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as they were enthusiastic, sketchy and, it must be confessed, fluctuating. One needs to turn back to the files of its every-day publications to realize the progress that has been made, the secular11 emergence12 of a consistent and continually more nearly complete and directive scheme of social reconstruction13 from the chaotic14 propositions and hopes and denials of the earlier time. In no direction is this more evident than in the steady clearing of the Socialistic attitude towards marriage and the family; in the disentanglement of Socialism from much idealist and irrelevant15 matter with which it was once closely associated and encumbered16, in the orderly incorporation17 of conceptions that at one time seemed not only outside of, but hostile to, Socialist ways of thinking....
Nothing could have brought out this more clearly than the comical attempt made recently by the Daily Express to suggest that Mr. Keir Hardie and the party he leads was mysteriously involved with my unfortunate self in teaching Free Love to respectable
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working men. When my heat and indignation had presently a little subsided18, I found myself asking how it came about, that any one could bring together such discrepant19 things as the orderly proposals of Socialism as they shape themselves in the projects of Mr. Keir Hardie, let us say, and the doctrine of sexual go-as-you-please. And so inquiring, my mind drifted back to the days—it is a hazy20 period to me—when Godwin and Mary Wollstonecraft were alive, when Shelley explained his views to Harriet. These people were in a sort of way Socialists; Palaeo-Socialists. They professed21 also very distinctly that uncovenanted freedom of action in sexual matters which is, I suppose, Free Love. Indeed, so near are we to these old confusions that there is still, I find, one Palaeo-Socialist surviving—Mr. Belfort Bax. In that large undifferentiated past, all sorts of ideas, as yet too ill defined to eliminate one another, socialist ideas, communist ideas, anarchist22 ideas, Rousseauism, seethed23 together and seemed akin24. In a sense they were akin
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in that they were the condemnation25 of the existing order, the outcome of the destructive criticism of this of its aspects or that. They were all breccia. But in all else, directly they began to find definite statement, they were flatly contradictory26 one with another. Or at least they stood upon different levels of assumption and application.
The formulæ of Anarchism and Socialism are, no doubt, almost diametrically opposed; Anarchism denies government, Socialism would concentrate all controls in the State, yet it is after all possible in different relations and different aspects to entertain the two. When one comes to dreams, when one tries to imagine one’s finest sort of people, one must surely imagine them too fine for control and prohibitions27, doing right by a sort of inner impulse, “above the Law.” One’s dreamland perfection is Anarchy—just as no one would imagine a policeman (or for the matter of that a drain-pipe) in Heaven. But come down to earth, to men the descendants of apes, to men competing to live,
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and passionately28 jealous and energetic, and for the highways and market-places of life at any rate, one asks for law and convention. In Heaven or any Perfection there will be no Socialism, just as there will be no Bimetallism; there is the sphere of communism, anarchism, universal love and universal service. It is in the workaday world of limited and egotistical souls that Socialism has its place. All men who dream at all of noble things are Anarchists29 in their dreams, and half at least of the people who are much in love, I suppose, want to be this much Anarchistic30 that they do not want to feel under a law or compulsion one with another. They may want to possess, they may want to be wholly possessed31, but they do not want a law court or public opinion to protect that possession as a “right.”
But it’s still not clearly recognized how distinct are the spheres of Anarchism and Socialism. The last instance of this confusion that has seriously affected32 the common idea of the Socialist was as recent as the late Mr. Grant Allen. He was not, I think, even
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in his time a very representative Socialist, but certainly he did present, as if it were a counsel of perfection for this harsh and grimy world, something very like reckless abandonment to the passion or mood of the moment. I doubt if he would have found a dozen supporters in the Fabian Society in his own time. I should think his teaching would have appealed far more powerfully to extreme individualists of the type of Mr. Auberon Herbert. However that may be, I do not think there is at present among English and American Socialists any representative figure at all counselling Free Love. The modern tendency is all towards an amount of control over the function of reproduction, if anything, in excess of that exercised by the State and public usage to-day. Let me make a brief comparison of existing conditions with what I believe to be the ideals of most of my fellow Socialists in this matter, and the reader can then judge for himself between the two systems of intervention33.
And first let me run over the outline of the
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thing we are most likely to forget and have wrong in such a discussion, the thing directly under our noses, the thing that is. People have an odd way of assuming in such a comparison that we are living under an obligation to conform to the moral code of the Christian34 church at the present time. As a matter of fact we are living in an epoch35 of extraordinary freedom in sexual matters, mitigated36 only by certain economic imperatives37. Anti-socialist writers have a way of pretending that Socialists want to make Free Love possible, while in reality Free Love is open to any solvent38 person to-day. People who do not want to marry are as free as air to come together and part again as they choose, there is no law to prevent them, the State takes it out of their children with a certain mild malignancy—that is all. Married people are equally free, saving certain limited proprietary39 claims upon one another, claims that can always be met by the payment of damages. The restraints are purely40 restraints of opinion, that would be as powerful tomorrow
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if legal marriage was altogether abolished. There was a time, no doubt, when there were actual legal punishments for unchastity in women, but that time has gone, it might seem, for ever. Our State retains only, from an age that held mercantile methods in less honour, a certain habit of persecuting41 women who sell themselves by retail42 for money, but this is done in the name of public order and not on account of the act. Such a woman must exact cash payments, she cannot recover debts, she is placed at a ridiculous disadvantage towards her landlord (which makes accommodating her peculiarly lucrative), and she is exposed to various inconveniences of street regulation and status that must ultimately corrupt43 any police force in the world—for all that she seems to continue in the land with a certain air of prosperity. Beyond that our control between man and woman is nil44. Our society to-day has in fact no complete system of sexual morals at all. It has the remains45 of a system.
It has the remains of a monogamic patriarchal
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system, in which a responsible man owned nearly absolutely wife and offspring. All its laws and sentiments alike are derived46 from the reduction and qualification of that.
These are not the pretensions47 indeed of the present system such as it is, but they are the facts. And even the present disorder48, one gathers, is unstable49. One hears on every hand of its further decadence50. From Father Vaughan to President Roosevelt, and volleying from the whole bench of bishops51, comes the witness to that. Not only the old breaches52 grow wider and more frequent, but in the very penetralia of the family the decay goes on. The birth-rate falls—and falls. The family fails more and more in its essential object. This is a process absolutely independent of any Socialist propaganda; it is part of the normal development of the existing social and economic system. It makes for sterilization53, for furtive54 wantonness and dishonour55. The existing system produces no remedies at all. Prominent people break out ever and again into vehement56 scoldings
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of this phenomenon; the newspapers and magazines re-echo “Race Suicide,” but there is no sign whatever in the statistical57 curves of the smallest decimal per cent. of response to these exhortations58.
Our existing sexual order is a system in decay. What are the alternatives to its steady process of collapse59? That is the question we have to ask ourselves. To heap foul60 abuse, as many quite honest but terror-stricken people seem disposed to do, on any one who attempts to discuss any alternative, is simply to accelerate this process. To me it seems there are three main directions along which things may go in the future, and between which rational men have to choose.
The first is to regard the present process as inevitable61 and moving towards the elimination62 of weak and gentle types, to clear one’s mind of the prejudices of one’s time, and to contemplate63 a disintegration64 of all the realities of the family into an epoch of Free Love, mitigated by mercantile necessities and a few
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transparent65 hypocrisies66. Rich men will be free to live lives of irresponsible polygamy; poor men will do what they can; women’s life will be adventurous67, the population will decline in numbers and perhaps in quality. (To guard against that mischievous68 quoter who lies in wait for all Socialist writers, let me say at once that this state of affairs is anti-socialist, is, I believe, socially destructive, and does not commend itself to me at all.)
The second direction is towards reaction, an attempt to return to the simple old conceptions of our past, to the patriarchal family, that is to say, of the middle ages. This I take to be the conception of such a Liberal as Mr. G. K. Chesterton, or such a Conservative as Lord Hugh Cecil, and to be also as much idea as one can find underlying69 most tirades70 against modern morals. The rights of the parent will be insisted on and restored, and the parent means pretty distinctly the father. Subject to the influence of a powerful and well-organized Church, a rejuvenescent Church, he is to resume that control over
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wife and children of which the modern State has partially71 deprived him. The development of secular education is to be arrested, particular stress is to be laid upon the wickedness of any intervention with natural reproductive processes, the spread of knowledge in certain directions is to be made criminal, and early marriages are to be encouraged.... I do not by any means regard this as an impossible programme; I believe that in many directions it is quite a practicable one; it is in harmony with great masses of feeling in the country, and with many natural instincts. It would not of course affect the educated wealthy and leisurely72 upper class in the community, who would be able and intelligent enough to impose their own private glosses73 upon its teaching, but it would “moralize” the general population, and reduce them to a state of prolific74 squalor. Its realization75 would be, I believe, almost inevitably76 accompanied by a decline in sanitation77, and a correlated rise in birth-rate and death-rate, for life would be cheap, and drainpipes and
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antiseptics dear, and it is quite conceivable that after some stresses, a very nearly stable social equilibrium78 would be attained79. After all it is this simple sort of life, without drains and without education, with child labour (in the open air for the most part until the eighteenth century—though that is a detail) and a consequent straightforward80 desire for remunerative81 children that has been the normal life of humanity for many thousands of years. We might not succeed in getting back to a landed peasantry, we might find large masses of the population would hang up obstinately82 in industrial towns—towns that in their simple naturalness of congestion83 might come to resemble the Chinese pattern pretty closely; but I have no doubt we could move far in that direction with very little difficulty indeed.
The third direction is towards the developing conceptions of Socialism. And it must be confessed at once that these, as they emerge steadily84 and methodically from mere85 generalities and confusions, do present themselves as being in many aspects, novel and
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untried. They are as untested, and in many respects as alarming, as steam traction86 or iron shipping87 were in 1830. They display, clearly and unambiguously, principles already timidly admitted in practice and sentiment to-day, but as yet admitted only confusedly and amidst a cloud of contradictions. Essentially88 the Socialist position is a denial of property in human beings; not only must land and the means of production be liberated89 from the multitude of little monarchs90 among whom they are distributed, to the general injury and inconvenience, but women and children, just as much as men and things, must cease to be owned. Socialism indeed proposes to abolish altogether the patriarchal family amidst whose disintegrating91 ruins we live, and to raise women to an equal citizenship92 with men. It proposes to give a man no more property in a woman than a woman has in a man. To stupid people who cannot see the difference between a woman and a thing, the abolition93 of the private ownership of women takes the form of having “wives in
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common,” and suggests the Corroboree. It is obviously nothing of the sort. It is the recognition in theory of what in many classes is already the fact,—the practical equality of men and women in a civilized94 state. It is quite compatible with a marriage contract of far greater stringency95 than that recognized throughout Christendom to-day.
Now what sort of contract will the Socialist state require for marriage? Here again there are perfectly96 clear and simple principles. Socialism states definitely what almost everybody recognizes nowadays with greater or less clearness, and that is the concern of the State for children. The children people bring into the world can be no more their private concern entirely97, than the disease germs they disseminate98 or the noises a man makes in a thin-floored flat. Socialism says boldly the State is the Over-Parent, the Outer-Parent. People rear children for the State and the future; if they do that well, they do the whole world a service, and deserve payment just as much as if they built a bridge
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or raised a crop of wheat; if they do it unpropitiously and ill, they have done the world an injury. Socialism denies altogether the right of any one to beget99 children carelessly and promiscuously100, and for the prevention of disease and evil births alike the Socialist is prepared for an insistence101 upon intelligence and self-restraint quite beyond the current practice. At present we deal with all that sort of thing as an infringement102 of private proprietary rights; the Socialist holds it is the world that is injured.
It follows that motherhood, which we still in a muddle-headed way seem to regard as partly self-indulgence and partly a service paid to a man by a woman, is regarded by the Socialists as a benefit to society, a public duty done. It may be in many cases a duty full of pride and happiness—that is beside the mark. The State will pay for children born legitimately103 in the marriage it will sanction. A woman with healthy and successful offspring will draw a wage for each one of them from the State, so long as they go on well. It will be her wage. Under the State she will control
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her child’s upbringing. How far her husband will share in the power of direction is a matter of detail upon which opinion may vary—and does vary widely among Socialists. I suppose for the most part they incline to the conception of a joint104 control. So the monstrous105 injustice7 of the present time which makes a mother dependent upon the economic accidents of her man, which plunges106 the best of wives and the most admirable of children into abject107 poverty if he happens to die, which visits his sins of waste and carelessness upon them far more than upon himself, will disappear. So too the still more monstrous absurdity108 of women discharging their supreme109 social function, bearing and rearing children in their spare time, as it were, while they “earn their living” by contributing some half mechanical element to some trivial industrial product, will disappear.
That is the gist110 of the Socialist attitude towards marriage; the repudiation of private ownership of women and children, and the payment of mothers. Partially but already very extensively, socialistic ideas have spread
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through the whole body of our community; they are the saving element in what would otherwise be a moral catastrophe111 now, and the Socialist simply puts with precise definition the conclusions to which all but foolish, ignorant, base or careless people are moving—albeit some are moving thither112 with averted113 faces. Already we have the large, still incomplete edifice114 of free education, and a great mass of legislation against child labour; we have free baths, free playgrounds, free libraries,—more and more people are coming to admit the social necessity of saving our children from the private enterprise of the milkman who does not sterilize115 his cans, from the private enterprise of the schoolmaster who cannot teach, from the private enterprise of the employer who takes them on at small wages at thirteen or fourteen to turn them back on our hands as ignorant hooligans and social wastrels116 at eighteen or twenty.... But the straightforward payment to the mother still remains to be brought within the sphere of practical application. To that we shall come.
Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London
The End
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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synthetic
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| adj.合成的，人工的；综合的；n.人工制品 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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injustices
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| 不公平( injustice的名词复数 )； 非正义； 待…不公正； 冤枉 | |
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repudiation
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| n.拒绝；否认；断绝关系；抛弃 | |
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sketchy
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| adj.写生的，写生风格的，概略的 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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emergence
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| n.浮现，显现，出现，（植物）突出体 | |
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reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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chaotic
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| adj.混沌的，一片混乱的，一团糟的 | |
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irrelevant
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| adj.不恰当的，无关系的，不相干的 | |
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encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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incorporation
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| n.设立，合并，法人组织 | |
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subsided
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| v.（土地）下陷（因在地下采矿）( subside的过去式和过去分词 )；减弱；下降至较低或正常水平；一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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discrepant
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| 差异的 | |
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hazy
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| adj.有薄雾的，朦胧的；不肯定的，模糊的 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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anarchist
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| n.无政府主义者 | |
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seethed
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| （液体）沸腾( seethe的过去式和过去分词 )； 激动，大怒； 强压怒火； 生闷气(~with sth|~ at sth) | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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prohibitions
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| 禁令，禁律( prohibition的名词复数 )； 禁酒； 禁例 | |
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passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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anarchists
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| 无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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anarchistic
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| 无政府主义的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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imperatives
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| n.必要的事( imperative的名词复数 )；祈使语气；必须履行的责任 | |
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solvent
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proprietary
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| n.所有权，所有的；独占的；业主 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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retail
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| v./n.零售；adv.以零售价格 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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nil
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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decadence
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| n.衰落，颓废 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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breaches
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| 破坏( breach的名词复数 )； 破裂； 缺口； 违背 | |
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sterilization
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| n.杀菌，绝育；灭菌 | |
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furtive
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| adj.鬼鬼崇崇的，偷偷摸摸的 | |
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dishonour
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| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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statistical
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| adj.统计的，统计学的 | |
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exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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elimination
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| n.排除，消除，消灭 | |
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contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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disintegration
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| n.分散，解体 | |
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transparent
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| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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hypocrisies
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| n.伪善，虚伪( hypocrisy的名词复数 ) | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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underlying
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| adj.在下面的，含蓄的，潜在的 | |
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70
tirades
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| 激烈的长篇指责或演说( tirade的名词复数 ) | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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leisurely
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| adj.悠闲的；从容的，慢慢的 | |
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73
glosses
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| n.（页末或书后的）注释( gloss的名词复数 )；（表面的）光滑；虚假的外表；用以产生光泽的物质v.注解( gloss的第三人称单数 )；掩饰（错误）；粉饰；把…搪塞过去 | |
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prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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sanitation
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| n.公共卫生，环境卫生，卫生设备 | |
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equilibrium
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| n.平衡，均衡，相称，均势，平静 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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straightforward
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| adj.正直的，坦率的；易懂的，简单的 | |
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remunerative
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| adj.有报酬的 | |
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obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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congestion
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| n.阻塞，消化不良 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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traction
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| n.牵引；附着摩擦力 | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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disintegrating
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| v.（使）破裂[分裂，粉碎]，（使）崩溃( disintegrate的现在分词 ) | |
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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stringency
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| n.严格，紧迫，说服力；严格性；强度 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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98
disseminate
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| v.散布；传播 | |
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beget
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| v.引起；产生 | |
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promiscuously
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| adv.杂乱地，混杂地 | |
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101
insistence
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| n.坚持；强调；坚决主张 | |
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102
infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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103
legitimately
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| ad.合法地；正当地，合理地 | |
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104
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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106
plunges
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| n.跳进，投入vt.使投入，使插入，使陷入vi.投入，跳进，陷入v.颠簸( plunge的第三人称单数 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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108
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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110
gist
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| n.要旨；梗概 | |
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111
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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112
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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113
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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114
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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115
sterilize
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| vt.使不结果实；使绝育；使无效；杀菌，消毒 | |
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116
wastrels
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| n.无用的人，废物( wastrel的名词复数 )；浪子 | |
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