government is ten times more inquisitorial, for the paltry2 purposes of revenue. Shortly after his last return from Spain, J— stept into a hosier’s to buy a pair of gloves; the day was warm, and he laid his hat upon the counter: a well-drest man came in after him for the same ostensible3 purpose, either learnt his name by enquiry, or followed him till he had discovered it, and the next day my friend was summoned before a magistrate4 to answer 174a charge for wearing his hat without a stamp. It was in vain he pleaded that the hat had been purchased abroad; he had been in England more than six weeks, and had not bought a stamp to put into it, and therefore was fined in the full penalty.
This species of espionage5 has within these few years become a regular trade; the laws are in some instances so perplexed6, and in others so vexatious, that matter for prosecution7 is never wanting, and many of these familiars of the Tax Office are amassing8 fortunes by this infamous9 business. The most lucrative10 method of practice is as follows: A fellow surcharges half the people in the district; that is, he informs the tax-commissioners11, that such persons have given in a false account of their window’s, dogs, horses, carriages, &c. an offence for which the tax is trebled, and half the surplus given to the informer. A day of appeal, however, is allowed for those who think they can justify12 themselves; but so many have been aggrieved13, 175that when they appear together before the commissioners, there is not time to hear one in ten. Some of these persons live two, four, or six, leagues from the place of appeal: they go there a second, and perhaps a third time in the hope of redress14; the informer takes care, by new surcharges, to keep up the crowd, and the injured persons find it at last less burthensome to pay the unjust fine, than to be repeatedly at the trouble and expense of seeking justice in vain.
There is nothing, however dishonourable or villanous, to which these wretches15 will not stoop. One of them, on his first settling in the province which he had chosen for the scene of his campaigns, was invited to dinner by a neighbouring gentleman, before his character was known; the next day he surcharged his host for another servant, because one of the men employed about his grounds had assisted in waiting at dinner. Another happening to lame16 his horse, borrowed one of a farmer 176to ride home: the farmer told him it was but an uneasy-going beast, as he was kept wholly for the cart, but rather than that the gentleman should be distressed17 he would put the saddle on him;—he was surcharged the next day for keeping a saddle-horse, as his reward. Can there be a more convincing proof of the excellent police of England, and, what is still better, of the admirable effect of well-executed laws upon the people, than that such pests of society as these walk abroad among the very people whom they oppress and insult, with perfect safety both by day and by night!
Government do not seem to be aware that when they offer premiums18 for treachery, they are corrupting19 the morals of the people, and thereby20 weakening their own security. There is reason sufficient for pardoning a criminal, who confesses his own guilt21, and impeaches22 his accomplice23; the course of law could not go on without it, and such men are already infamous. 177But no such plea can be alleged24 in this case: it is a miserable25 excuse for encouraging informers, to say, that the taxes are so clumsily laid on, that they can easily be eluded26. A far worse instance of this pernicious practice occurs in the system of pressing men for the navy, which the English confess to be the opprobrium28 of their country, while they regret it as inevitable29. In the proclamation issued upon these occasions, a reward is regularly offered to all persons who will give information where a sailor has hidden himself.
The whole system of England, from highest to lowest, is, and has been, one series of antagonisms30; struggle—struggle—in every thing. Check and countercheck is the principle of their constitution, which is the result of centuries of contention31 between the Crown and the People. The struggle between the Clergy32 and the Lawyers unfettered their lands from feudal33 tenures. Their church is a half-and-half mixture of Catholicism and Puritanism. 178These contests being over, it is now a trial between the Government and the Subject, how the one can lay on taxes, and how the other can elude27 them.
This spirit of contradiction is the character of the nation. They love to be at war, but do not love to pay for their amusement; and now, that they are at peace, they begin to complain that the newspapers are not worth reading, and rail at the French as if they really wished to begin again. There is not a people upon the earth who have a truer love for their Royal Family than the English, yet they caricature them in the most open and insolent34 manner. They boast of the freedom of the press, yet as surely and systematically35 punish the author who publishes any thing obnoxious36, and the bookseller who sells it, as we in our country should prevent the publication. They cry out against intolerance, and burn down the houses of those whom they regard as heretics. They love liberty; go to war with their neighbours, 179because they chose to become republicans, and insist upon the right of enslaving the negroes. They hate the French and ape all their fashions, ridicule37 their neologisms and then naturalize them, laugh at their inventions and then adopt them, cry out against their political measures and then imitate them; the levy38 in mass, the telegraph, and the income-tax are all from France. And the common people, not to be behind-hand with their betters in absurdity39, boast as heartily40 of the roast beef of Old England, as if they were not obliged to be content themselves with bread and potatoes. Well may punch be the favourite liquor of the English,—it is a truly emblematic41 compound of contrarieties.
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1 rascality | |
流氓性,流氓集团 | |
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2 paltry | |
adj.无价值的,微不足道的 | |
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3 ostensible | |
adj.(指理由)表面的,假装的 | |
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4 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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5 espionage | |
n.间谍行为,谍报活动 | |
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6 perplexed | |
adj.不知所措的 | |
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7 prosecution | |
n.起诉,告发,检举,执行,经营 | |
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8 amassing | |
v.积累,积聚( amass的现在分词 ) | |
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9 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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10 lucrative | |
adj.赚钱的,可获利的 | |
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11 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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12 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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13 aggrieved | |
adj.愤愤不平的,受委屈的;悲痛的;(在合法权利方面)受侵害的v.令委屈,令苦恼,侵害( aggrieve的过去式);令委屈,令苦恼,侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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14 redress | |
n.赔偿,救济,矫正;v.纠正,匡正,革除 | |
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15 wretches | |
n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 );可怜的人;恶棍;坏蛋 | |
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16 lame | |
adj.跛的,(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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17 distressed | |
痛苦的 | |
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18 premiums | |
n.费用( premium的名词复数 );保险费;额外费用;(商品定价、贷款利息等以外的)加价 | |
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19 corrupting | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的现在分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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20 thereby | |
adv.因此,从而 | |
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21 guilt | |
n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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22 impeaches | |
v.控告(某人)犯罪( impeach的第三人称单数 );弹劾;对(某事物)怀疑;提出异议 | |
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23 accomplice | |
n.从犯,帮凶,同谋 | |
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24 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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25 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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26 eluded | |
v.(尤指机敏地)避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 );逃避;躲避;使达不到 | |
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27 elude | |
v.躲避,困惑 | |
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28 opprobrium | |
n.耻辱,责难 | |
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29 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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30 antagonisms | |
对抗,敌对( antagonism的名词复数 ) | |
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31 contention | |
n.争论,争辩,论战;论点,主张 | |
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32 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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33 feudal | |
adj.封建的,封地的,领地的 | |
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34 insolent | |
adj.傲慢的,无理的 | |
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35 systematically | |
adv.有系统地 | |
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36 obnoxious | |
adj.极恼人的,讨人厌的,可憎的 | |
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37 ridicule | |
v.讥讽,挖苦;n.嘲弄 | |
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38 levy | |
n.征收税或其他款项,征收额 | |
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39 absurdity | |
n.荒谬,愚蠢;谬论 | |
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40 heartily | |
adv.衷心地,诚恳地,十分,很 | |
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41 emblematic | |
adj.象征的,可当标志的;象征性 | |
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